Chapter X: From the Mongol Invasion to the Present Day (3)

[389] Wellhausen, _Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam_ (_Abhandlungen der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen_, _Phil.-Hist. Klasse_, 1901), p. 8 sqq. The writer argues against Brünnow that the oldest Khárijites were not true Bedouins (_A‘rábí_), and were, in fact, even further removed than the rest of the military colonists of Kúfa and Baṣra from their Bedouin traditions. He points out that the extreme piety of the Readers--their constant prayers, vigils, and repetitions of the Koran--exactly agrees with what is related of the Khárijites, and is described in similar language. Moreover, among the oldest Khárijites we find mention made of a company clad in long cloaks (_baránis_, pl. of _burnus_), which were at that time a special mark of asceticism. Finally, the earliest authority (Abú Mikhnaf in Ṭabarí, i, 3330, l. 6 sqq.) regards the Khárijites as an offshoot from the Readers, and names individual Readers who afterwards became rabid Khárijites.

[390] Later, when many non-Arab Moslems joined the Khárijite ranks the field of choice was extended so as to include foreigners and even slaves.

[391] Ṭabarí, ii, 40, 13 sqq.

[392] Shahrastání, ed. by Cureton, Part I, p. 88. l. 12.

[393] _Ibid._, p. 86, l. 3 from foot.

[394] Ṭabarí, ii, 36, ll. 7, 8, 11-16.

[395] _Ḥamása_, 44.

[396] Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 555, p. 55, l. 4 seq.; De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 523.

[397] Dozy, _Essai sur l'histoire de l'Islamisme_ (French translation by Victor Chauvin), p. 219 sqq.

[398] Wellhausen thinks that the dogmatics of the Shí‘ites are derived from Jewish rather than from Persian sources. See his account of the Saba’ites in his most instructive paper, to which I have already referred, _Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam_ (_Abh. der König. Ges. der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen_, _Phil.-Hist. Klasse_, 1901), p. 89 sqq.

[399] Ṭabarí, i, 2942, 2.

[400] "_Verily, He who hath ordained the Koran for thee_ (_i.e._, for Muḥammad) _will bring thee back to a place of return_" (_i.e._, to Mecca). The ambiguity of the word meaning 'place of return' (_ma‘ád_) gave some colour to Ibn Sabá's contention that it alluded to the return of Muḥammad at the end of the world. The descent of Jesus on earth is reckoned by Moslems among the greater signs which will precede the Resurrection.

[401] This is a Jewish idea. ‘Alí stands in the same relation to Muḥammad as Aaron to Moses.

[402] Ṭabarí, _loc. cit._

[403] Shahrastání, ed. by Cureton, p. 132, l. 15.

[404] _Aghání_, viii, 32, l. 17 sqq. The three sons of ‘Alí are Ḥasan, Ḥusayn, and Muḥammad Ibnu ’l-Ḥanafiyya.

[405] Concerning the origin of these sects see Professor Browne's _Lit. Hist. of Persia_, vol. i, p. 295 seq.

[406] See Darmesteter's interesting essay, _Le Mahdi depuis les origines de l'Islam jusqu'à nos jours_ (Paris, 1885). The subject is treated more scientifically by Snouck Hurgronje in his paper _Der Mahdi_, reprinted from the _Revue coloniale internationale_ (1886).

[407] _Ṣiddíq_ means 'veracious.' Professor Bevan remarks that in this root the notion of 'veracity' easily passes into that of 'endurance,' 'fortitude.'

[408] Ṭabarí, ii, 546. These 'Penitents' were free Arabs of Kúfa, a fact which, as Wellhausen has noticed, would seem to indicate that the _ta‘ziya_ is Semitic in origin.

[409] Wellhausen, _Die religiös-politischen Oppositionsparteien_, p. 79.

[410] Ṭabarí, ii, 650, l. 7 sqq.

[411] Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's translation, Part I, p. 169.

[412] Von Kremer, _Culturgeschicht_. _Streifzüge_, p. 2 sqq.

[413] The best account of the early Murjites that has hitherto appeared is contained in a paper by Van Vloten, entitled _Irdjâ_ (_Z.D.M.G._, vol. 45, p. 161 sqq.). The reader may also consult Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's trans., Part I, p. 156 sqq.; Goldziher, _Muhammedanische Studien_, Part II, p. 89 sqq.; Van Vloten, _La domination Arabe_, p. 31 seq.

[414] Van Vloten thinks that in the name 'Murjite' (_murji’_) there is an allusion to Koran, ix, 107: "_And others are remanded (murjawna) until God shall decree; whether He shall punish them or take pity on them--for God is knowing and wise._"

[415] _Cf._ the poem of Thábit Quṭna (_Z.D.M.G._, _loc. cit._, p. 162), which states the whole Murjite doctrine in popular form. The author, who was himself a Murjite, lived in Khurásán during the latter half of the first century A.H.

[416] Van Vloten, _La domination Arabe_, p. 29 sqq.

[417] Ibn Ḥazm, cited in _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 45, p. 169, n. 7. Jahm († about 747 A.D.) was a Persian, as might be inferred from the boldness of his speculations.

[418] Ḥasan himself inclined for a time to the doctrine of free-will, but afterwards gave it up (Ibn Qutayba, _Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif_, p. 225). He is said to have held that everything happens by fate, except sin (_Al-Mu‘tazilah_, ed. by T. W. Arnold, p. 12, l. 3 from foot). See, however, Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's trans., Part I, p. 46.

[419] Koran, lxxiv, 41.

[420] _Ibid._, xli, 46.

[421] _Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif_, p. 301. Those who held the doctrine of free-will were called the Qadarites (_al-Qadariyya_), from _qadar_ (power), which may denote (1) the power of God to determine human actions, and (2) the power of man to determine his own actions. Their opponents asserted that men act under compulsion (_jabr_); hence they were called the Jabarites (_al-Jabariyya_).

[422] As regards Ghaylán see _Al-Mu‘tazilah_, ed. by T. W. Arnold, p. 15, l. 16 sqq.

[423] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 642; Shahrastání, trans. by Haarbrücker, Part I, p. 44.

[424] Sha‘rání, _Lawáqihu ’l-Anwár_ (Cairo, 1299 A.H.), p. 31.

[425] _Ibid._

[426] See Von Kremer, _Herrschende Ideen_, p. 52 sqq.; Goldziher, _Materialien zur Entwickelungsgesch. des Súfismus_ (_Vienna Oriental Journal_, vol. 13, p. 35 sqq.).

[427] Sha‘rání, _Lawáqiḥ_, p. 38.

[428] Qushayrí's _Risála_ (1287 A.H.), p. 77, l. 10.

[429] _Tadhkiratu ’l-Awliyá_ of Farídu’ddín ‘Aṭṭár, Part I, p. 37, l. 8 of my edition.

[430] _Kámil_ (ed. by Wright), p. 57, l. 16.

[431] The point of this metaphor lies in the fact that Arab horses were put on short commons during the period of training, which usually began forty days before the race.

[432] _Kámil_, p. 57, last line.

[433] _Kámil_, p. 58, l. 14.

[434] _Ibid._, p. 67, l. 9.

[435] _Ibid._, p. 91, l. 14.

[436] _Ibid._, p. 120, l. 4.

[437] Qushayrí's _Risála_, p. 63, last line.

[438] It is noteworthy that Qushayrí († 1073 A.D.), one of the oldest authorities on Ṣúfiism, does not include Ḥasan among the Ṣúfí Shaykhs whose biographies are given in the _Risála_ (pp. 8-35), and hardly mentions him above half a dozen times in the course of his work. The sayings of Ḥasan which he cites are of the same character as those preserved in the _Kámil_.

[439] See Nöldeke's article, _'Ṣūfī_,' in _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 48, p. 45.

[440] An allusion to _safá_ occurs in thirteen out of the seventy definitions of Ṣúfí and Ṣúfiism (_Taṣawwuf_) which are contained in the _Tadhkiratu ’l-Awliyá_, or 'Memoirs of the Saints,' of the well-known Persian mystic, Farídu’ddín ‘Aṭṭár († _circa_ 1230 A.D.), whereas _ṣúf_ is mentioned only twice.

