Chapter III: Arrival at Morzouk (1)

Mode of travelling across the Desert — Interview with the Sultan — Description of Morzouk — Population — Castle of the Sultan — Illness and severe Distress of the Author and his Companions — Arrival of a Kafflé of Tuarick — Fast of Rhamadan — Departure of an Expedition to obtain Slaves from the Country of Borgoo — Diseases of the Inhabitants, and the Native Methods of Cure — Feast of Aidel Shraya — Observations on the Tuarick — Their Religion, Dress, Customs, and Language — Ghraat — Its Government, Laws, and Trade — Market there — Arrival of a Kafflé from Bornou with Slaves — Information respecting Bornou and the surrounding Countries, as collected from the Traders — Of Kashna and Soudan, in general — Account of Hornemann and his Death — Tembuctoo — General Remarks on the Geography of the Interior, and probable Course of the Niger — Vocabulary of the Fellātta Language — Conjectures on the Fate of Park.

On our entry into the town, the soldiers raced up a very broad street, firing and shouting, whilst the women uttered their shrill cry; and the scene was altogether highly interesting. On passing a large open space, before we reached the castle and walls surrounding it, we were saluted from two six-pounders. We did not enter the castle itself, but were conducted to a large house within its outward boundary, which had been prepared for our reception. An old Mamluke, Hadje Mahmoud حاج محمود took charge of us, and having passed our threshold “in the name of God,” brought us a hot mess and a large mat. We waited until the afternoon, and were then conducted to pay our respects to the Sultan, and to be introduced to his son, a boy of about thirteen years of age, born of a slave of Soudan. We, in our turn, were visited by a great number of people; who had, in the space of a few hours, informed themselves, very sagaciously, that we were great men, and had brought 30,000 dollars with us; when, in truth, we had only 300 (which were in Mukni’s hands), and knew not where to procure more. Our horses, which were much fatigued and very thin, were fed from the castle.

We had been thirty-nine days in coming from Tripoli; the road, with the exception of the immediate vicinity of the towns, was a dreary desert, having but few wells, and those of salt water. Nothing could have been more fortunate than our travelling with the Sultan; our difficulties must otherwise have been very great. Mukni, to do him justice, showed us every attention; and we always partook of his meals when in the towns. I was his constant companion, and being of a less sedate disposition than Mr. Ritchie, he always invited me to ride by him, generally treating me with some cakes or dainties, which he carried with him. In return, I allowed him a draught from my water-skin. He spoke a little Italian, and amused himself much by asking questions about my country, of the wealth and grandeur of which he had formed very exalted ideas; particularly respecting the funds, or _banco_, as he called it. He certainly evinced a great desire to lodge some of his property, in this manner, in England, provided he could arrange it privately; it being against the Mahommedan religion to receive interest.

When I told him that English women were allowed to have money in their own power, and that some of them had immense fortunes, he seemed scarcely to credit me. He was much astonished at being told, that young men often did not marry until they had arrived at 25 or 30 years of age: this he considered as highly improper; but in some degree reconciled it to his way of thinking, by supposing that they must, in that case, have a great number of concubines, and that they only married those who brought them children. He did not find fault with our customs in that respect, as he had, himself, only one wife; but he had 50 Negresses, which was considered a very moderate allowance for a Sultan of Fezzan. He frequently asked me how natural children were disposed of, when it was requisite to conceal their birth from the parents of the offending parties. His pointed manner of questioning me on this subject led me to some suspicion of his motives for the inquiry; and I afterwards discovered, from several of his people, that he invariably caused to be strangled all babes born of his Negresses by other men, and that it was the general custom at Tripoli, to poison illegitimate infants in the womb. The mother of little Yussuf, his son, had a child about a year since, perfectly black. Mukni being satisfied it could not be his, sent for the suspected father, and made him strangle the infant: the mother was allowed to return to her own country, which was considered a great piece of lenity, death being usually the punishment for such an offence.