[441] Said by Bishr al-Ḥáfí (the bare-footed), who died in 841-842 A.D.

[442] Said by Junayd of Baghdád († 909-910 A.D.), one of the most celebrated Ṣúfí Shaykhs.

[443] Ibn Khaldún's _Muqaddima_ (Beyrout, 1900), p. 467 = vol. iii, p. 85 seq. of the French translation by De Slane. The same things are said at greater length by Suhrawardí in his _‘Awárifu ’l-Ma‘árif_ (printed on the margin of Ghazálí's _Iḥyá_, Cairo, 1289 A.H.), vol. i, p. 172 _et seqq._ _Cf._ also the passage from Qushayrí translated by Professor E. G. Browne on pp. 297-298 of vol. i. of his _Literary History of Persia_.

[444] Suhrawardí, _loc. cit._, p. 136 seq.

[445] _Loc. cit._, p. 145.

[446] _I.e._, he yields himself unreservedly to the spiritual 'states' (_aḥwál_) which pass over him, according as God wills.

[447] Possibly Ibráhím was one of the _Shikaftiyya_ or 'Cave-dwellers' of Khurásán (_shikaft_ means 'cave' in Persian), whom the people of Syria called _al-Jú‘íyya_, _i.e._, 'the Fasters.' See Suhrawardí, _loc. cit._, p. 171.

[448] Ghazálí, _Iḥyá_ (Cairo, 1289 A.H.), vol. iv, p. 298.

[449] Brockelmann, _Gesch. d. Arab. Litteratur_, vol. i, p. 45.

[450] _E.g._, Ma‘bad, Gharíḍ, Ibn Surayj, Ṭuways, and Ibn ‘Á’isha.

[451] _Kámil_ of Mubarrad, p. 570 sqq.

[452] _Aghání_, i, 43, l. 15 sqq.; Nöldeke's _Delectus_, p. 17, last line and foll.

[453] Nöldeke's _Delectus_, p. 9, l. 11 sqq., omitting l. 13.

[454] An edition of the _Naqá’iḍ_ by Professor A. A. Bevan has been published at Leyden.

[455] _Aghání_, vii, 55, l. 12 sqq.

[456] _Aghání_, vii, 182, l. 23 sqq.

[457] _Ibid._, vii, 183, l. 6 sqq.

[458] _Ibid._, p. 178, l. 1 seq.

[459] _Ibid._, xiii, 148, l. 23.

[460] _Encomium Omayadarum_, ed. by Houtsma (Leyden, 1878).

[461] _Aghání_, vii, 172, l. 27 sqq.

[462] _Ibid._, p. 179, l. 25 sqq.

[463] _Ibid._, p. 178, l. 26 seq.

[464] _Aghání_, xix, 34, l. 18.

[465] _Kámil_ of Mubarrad, p. 70, l. 17 sqq.

[466] Al-Kusa‘í broke an excellent bow which he had made for himself. See _The Assemblies of Ḥarírí_, trans. by Chenery, p. 351. Professor Bevan remarks that this half-verse is an almost verbal citation from a verse ascribed to ‘Adí b. Maríná of Ḥíra, an enemy of ‘Adí b. Zayd the poet (_Aghání_, ii, 24, l. 5).

[467] Ibn Khallikán (ed. by Wüstenfeld), No. 129; De Slane's translation vol. i, p. 298.

[468] _Aghání_, iii, 23, l. 13.

[469] _Aghání_, vii, 49, l. 8 sqq.

[470] The following account is mainly derived from Goldziher's _Muhamm. Studien_, Part II, p. 203 sqq.

[471] _Cf._ Browne's _Lit. Hist. of Persia_, vol. i, p. 230.

[472] Nöldeke, _Sketches from Eastern History_, tr. by J. S. Black, p. 108 seq.

[473] Wellhausen, _Das Arabische Reich_, p. 307.

[474] _Recherches sur la domination Arabe_, p. 46 sqq.

[475] Dínawarí, ed. by Guirgass, p. 356.

[476] _Ibid._, p. 360, l. 15. The whole poem has been translated by Professor Browne in his _Literary History of Persia_, vol. i, p. 242.

[477] _Sketches from Eastern History_, p. 111.

[478] Professor Bevan, to whose kindness I owe the following observations, points out that this translation of _al-Saffáḥ_, although it has been generally adopted by European scholars, is very doubtful. According to Professor De Goeje, _al-Saffáḥ_ means 'the munificent' (literally, 'pouring out' gifts, &c.). In any case it is important to notice that the name was given to certain Pre-islamic chieftains. Thus Salama b. Khálid, who commanded the Banú Taghlib at the first battle of al-Kuláb (Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, vol. i, p. 406, last line), is said to have been called _al-Saffáḥ_ because he 'emptied out' the skin bottles (_mazád_) of his army before a battle (Ibn Durayd, ed. by Wüstenfeld, p. 203, l. 16); and we find mention of a poet named al-Saffáḥ b. ‘Abd Manát (_ibid._, p. 277, penult. line).

[479] See p. 205.

[480] G. Le Strange, _Baghdad under the Abbasid Caliphate_, p. 4 seq.

[481] Professor De Goeje has kindly given me the following references:--Ṭabarí, ii, 78, l. 10, where Ziyád is called the _Wazír_ of Mu‘áwiya; Ibn Sa‘d, iii, 121, l. 6 (Abú Bakr the _Wazír_ of the Prophet). The word occurs in Pre-islamic poetry (Ibn Qutayba, _K. al-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará_, p. 414, l. 1). Professor De Goeje adds that the ‘Abbásid Caliphs gave the name _Wazír_ as title to the minister who was formerly called _Kátib_ (Secretary). Thus it would seem that the Arabic _Wazír_ (literally 'burden-bearer'), who was at first merely a 'helper' or 'henchman,' afterwards became the representative and successor of the _Dapír_ (official scribe or secretary) of the Sásánian kings.

[482] This division is convenient, and may be justified on general grounds. In a strictly political sense, the period of decline begins thirty years earlier with the Caliphate of Ma’mún (813-833 A.D.). The historian Abu ’l-Maḥásin († 1469 A.D.) dates the decline of the Caliphate from the accession of Muktafí in 902 A.D. (_al-Nujúm al-Záhira_, ed. by Juynboll, vol. ii, p. 134).

[483] See Nöldeke's essay, _Caliph Manṣur_, in his _Sketches from Eastern History_, trans. by J. S. Black, p. 107 sqq.

[484] Professor Browne has given an interesting account of these ultra-Shí‘ite insurgents in his _Lit. Hist. of Persia_, vol. i, ch. ix.

[485] Ṭabarí, iii, 404, l. 5 sqq.

[486] Ṭabarí, iii, 406, l. 1 sqq.

[487] _Murúju ’l-Dhahab_, ed. by Barbier de Meynard, vol. iv, p. 47 seq.

[488] When the Caliph Hádí wished to proclaim his son Ja‘far heir-apparent instead of Hárún, Yaḥyá pointed out the danger of this course and dissuaded him (_al-Fakhrí_, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 281).

[489] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 105.

[490] Mas‘údí, _Murúju ’l-Dhahab_, vol. vi, p. 364.

[491] See, for example, _Haroun Alraschid_, by E. H. Palmer, in the New Plutarch Series, p. 81 sqq.

[492] _Cf._ A. Müller, _Der Islam_, vol. i, p. 481 seq.

[493] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 112.

[494] Literally, "No father to your father!" a common form of imprecation.

[495] Green was the party colour of the ‘Alids, black of the ‘Abbásids.

[496] _Al-Nujúm al-Záhira_, ed. by Juynboll, vol. i, p. 631.

[497] The court remained at Sámarrá for fifty-six years (836-892 A.D.). The official spelling of Sámarrá was _Surra-man-ra’á_, which may be freely rendered 'The Spectator's Joy.'

[498] My account of these dynasties is necessarily of the briefest and barest character. The reader will find copious details concerning most of them in Professor Browne's _Literary History of Persia_: Ṣaffárids and Sámánids in vol. i, p. 346 sqq.; Fáṭimids in vol. i, pp. 391-400 and vol. ii, p. 196 sqq.; Ghaznevids in vol. ii, chap. ii; and Seljúqs, _ibid._, chaps. iii to v.

[499] Ibn Abí Usaybi‘a, _Ṭabaqátu ’l-Atibbá_, ed. by A. Müller, vol. ii, p. 4, l. 4 sqq. Avicenna was at this time scarcely eighteen years of age.

[500] ‘Abdu ’l-Hamíd flourished in the latter days of the Umayyad dynasty. See Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 173, Mas‘údí, _Murúju ’l-Dhahab_, vol. vi, p. 81.

[501] See Professor Margoliouth's Introduction to the _Letters of ‘Abu ’l-‘Alá al-Ma‘arrí_, p. xxiv.

[502] Abu ’l-Mahásin, _al-Nujúm al-Záhira_, ed. by Juynboll, vol. ii, p. 333. The original Ráfiḍites were those schismatics who rejected (_rafaḍa_) the Caliphs Abú Bakr and ‘Umar, but the term is generally used as synonymous with Shí‘ite.

[503] Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 148, last line and foll.

[504] D. B. Macdonald, _Muslim Theology_, p. 43 seq.

[505] I regret that lack of space compels me to omit the further history of the Fáṭimids. Readers who desire information on this subject may consult Stanley Lane-Poole's _History of Egypt in the Middle Ages_; Wüstenfeld's _Geschichte der Faṭimiden-Chalifen_ (Göttingen, 1881); and Professor Browne's _Lit. Hist. of Persia_, vol. ii, p. 196 sqq.

[506] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 441.

[507] See the Introduction.

[508] Ibn Khaldún, _Muqaddima_ (Beyrout, 1900), p. 543 seq.--De Slane, _Prolegomena_, vol. iii, p. 296 sqq.

[509] _Cf._ Goldziher, _Muhamm. Studien_, Part I, p. 114 seq.

[510] Read _mashárátí ’l-buqúl_ (beds of vegetables), not _mushárát_ as my rendering implies. The change makes little difference to the sense, but _mashárat_, being an Aramaic word, is peculiarly appropriate here.

[511] _Aghání_, xii, 177, l. 5 sqq; Von Kremer, _Culturgesch. Streifzüge_, p. 32. These lines are aimed, as has been remarked by S. Khuda Bukhsh (_Contributions to the History of Islamic Civilisation_, Calcutta, 1905, p. 92), against Nabatæans who falsely claimed to be Persians.

[512] The name is derived from Koran, xlix, 13: "_O Men, We have created you of a male and a female and have made you into peoples_ (shu‘úban) _and tribes, that ye might know one another. Verily the noblest of you in the sight of God are they that do most fear Him._" Thus the designation 'Shu‘úbite' emphasises the fact that according to Muḥammad's teaching the Arab Moslems are no better than their non-Arab brethren.

[513] _Muhamm. Studien_, Part I, p. 147 sqq.

[514] The term _Falsafa_ properly includes Logic, Metaphysics, Mathematics, Medicine, and the Natural Sciences.

[515] Here we might add the various branches of Mathematics, such as Arithmetic, Algebra, Mechanics, &c.

[516] ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥman Jámí († 1492 A.D.).

[517] I am deeply indebted in the following pages to Goldziher's essay entitled _Alte und Neue Poesie im Urtheile der Arabischen Kritiker_ in his _Abhand. zur Arab. Philologie_, Part I, pp. 122-174.

[518] _Cf._ the remark made by Abú ‘Amr b. al-‘Alá about the poet Akhṭal (p. 242 _supra_).

[519] _Diwan des Abu Nowas, Die Weinlieder_, ed. by Ahlwardt, No. 10, vv. 1-5.

[520] Ed. by De Goeje, p. 5, ll. 5-15.

[521] _Cf._ the story told of Abú Tammám by Ibn Khallikán (De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 350 seq.).

[522] See Nöldeke, _Beiträge_, p. 4.

[523] Ibn Khaldún, _Muqaddima_ (Beyrout, 1900), p. 573, l. 21 seq.; _Prolegomena_ of Ibn K., translated by De Slane, vol. iii, p. 380.

[524] See Professor Browne's _Literary History of Persia_, vol. ii, p. 14 sqq.

[525] _Aghání_, xii, 80, l. 3.

[526] Freytag, _Arabum Proverbia_, vol. i, p. 46 seq., where the reader will find the Arabic text of the verses translated here. Rückert has given a German rendering of the same verses in his _Hamâsa_, vol. i, p. 311. A fuller text of the poem occurs in _Aghání_, xii, 107 seq.

[527] _Díwán_, ed. by Ahlwardt, _Die Weinlieder_, No. 26, v. 4.

[528] Ibn Qutayba, _K. al-Shi‘r wa-’l-Shu‘ará_, p. 502, l. 13.

[529] For the famous ascetic, Ḥasan of Baṣra, see pp. 225-227. Qatáda was a learned divine, also of Baṣra and contemporary with Ḥasan. He died in 735 A.D.

[530] These verses are quoted by Ibn Qutayba, _op. cit._, p. 507 seq. 'The Scripture' (_al-maṣḥaf_) is of course the Koran.

[531] _Die Weinlieder_, ed. by Ahlwardt, No. 47.

[532] _Ibid._, No. 29, vv. 1-3.

[533] Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 169, p. 100; De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 393.

[534] _Cf._ _Díwán_ (ed. of Beyrout, 1886), p. 279, l. 9, where he reproaches one of his former friends who deserted him because, in his own words, "I adopted the garb of a dervish" (_ṣirtu fi ziyyi miskíni_). Others attribute his conversion to disgust with the immorality and profanity of the court-poets amongst whom he lived.

[535] Possibly he alludes to these aspersions in the verse (_ibid._, p. 153, l. 10): "_Men have become corrupted, and if they see any one who is sound in his religion, they call him a heretic_" (_mubtadi‘_).

[536] Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya declares that knowledge is derived from three sources, logical reasoning (_qiyás_), examination (_‘iyár_), and oral tradition (_samá‘_). See his _Díwán_, p. 158, l. 11.

[537] _Cf._ _Mání, seine Lehre und seine Schriften_, by G. Flügel, p. 281, l. 3 sqq. Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya did not take this extreme view (_Díwán_, p. 270, l. 3 seq.).

[538] See Shahrastání, Haarbrücker's translation, Part I, p. 181 sqq. It appears highly improbable that Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya was a Shí‘ite. _Cf._ the verses (_Díwán_, p. 104, l. 13 seq.), where, speaking of the prophets and the holy men of ancient Islam, he says:--

"_Reckon first among them Abú Bakr, the veracious,
And exclaim 'O ‘Umar!' in the second place of honour.
And reckon the father of Ḥasan after ‘Uthmán,
For the merit of them both is recited and celebrated._"

[539] _Aghání_, iii, 128, l. 6 sqq.

[540] _Transactions of the Ninth Congress of Orientalists_, vol. ii. p. 114.

[541] _Díwán_, p. 274, l. 10. _Cf._ the verse (p. 199, penultimate line):--

"_When I gained contentment, I did not cease (thereafter)
To be a king, regarding riches as poverty._"

The ascetic "lives the life of a king" (_ibid._, p. 187, l. 5). Contented men are the noblest of all (p. 148, l. 2). So the great Persian mystic, Jalálu ’l-Dín Rúmí, says in reference to the perfect Ṣúfí (_Díván-i Shams-i Tabríz_, No. viii, v. 3 in my edition): _Mard-i khudá sháh buvad zír-i dalq_, "the man of God is a king 'neath dervish-cloak;" and eminent spiritualists are frequently described as "kings of the (mystic) path." I do not deny, however, that this metaphor may have been originally suggested by the story of Buddha.

[542] _Díwán_, p. 25, l. 3 sqq. Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya took credit to himself for introducing 'the language of the market-place' into his poetry (_ibid._ p. 12, l. 3 seq.).

[543] _Díwán_ (Beyrout, 1886), p. 23, l. 13 et seqq.

[544] _Ibid._, p. 51, l. 2.

[545] _Ibid._, p. 132, l. 3.

[546] _Ibid._, p. 46, l. 16.

[547] _Díwán_, p. 260, l. 11 _et seqq._

[548] _Ibid._, p. 295, l. 14 _et seqq._

[549] _Ibid._, p. 287, l. 10 seq.

[550] _Ibid._, p. 119, l. 11.

[551] _Ibid._, p. 259, penultimate line _et seq._

[552] _Ibid._, p. 115, l. 4.

[553] _Díwán_, p. 51, l. 10.

[554] _Ibid._, p. 133, l. 5.

[555] _Ibid._, p. 74, l. 4.

[556] _Ibid._, p. 149, l. 12 seq.

[557] _Ibid._, p. 195, l. 9. _Cf._ p. 243, l. 4 seq.

[558] _Ibid._, p. 274, l. 6.

[559] _Ibid._, p. 262, l. 4.

[560] _Ibid._, p. 346, l. 11. _Cf._ p. 102, l. 11; p. 262, l. 1 seq.; p. 267, l. 7. This verse is taken from Abu ’l-‘Atáhiya's famous didactic poem composed in rhyming couplets, which is said to have contained 4,000 sentences of morality. Several of these have been translated by Von Kremer in his _Culturgeschichte des Orients_, vol. ii, p. 374 sqq.

[561] In one of his poems (_Díwán_, p. 160, l. 11), he says that he has lived ninety years, but if this is not a mere exaggeration, it needs to be corrected. The words for 'seventy' and 'ninety' are easily confused in Arabic writing.

[562] Tha‘álibí, _Yatimatu ’l-Dahr_ (Damascus, 1304 A.H.), vol. i, p. 8 seq.

[563] See Von Kremer's _Culturgeschichte_, vol. ii, p. 381 sqq.; Ahlwardt, _Poesie und Poetik der Araber_, p. 37 sqq.; R. Dvorak, _Abú Firás, ein arabischer Dichter und Held_ (Leyden, 1895).

[564] Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 493. Wáḥidí gives the whole story in his commentary on this verse.

[565] Mutanabbí, it is said, explained to Sayfu ’l-Dawla that by _surra_ (gladden) he meant _surriyya_; whereupon the good-humoured prince presented him with a slave-girl.

[566] Literally, "Do not imagine fat in one whose (apparent) fat is (really) a tumour."

[567] _Díwán_, ed. by Dieterici, pp. 481-484.

[568] The most esteemed commentary is that of Wáḥidí († 1075 A.D.), which has been published by Fr. Dieterici in his edition of Mutanabbí (Berlin, 1858-1861).

[569] _Motenebbi, der grösste arabische Dichter_ (Vienna, 1824).

[570] _Abulfedæ Annales Muslemici_ (Hafniæ, 1789, &c.), vol. ii, p. 774. _Cf._ his notes on Ṭarafa's _Mu‘allaqa_, of which he published an edition in 1742.

[571] _Chrestomathie Arabe_ (2nd edition), vol. iii, p. 27 sqq. _Journal des Savans_, January, 1825, p. 24 sqq.

[572] _Commentatio de Motenabbio_ (Bonn, 1824).

[573] _Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur_ (Weimar, 1898, &c.), vol. i, p. 86.

[574] I have made free use of Dieterici's excellent work entitled _Mutanabbi und Seifuddaula aus der Edelperle des Tsaâlibi_ (Leipzig, 1847), which contains on pp. 49-74 an abstract of Tha‘álibí's criticism in the fifth chapter of the First Part of the _Yatíma_.

[575] Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 182, vv. 3-9, omitting v. 5.

[576] The author of these lines, which are quoted by Ibn Khallikán in his article on Mutanabbí, is Abu ’l-Qásim b. al-Muẓaffar b. ‘Alí al-Ṭabasí.

[577] Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 581, v. 27.

[578] _Ibid._, p. 472, v. 5.

[579] Mutanabbí, ed. by Dieterici, p. 341, v. 8.

[580] Margoliouth's Introduction to the _Letters of Abu ’l-‘Alá_, p. xxii.

[581] _Ibid._, p. xxvii seq.

[582] _Luzúmiyyát_ (Cairo, 1891), vol. i, p. 201.

[583] _I.e._, his predecessors of the modern school. Like Mutanabbí, he ridicules the conventional types (_asálíb_) in which the old poetry is cast _Cf._ Goldziher, _Abhand. zur Arab. Philologie_, Part I, p. 146 seq.

[584] The proper title is _Luzúmu má lá yalzam_, referring to a technical difficulty which the poet unnecessarily imposed on himself with regard to the rhyme.

[585] _Abulfedæ Annales Muslemici_, ed. by Adler (1789-1794), vol. iii, p. 677.

[586] _Literaturgesch. der Araber_, vol. vi, p. 900 sqq.

[587] _Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften_, vol. cxvii, 6th Abhandlung (Vienna, 1889). Select passages admirably rendered by Von Kremer into German verse will be found in the _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 29, pp. 304-312; vol. 30, pp. 40-52; vol. 31, pp. 471-483; vol. 38, pp. 499-529.

[588] _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 38, p. 507; Margoliouth, _op. cit._, p. 131, l. 15 of the Arabic text.

[589] _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 29, p. 308.

[590] Margoliouth, _op. cit._, p. 133 of the Arabic text.

[591] This passage occurs in Abu ’l-‘Alá's _Risálatu ’l-Ghufrán_ (see _infra_), _J.R.A.S._ for 1902, p. 351. _Cf._ the verses translated by Von Kremer in his essay on Abu ’l-‘Alá, p. 23.

[592] For the term 'Ḥaníf' see p. 149 _supra_. Here it is synonymous with 'Muslim.'

[593] _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 38, p. 513.

[594] This work, of which only two copies exist in Europe--one at Constantinople and another in my collection--has been described and partially translated in the _J.R.A.S._ for 1900, pp. 637-720, and for 1902, pp. 75-101, 337-362, and 813-847.

[595] Margoliouth, _op. cit._, p. 132, last line of the Arabic text.

[596] _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 31, p. 483.

[597] De Gobineau, _Les religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie centrale_, p. 11 seq.

[598] _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 31, p. 477.

[599] _Ibid._, vol. 29, p. 311.

[600] _Z.D.M.G._ vol. 38, p. 522.

[601] According to De Goeje, _Mémoires sur les Carmathes du Bahrain_, p. 197, n. 1, these lines refer to a prophecy made by the Carmathians that the conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter, which took place in 1047 A.D. would herald the final triumph of the Fáṭimids over the ‘Abbásids.

[602] _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 38, p. 504.

[603] _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 31, p. 474.

[604] _Luzúmiyyát_ (Cairo, 1891), i, 394.

[605] _Ibid._, i, 312.

[606] Von Kremer, _op. cit._, p. 38.

[607] _Safar-náma_, ed. by Schefer, p. 10 seq. = pp. 35-36 of the translation.

[608] _Luzúmiyyát_, ii, 280. The phrase does not mean "I am the child of my age," but "I live in the present," forgetful of the past and careless what the future may bring.

[609] See Von Kremer, _op. cit._, p. 46 sqq.

[610] See the article on Ṭughrá’í in Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 462.

[611] _Ibid._, vol. iii, p. 355.

[612] The spirit of fortitude and patience (_ḥamása_) is exhibited by both poets, but in a very different manner. Shanfará describes a man of heroic nature. Ṭughrá’í wraps himself in his virtue and moralises like a Muḥammadan Horace. Ṣafadí, however, says in his commentary on Ṭughrá’í's ode (I translate from a MS. copy in my possession): "It is named _Lámiyyatu ’l-‘Ajam_ by way of comparing it with the _Lámiyyatu ’l-‘Arab_, because it resembles the latter in its wise sentences and maxims."

[613] _I.e._, the native of Abúṣir (Búṣír), a village in Egypt.

[614] The _Burda_, ed. by C. A. Ralfs (Vienna, 1860), verse 140; _La Bordah traduite et commentée par René Basset_ (Paris, 1894), verse 151.

[615] This appears to be a reminiscence of the fact that Muḥammad gave his own mantle as a gift to Ka‘b b. Zuhayr, when that poet recited his famous ode, _Bánat Su‘ád_ (see p. 127 _supra_).

[616] _Maqáma_ (plural, _maqámát_) is properly 'a place of standing'; hence, an assembly where people stand listening to the speaker, and in particular, an assembly for literary discussion. At an early period reports of such conversations and discussions received the name of _maqámát_ (see Brockelmann, _Gesch. der Arab. Litteratur_, vol. i, p. 94). The word in its literary sense is usually translated by 'assembly,' or by the French '_séance_.'

[617] _The Assemblies of al-Ḥarírí_, translated from the Arabic, with an introduction and notes by T. Chenery (1867), vol. i, p. 19. This excellent work contains a fund of information on diverse matters connected with Arabian history and literature. Owing to the author's death it was left unfinished, but a second volume (including _Assemblies_ 27-50) by F. Steingass appeared in 1898.

[618] A full account of his career will be found in the Preface to Houtsma's _Recueil de textes relatifs à l'histoire des Seldjoucides_, vol. ii. p. 11 sqq. _Cf._ Browne's _Lit. Hist. of Persia_, vol. ii, p. 360.

[619] This is a graceful, but probably insincere, tribute to the superior genius of Hamadhání.

[620] The above passage is taken, with some modification, from the version of Ḥarírí published in 1850 by Theodore Preston, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, who was afterwards Lord Almoner's Professor of Arabic (1855-1871).

[621] Moslems had long been familiar with the fables of Bidpai, which were translated from the Pehleví into Arabic by Ibnu ’l-Muqaffa‘ († _circa_ 760 A.D.).

[622] _Al-Fakhrí_, ed. by Derenbourg, p. 18, l. 4 sqq.

[623] A town in Mesopotamia, not far from Edessa. It was taken by the Crusaders in 1101 A.D. (Abu ’l-Fidá, ed. by Reiske, vol. iii, p. 332).

[624] The 48th _Maqáma_ of the series as finally arranged.

[625] Chenery, _op. cit._, p. 23.

[626] This has been done with extraordinary skill by the German poet, Friedrich Rückert (_Die Verwandlungen des Abu Seid von Serug_, 2nd ed. 1837), whose work, however, is not in any sense a translation.

[627] A literal translation of these verses, which occur in the sixth _Assembly_, is given by Chenery, _op. cit._, p. 138.

[628] _Ibid._, p. 163.

[629] Two grammatical treatises by Ḥarírí have come down to us. In one of these, entitled _Durratu ’l-Ghawwáṣ_ ('The Pearl of the Diver') and edited by Thorbecke (Leipzig, 1871), he discusses the solecisms which people of education are wont to commit.

[630] See Chenery, _op. cit._, pp. 83-97.

[631] _The Caliphate, its Rise, Decline, and Fall_, p. 573.

[632] Another example is ‘Umar al-Khayyámí for ‘Umar Khayyám. The spelling Ghazzálí (with a double _z_) was in general use when Ibn Khallikán wrote his Biographical Dictionary in 1256 A.D. (see De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 80), but according to Sam‘ání the name is derived from Ghazála, a village near Ṭús; in which case Ghazálí is the correct form of the _nisba_. I have adopted 'Ghazalí' in deference to Sam‘ání's authority, but those who write 'Ghazzálí' can at least claim that they err in very good company.

[633] Shamsu ’l-Dín al-Dhahabí († 1348 A.D.).

[634] ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥím al-Isnawí († 1370 A.D.), author of a biographical work on the Sháfi‘ite doctors. See Brockelmann, _Gesch. der Arab. Litt._, vol. ii, p. 90.

[635] Abu ’l-Ma‘álí al-Juwayní, a famous theologian of Naysábúr († 1085 A.D.), received this title, which means 'Imám of the Two Sanctuaries,' because he taught for several years at Mecca and Medína.

[636] _I.e._, the camp-court of the Seljúq monarch Maliksháh, son of Alp Arslán.

[637] According to his own account in the _Munqidh_, Ghazálí on leaving Baghdád went first to Damascus, then to Jerusalem, and then to Mecca. The statement that he remained ten years at Damascus is inaccurate.

[638] The MS. has Fakhru ’l-Dín.

[639] Ghazálí's return to public life took place in 1106 A.D.

[640] The correct title of Ibn Ḥazm's work is uncertain. In the Cairo ed. (1321 A.H.) it is called _Kitábu ’l-Fiṣal fi ’l-Milal wa ’l-Ahwá wa ’l-Niḥal_.

[641] See p. 195 _supra_.

[642] Kor. ix, 3. The translation runs ("This is a declaration) _that God is clear of the idolaters, and His Apostle likewise_." With the reading _rasúlihi_ it means that God is clear of the idolaters and also of His Apostle.

[643] Ibn Khallikan, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 663.

[644] See p. 128.

[645] Ibn Khallikán, No. 608; De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 31.

[646] See pp. 131-134, _supra_.

[647] Goldziher, _Muhammedanische Studien_, Part I, p. 197.

[648] _Ibid._, p. 195.

[649] Ibn Qutayba, _Kitábu ’l-Ma‘árif_, p. 269.

[650] While Abú ‘Ubayda was notorious for his freethinking proclivities, Aṣma‘í had a strong vein of pietism. See Goldziher, _loc. cit._, p. 199 and _Abh. zur Arab. Philologie_, Part I, p. 136.

[651] Professor Browne has given a _résumé_ of the contents in his _Lit. Hist. of Persia_, vol. i, p. 387 seq.

[652] Ed. by Max Grünert (Leyden, 1900).

[653] Vol. i ed. by C. Brockelmann (Weimar and Strassburg, 1898-1908).

[654] The epithet _jáḥiẓ_ means 'goggle-eyed.'

[655] See p. 267.

[656] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 250.

[657] One of these, the eleventh of the complete work, has been edited by Ahlwardt: _Anonyme Arabische Chronik_ (Greifswald, 1883). It covers part of the reign of the Umayyad Caliph, ‘Abdu ’l-Malik (685-705 A.D.).

[658] The French title is _Les Prairies d'Or_. Brockelmann, in his shorter _Hist. of Arabic Literature_ (Leipzig, 1901), p. 110, states that the correct translation of _Murúju ’l-Dhahab_ is 'Goldwäschen.'

[659] Concerning Ṭabarí and his work the reader should consult De Goeje's Introduction (published in the supplementary volume containing the Glossary) to the Leyden edition, and his excellent article on Ṭabarí and early Arab Historians in the _Encyclopædia Britannica_.

[660] Abu ’l-Maḥásin, ed. by Juynboll, vol. i, p. 608.

[661] _Selection from the Annals of Tabarí_, ed. by M. J. de Goeje (Leyden, 1902), p. xi.

[662] De Goeje's Introduction to Ṭabarí, p. xxvii.

[663] Al-Bal‘amí, the Vizier of Manṣúr I, the Sámánid, made in 963 A.D. a Persian epitome of which a French translation by Dubeux and Zotenberg was published in 1867-1874.

[664] _Murúju ’l-Dhahab_, ed. by Barbier de Meynard, vol. i, p. 5 seq.

[665] The _Akhbáru ’l-Zamán_ in thirty volumes (one volume is extant at Vienna) and the _Kitáb al-Awsaṭ_.

[666] _Murúju ’l-Dhahab_, p. 9 seq.

[667] It may be noted as a coincidence that Ibn Khaldún calls Mas‘údí _imáman lil-mu’arrikhín_, "an Imám for all the historians," which resembles, though it does not exactly correspond to, "the Father of History."

[668] Mas‘údí gives a summary of the contents of his historical and religious works in the Preface to the _Tanbíh wa-’l-Ishráf_, ed. by De Goeje, p. 2 sqq. A translation of this passage by De Sacy will be found in Barbier de Meynard's edition of the _Murúju ’l-Dhahab_, vol. ix, p. 302 sqq.

[669] See _Murúj_, vol. i, p. 201, and vol. iii, p. 268.

[670] _Ibid._, vol. ii, p. 372 sqq.

[671] De Sacy renders the title by 'Le Livre de l'Indication et de l'Admonition ou l'Indicateur et le Moniteur'; but see De Goeje's edition of the text (Leyden, 1894), p. xxvii.

[672] The full title is _Kitábu ’l-Kámil fi ’l-Ta’ríkh_, or 'The Perfect Book of Chronicles.' It has been edited by Tornberg in fourteen volumes (Leyden, 1851-1876).

[673] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 289.

[674] An excellent account of the Arab geographers is given by Guy Le Strange in the Introduction to his _Palestine under the Moslems_ (London, 1890). De Goeje has edited the works of Ibn Khurdádbih, Iṣṭakhrí, Ibn Ḥawqal, and Muqaddasí in the _Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum_ (Leyden, 1870, &c.)

[675] De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 9 sqq.

[676] P. 243.

[677] The translators employed by the Banú Músá were paid at the rate of about 500 dínárs a month (_ibid._, p. 43, l. 18 sqq.).

[678] _Ibid._, p. 271; Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 315.

[679] A chapter at least would be required in order to set forth adequately the chief material and intellectual benefits which European civilisation has derived from the Arabs. The reader may consult Von Kremer's _Culturgeschichte des Orients_, vol. ii, chapters 7 and 9; Diercks, _Die Araber im Mittelalter_ (Leipzig, 1882); Sédillot, _Histoire générale des Arabes_; Schack, _Poesie und Kunst der Araber in Spanien und Sicilien_; Munk, _Mélanges de Philosophie Juive et Arabe_; De Lacy O'Leary, _Arabic Thought and its Place in History_ (1922); and Campbell, _Arabian Medicine and its Influence on the Middle Ages_ (1926). A volume entitled _The Legacy of the Islamic World_, ed. by Sir T. W. Arnold and Professor A. Guillaume, is in course of publication.

[680] Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 440.

[681] _The Chronology of Ancient Nations_ (London, 1879) and Alberuni's _India_ (London, 1888).

[682] P. 384 sqq.

[683] The passages concerning the Ṣábians were edited and translated, with copious annotations, by Chwolsohn in his _Ssabier und Ssabismus_ (St. Petersburg, 1856), vol. ii, p. 1-365, while Flügel made similar use of the Manichæan portion in _Mani, seine Lehre und seine Schriften_ (Leipzig, 1862).

[684] Wellhausen, _Das Arabische Reich_, p. 350 seq.

[685] See Goldziher, _Muhamm. Studien_, Part II, p. 53 sqq.

[686] _Ibid._, p. 70 seq.

[687] _Fragmenta Historicorum Arabicorum_, ed. by De Goeje and De Jong, p. 298.

[688] There are, of course, some partial exceptions to this rule, _e.g._, Mahdí and Hárún al-Rashíd.

[689] See p. 163, note.

[690] Several freethinkers of this period attempted to rival the Koran with their own compositions. See Goldziher, _Muhamm. Studien_, Part II, p. 401 seq.

[691] _Al-Nujúm al-Záhira_, ed. by Juynboll, vol. i, p. 639.

[692] This is the literal translation of _Ikhwánu ’l-Safá_, but according to Arabic idiom 'brother of purity' (_akhu ’l-ṣafá_) simply means 'one who is pure or sincere,' as has been shown by Goldziher, _Muhamm. Studien_, Part I, p. 9, note. The term does not imply any sort of brotherhood.

[693] Ibnu ’l-Qifṭí, _Ta’ ríkhu ’l-Ḥukamá_ (ed. by Lippert), p. 83, l. 17 sqq.

[694] _Notice sur un manuscrit de la secte des Assassins_, by P. Casanova in the _Journal Asiatique_ for 1898, p 151 sqq.

[695] De Goeje, _Mémoire sur les Carmathes_, p. 172.

[696] _Ṣâliḥ b. ‘Abd al-Quddûs und das Zindîḳthum während der Regierung des Chalifen al-Mahdí in Transactions of the Ninth Congress of Orientalists_, vol. ii, p. 105 seq.

[697] Ṭabarí, iii, 522, 1.

[698] _I.e._ the sacred books of the Manichæans, which were often splendidly illuminated. See Von Kremer, _Culturgesch. Streifzüge_, p. 39.

[699] _Cf._ Ṭabarí, iii, 499, 8 sqq.

[700] _Ibid._, iii, 422, 19 sqq.

[701] _Cf._ the saying "_Aẓrafu mina ’l-Zindíq_" (Freytag, _Arabum Proverbia_, vol. i, p. 214).

[702] As Professor Bevan points out, it is based solely on the well-known verse (_Aghání_, iii, 24, l. 11), which has come down to us without the context:--

"_Earth is dark and Fire is bright,
And Fire has been worshipped ever since Fire existed._"

[703] These popular preachers (_quṣṣáṣ_) are admirably described by Goldziher, _Muhamm. Studien_, Part II, p. 161 sqq.

[704] The Arabic text of these verses will be found in Goldziher's monograph, p. 122, ll. 6-7.

[705] See a passage from the _Kitábu ’l-Ḥayawán_, cited by Baron V. Rosen in _Zapiski_, vol. vi, p. 337, and rendered into English in my _Translations from Eastern Poetry and Prose_, p. 53. Probably these monks were Manichæans, not Buddhists.

[706] _Zaddíq_ is an Aramaic word meaning 'righteous.' Its etymological equivalent in Arabic is _siddíq_, which has a different meaning, namely, 'veracious.' _Zaddíq_ passed into Persian in the form _Zandík_, which was used by the Persians before Islam, and _Zindíq_ is the Arabicised form of the latter word. For some of these observations I am indebted to Professor Bevan. Further details concerning the derivation and meaning of _Zindíq_ are given in Professor Browne's _Literary Hist. of Persia_ (vol. i, p. 159 sqq.), where the reader will also find a lucid account of the Manichæan doctrines.

[707] Ibnu ’l-Athír, vol. viii, p. 229 seq. (anno 323 A.H. = 934-935 A.D.).

[708] _Ibid._, p. 98.

[709] _Ibid._, p. 230 seq.

[710] See p. 192.

[711] _I.e._, he is saved from Hell but excluded from Paradise.

[712] Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 440; De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 228.

[713] The clearest statement of Ash‘arí's doctrine with which I am acquainted is contained in the Creed published by Spitta, _Zur Geschichte Abu ’l-Ḥasan al-Ash‘arí's_ (Leipzig, 1876), p. 133, l. 9 sqq.; German translation, p. 95 sqq. It has been translated into English by D. B. Macdonald in his _Muslim Theology_, p. 293 and foll.

[714] _Op. cit._, p. 7 seq.

[715] Schreiner, _Zur Geschichte des Ash‘aritenthums_ in the _Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Orientalists_ (1889), p. 5 of the _tirage à part_.

[716] _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 31, p. 167.

[717] See Goldziher in _Z.D.M.G._, vol. 41, p. 63 seq., whence the following details are derived.

[718] See p. 339 seq.

[719] I have used the Cairo edition of 1309 A.H. A French translation by Barbier de Meynard was published in the _Journal Asiatique_ (January, 1877), pp. 9-93.

[720] These are the Ismá‘ílís or Báṭinís (including the Carmathians and Assassins). See p. 271 sqq.

[721] _A Literary History of Persia_, vol. ii, p. 295 seq.

[722] _The Life of al-Ghazzālī_ in the _Journal of the American Oriental Society_, vol. xx (1899), p. 122 sqq.

[723] _Herrschende Ideen_, p. 67.

[724] _Idee und Grundlinien einer allgemeiner Geschichte der Mystik_, an academic oration delivered on November 22, 1892, and published at Heidelberg in 1893.

[725] The following sketch is founded on my paper, _An Historical Enquiry concerning the Origin and Development of Ṣúfiism_ (_J.R.A.S._, April, 1906, p. 303 sqq.).

[726] This, so far as I know, is the oldest extant definition of Ṣúfiism.

[727] It is impossible not to recognise the influence of Greek philosophy in this conception of Truth as Beauty.

[728] Jámí says (_Nafahátu ’l-Uns_, ed. by Nassau Lees, p. 36): "He is the head of this sect: they all descend from, and are related to, him."

[729] See ‘Aṭṭár's _Tadhkiratu ’l-Awliyá_, ed. by Nicholson, Part I, p. 114; Jámí's _Nafaḥát_, p. 35; Ibn Khallikán, De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 291.

[730] _Murúju ’l-Dhahab_, vol. ii, p. 401 seq.

[731] The _Influence of Buddhism upon Islam_, by I. Goldziher (Budapest, 1903). As this essay is written in Hungarian, I have not been able to consult it at first hand, but have used the excellent translation by Mr. T. Duka, which appeared in the _J.R.A.S._ for January, 1904, pp. 125-141.

[732] It was recognised by the Ṣúfís themselves that in some points their doctrine was apparently based on Mu‘tazilite principles. See Sha‘rání, _Lawáqiḥu ’l-Anwár_ (Cairo, 1299 A.H.), p. 14, l. 21 sqq.

[733] This definition is by Abu ’l-Ḥusayn al-Núrí († 907-908 A.D.).

[734] See Professor Browne's _Lit. Hist. of Persia_, vol. ii, p. 261 sqq.

[735] The _Díwán of ‘Umar Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ_, ed. by Rushayyid al-Daḥdáḥ (Marseilles, 1853).

[736] _I.e._, New and Old Cairo.

[737] The _Díwán_, excluding the _Tá’iyyatu ’l-Kubrá_, has been edited by Rushayyid al-Daḥdáḥ (Marseilles, 1853).

[738] _Díwán_, p. 219, l. 14 and p. 213, l. 18.

[739] Ibnu ’l-Fáriḍ, like Mutanabbí, shows a marked fondness for diminutives. As he observes (_Díwán_, p. 552):--

_má qultu ḥubayyibí mina ’l-taḥqíri
bal ya‘dhubu ’smu ’l-shakhṣi bi-’l-taṣghíri._

"_Not in contempt I say 'my darling.' No!
By 'diminution' names do sweeter grow._"

[740] _Dìwàn_, p. 472 sqq. A French rendering will be found at p. 41 of Grangeret de Lagrange's _Anthologie Arabe_ (Paris, 1828).

[741] The words of God to Moses (Kor. vii, 139).

[742] _Díwán_, p. 257 sqq.

[743] This refers to Kor. vii, 171. God drew forth from the loins of Adam all future generations of men and addressed them, saying, "_Am not I your Lord?_" They answered, "_Yes_," and thus, according to the Ṣúfí interpretation, pledged themselves to love God for evermore.

[744] _Díwán_, p. 142 sqq.

[745] See _A Literary History of Persia_, vol. i, p. 428 sqq. But during the last twenty years a great deal of new light has been thrown upon the character and doctrines of Ḥalláj. See Appendix.

[746] The best-known biography of Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí occurs in Maqqarí's _Nafḥu ’l-Ṭíb_, ed. by Dozy and others, vol. i, pp. 567-583. Much additional information is contained in a lengthy article, which I have extracted from a valuable MS. in my collection, the _Shadharátu ’l-Dhahab_, and published in the _J.R.A.S._ for 1906, pp. 806-824. _Cf._ also Von Kremer's _Herrschende Ideen_, pp. 102-109.

[747] Muḥyi ’l-Dín means 'Reviver of Religion.' In the West he was called Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí, but the Moslems of the East left out the definite article (_al_) in order to distinguish him from the Cadi Abú Bakr Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí of Seville († 1151 A.D.).

[748] _Al-Kibrít al-aḥmar_ (literally, 'the red sulphur').

[749] See Von Kremer, _op. cit._, p. 108 seq.

[750] The above particulars are derived from an abstract of the _Futúḥát_ made by ‘Abdu ’l-Wahháb al-Sha‘rání († 1565 A.D.), of which Fleischer has given a full description in the _Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Leipzig Univ. Library_ (1838), pp. 490-495.

[751] Maqqarí, i, 569, 11.

[752] Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal.

[753] Abú Ḥanífa.

[754] _Fuṣúṣu ’l-Ḥikam_ (Cairo, A.H. 1321), p. 78. The words within brackets belong to the commentary of ‘Abdu ’l-Razzáq al-Káshání which accompanies the text.

[755] Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí uses the term "Idea of ideas" (_Ḥaqíqatu ’l-ḥaqá’iq_) as equivalent to λόγος ἐνδιάθετος, while "the Idea of Muḥammad" (_al-Ḥaqíqatu ’l-Muḥammadiyya_) corresponds to λόγος προφορικός.

[756] The Arabic text of these verses will be found in the collection of Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí's mystical odes, entitled _Tarjumánu ’l-Ashwáq_, which I have edited (Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, vol. xx, p. 19, vv. 13-15).

[757] Ibnu ’l-‘Arabí has been studied by Asin Palacios, Professor of Arabic at Madrid, whose books are written in Spanish, and H. S. Nyberg (_Kleinere Schriften des Ibn al-‘Arabí_, Leiden, 1919). A general view may be obtained from my _Studies in Islamic Mysticism_, pp. 77-142 and pp. 149-161.

[758] See Asin Palacios, _Islam and the Divine Comedy_, London, 1926.

[759] Abridged from Ibnu ’l-‘Idhárí, _al-Bayán al-Mughrib_, ed. by Dozy, vol. ii, p. 61 seq.

[760] Ibn Khallikán, ed. by Wüstenfeld, No. 802; De Slane's translation, vol. iv, p. 29 sqq.

[761] Muqaddasí (ed. by De Goeje), p. 236, cited by Goldziher, _Die Zâhiriten_, p. 114.

[762] Dozy, _Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne_ (Leyden, 1861), vol. iii, p. 90 sqq.

[763] ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán III was the first of his line to assume this title.

[764] Maqqarí, vol. i, p. 259. As Maqqarí's work is our principal authority for the literary history of Moslem Spain, I may conveniently give some account of it in this place. The author, Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Tilimsání al-Maqqarí († 1632 A.D.) wrote a biography of Ibnu ’l-Khaṭíb, the famous Vizier of Granada, to which he prefixed a long and discursive introduction in eight chapters: (1) Description of Spain; (2) Conquest of Spain by the Arabs; (3) History of the Spanish dynasties; (4) Cordova; (5) Spanish-Arabian scholars who travelled in the East; (6) Orientals who visited Spain; (7) Miscellaneous extracts, anecdotes, poetical citations, &c., bearing on the literary history of Spain; (8) Reconquest of Spain by the Christians and expulsion of the Arabs. The whole work is entitled _Nafḥu ’l-Ṭíb min ghuṣní ’l-Andalusi ’l-raṭíb wa-dhikri wazírihá Lisáni ’l-Dín Ibni ’l-Khaṭíb_. The introduction, which contains a fund of curious and valuable information--"a library in little"--has been edited by Dozy and other European Arabists under the title of _Analectes sur l'Histoire et la Littérature des Arabes d'Espagne_ (Leyden, 1855-1861).

[765] The name of Slaves (_Ṣaqáliba_) was originally applied to prisoners of war, belonging to various northern races, who were sold to the Arabs of Spain, but the term was soon widened so as to include all foreign slaves serving in the harem or the army, without regard to their nationality. Like the Mamelukes and Janissaries, they formed a privileged corps under the patronage of the palace, and since the reign of ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán III their number and influence had steadily increased. _Cf._ Dozy, _Hist. des Mus. d'Espagne_, vol. iii, p. 58 sqq.

[766] Dozy, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 103 seq.

[767] Qazwíní, _Átháru ’l-Bilád_, ed. by Wüstenfeld, p. 364, l. 5 sqq.

[768] See Schack, _op. cit._, vol. ii, p. 46 sqq.

[769] The Arabic original occurs in the 11th chapter of the _Ḥalbatu ’l-Kumayt_, a collection of poems on wine and drinking by Muḥammad b. Ḥasan al-Nawájí († 1455 A.D.), and is also printed in the _Anthologie Arabe_ of Grangeret de Lagrange, p. 202.

[770] _Al-Ḥullat al-Siyará_ of Ibnu ’l-Abbár, ed. by Dozy, p. 34. In the last line instead of "foes" the original has "the sons of ‘Abbás." Other verses addressed by ‘Abdu ’l-Raḥmán to this palm-tree are cited by Maqqarí, vol. ii, p. 37.

[771] Full details concerning Ziryáb will be found in Maqqarí, vol. ii, p. 83 sqq. _Cf._ Dozy, _Hist. des Mus. d'Espagne_, vol. ii, p. 89 sqq.

[772] Maqqarí, _loc. cit._, p. 87, l. 10 sqq.

[773] Dozy, _Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne_, vol. iii, p. 107 sqq.

[774] See the verses cited by Ibnu ’l-Athír, vol. viii, p. 457.

[775] Ibn Khallikán, No. 697, De Slane's translation, vol. iii, p. 186.

[776] Ibn Khallikán, _loc. cit._

[777] _Loc. cit._, p. 189. For the sake of clearness I have slightly abridged and otherwise remodelled De Slane's translation of this passage.

[778] A somewhat different version of these events is given by Dozy, _Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne_, vol. iv, p. 189 sqq.

[779] The term _Mulaththamún_, which means literally 'wearers of the _lithám_' (a veil covering the lower part of the face), is applied to the Berber tribes of the Sahara, the so-called Almoravides (_al-Murábiṭún_), who at this time ruled over Northern Africa.

[780] Ibnu ’l-Abbár (Dozy, _Loci de Abbadidis_, vol. ii, p. 63).

[781] _Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne_, vol. iv, p. 287.

[782] _I.e._, 'holder of the two vizierships'--that of the sword and that of the pen. See De Slane's translation of Ibn Khallikán, vol. iii, p. 130, n. 1.

[783] The Arabic text of this poem, which occurs in the _Qalá’idu ’l-‘Iqyán_ of Ibn Kháqán, will be found on pp. 24-25 of Weyers's _Specimen criticum exhibens locos Ibn Khacanis de Ibn Zeidouno_ (Leyden, 31).

[784] Cited by Ibn Khallikán in his article on Ibn Ḥazm (De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 268).

[785] Maqqarí, vol. i, p. 511, l. 21.

[786] Maqqarí, _loc. cit._ p. 515, l. 5 seq.

[787] See p. 341, note 1[640].

[788] The contents of the _Kitábu ’l-Milal wa-’l-Niḥal_ are fully summarised by Dozy in the Leyden Catalogue, vol. iv, pp. 230-237. _Cf._ also _Zur Komposition von Ibn Ḥazm's Milal wa’n-Niḥal_, by Israel Friedlaender in the _Nöldeke-Festschrift_ (Giessen, 1906), vol. i, p. 267 sqq.

[789] So far as I am aware, the report that copies are preserved in the great mosque at Tunis has not been confirmed.

[790] His Arabic name is Ismá‘íl b. Naghdála. See the Introduction to Dozy's ed. of Ibnu ’l-‘Idhárí, p. 84, n. 1.

[791] An interesting notice of Samuel Ha-Levi is given by Dozy in his _Hist. des Mus. d'Espagne_, vol. iv, p. 27 sqq.

[792] _Kámil_ of Ibnu ’l-Athír, ed. by Tornberg, vol. ix, p. 425 sqq. The following narrative (which has been condensed as far as possible) differs in some essential particulars from the accounts given by Ibn Khaldún (_History of the Berbers_, De Slane's translation, vol. ii, p. 64 sqq.) and by Ibn Abí Zar‘ (Tornberg, _Annales Regum Mauritaniæ_, p. 100 sqq. of the Latin version). _Cf._ A. Müller, _Der Islam_, vol. ii, p. 611 sqq.

[793] See note on p. 423.

[794] The province of Tunis.

[795] _Murábiṭ_ is literally 'one who lives in a _ribáṭ_,' _i.e._, a guardhouse or military post on the frontier. Such buildings were often occupied, in addition to the garrison proper, by individuals who, from pious motives, wished to take part in the holy war (_jihád_) against the unbelievers. The word _murábiṭ_, therefore, gradually got an exclusively religious signification, 'devotee' or 'saint,' which appears in its modern form, _marabout_. As applied to the original Almoravides, it still retains a distinctly military flavour.

[796] See Goldziher's article _Materialien zur Kenntniss der Almohadenbewegung in Nordafrika_ (_Z.D.M.G._, vol. 41, p. 30 sqq.).

[797] ‘Abdu ’l-Wáḥid, _History of the Almohades_, ed. by Dozy, p. 135, l. 1 sqq.

[798] The Berbers at this time were Sunnite and anti-Fáṭimid.

[799] Almohade is the Spanish form of _al-Muwaḥḥid_.

[800] Stanley Lane-Poole, _The Mohammadan Dynasties_, p. 46.

[801] Renan, _Averroës et l'Averroïsme_, p. 12 sqq.

[802] See a passage from ‘Abdu ’l-Wáhid's _History of the Almohades_ (p. 201, l. 19 sqq.), which is translated in Goldziher's _Ẓâhiriten_, p. 174.

[803] The Arabic text, with a Latin version by E. Pocock, was published in 1671, and again in 1700, under the title _Philosophus Autodidactus_. An English translation by Simon Ockley appeared in 1708, and has been several times reprinted.

[804] The true form of this name is Absál, as in Jámí's celebrated poem. _Cf._ De Boer, _The History of Philosophy in Islam_, translated by E. R. Jones, p. 144.

[805] Jurjí Zaydán, however, is disposed to regard the story as being not without foundation. See his interesting discussion of the evidence in his _Ta‘ríkhu ’l-Tamaddun al-Islámi_ ('History of Islamic Civilisation'), Part III, pp. 40-46.

[806] The life of Ibnu ’l-Khaṭib has been written by his friend and contemporary, Ibn Khaldún (_Hist. of the Berbers_, translated by De Slane, vol. iv. p. 390 sqq.), and forms the main subject of Maqqarí's _Nafḥu ’l-Ṭíb_ (vols. iii and iv of the Buláq edition).

[807] Schack, _op. cit._, vol. i, p. 312 seq.

[808] Cited in the _Shadharátu ’l-Dhahab_, a MS. in my collection. See _J.R.A.S._ for 1899, p. 911 seq., and for 1906, p. 797.

[809] The Arabic text of the Prolegomena has been published by Quatremère in _Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Impériale_, vols. 16-18, and at Beyrout (1879, 1886, and 1900). A French translation by De Slane appeared in _Not. et Extraits_, vols. 19-21.

[810] _Muqaddima_ (Beyrout ed. of 1900), p. 35, l. 5 sqq. = Prolegomena translated by De Slane, vol. i, p. 71.

[811] _Muqaddima_, p. 37, l. 4 fr. foot = De Slane's translation, vol. i, p. 77.

[812] Von Kremer has discussed Ibn Khaldún's ideas more fully than is possible here in an admirably sympathetic article, _Ibn Chaldun und seine Culturgeschichte der islamischen Reiche_, contributed to the _Sitz. der Kais. Akad. der Wissenschaften_, vol. 93 (Vienna, 1879). I have profited by many of his observations, and desire to make the warmest acknowledgment of my debt to him in this as in countless other instances.