Our travelling pace was a walk of the horses, which generally got considerably in advance of the camels. At noon, or about that time, if we could find a tree, we stopped under it; if not, we sat under the shadow of our horses. The Sultan was grand victualler, and generally produced a bag of bread or dates, or the remains of his dinner of the day before. Each one then had a portion, not sufficient to be called a dinner, but to break his fast; and after eating, and drinking a few mouthfuls of water, stretched himself out, and slept until the camels came up: the party then mounted and rode on. These rests were very refreshing to the men and horses; but the loaded camels never made any stop, neither did the poor Negroes, who, with their wives and even little children, plodded on the whole day, over a burning soil, sometimes for twenty, and often for sixteen hours, whenever want of water made a forced march necessary. Several of the smallest of the black children, though probably not more than four or five years of age, walked for many hours with great strength in the early part of the day, having but a few rags to cover them, and when unable to proceed further, were put on the camels for the remainder of the day. One of our party, a poor old man, totally blind, arrived safe at Morzouk from Tripoli. He had walked all the way over the rocks and plains, led by his wife, and was kept alive by the hope of once more hearing the voices of his countrymen.

When we stopped for the night, it was generally so contrived that we should lie in some spot where bushes might be found for the camels to browse upon; but even though there might be no wood or herbage, a wadey was always preferred, as more sheltered. Our tents were pitched, if the ground was sufficiently soft to admit the pegs, and our bales and chests so placed, as to form a shelter for those who had no tents; affording a bulwark against the wind and sand. The little resistance offered by any intervening objects to the winds of the desert, renders them very powerful, and the stillness of the night, in blowing weather, is particularly awful. The tents are no sooner pitched, than the camels are turned out to feed on the thin and scattered bushes, and parties go to collect wood; the horses are hobbled, watered from the skins, and then fed. Should there be no wood, camels’ dung is an excellent substitute, as it burns like peat, and forms a very glowing fire. A hole is dug in the ground, and three stones so placed, as to support the little copper pot. Cusscussou or Bazeen is then prepared. The Sultanesses are no contemptible cooks, and they made every evening an excellent supper for their master. When no fire is to be had, Zumeeta is prepared with water and oil, and so eaten. We usually managed, in an evening, to make a little coffee, of which Mukni always came and partook; and as soon as he left the tent, his slaves and people generally succeeded him, wishing also to taste some. If we had time, we occasionally drank a cup of it in the morning fasting, which we found, in the most sultry weather, prevented thirst. I observed, that we never required water if we abstained from eating in the early part of the day, and I thus account for the Arabs drinking so little: on the contrary, if any quantity of water is taken on an empty stomach, the person who indulges in it suffers great thirst for the remainder of the day. When hot, it is much better to drink from the palm of the hand, which prevents the possibility of taking too great a draught at once. It is very refreshing after a long day’s journey, to be well oiled all over; and a wet cloth applied to the back of the neck relieves the fulness of the head, after being many hours exposed to the sun.—Horses should not be brought near the wells until it is their turn to drink; if they are kept in sight of the water, without being able to reach it, they frequently become furious, and many of them greedily devour the mud.

The water is generally carried on camels set apart for that purpose, and having no other loads. The usual quantity is six gerbas, or water-skins, three on each side, one slung above the other. Each of these skins is about fifty pounds in weight when full. Should the Kafflé expect to be four or six days without finding water, every camel which carries goods, has, in addition to its load, a skin on each side. In fact, horses generally occasion more trouble to a caravan than any thing else. The immense quantity of water necessary to be taken for them is always averaged at one camel for each horse, not including other loads of corn or dates for their food.

Nothing can be more overpowering than the south wind, El Gibli قبلي, or the east, El Shirghi الشرقي; each of which is equally to be dreaded. In addition to the excessive heat and dryness of these winds, they are so impregnated with sand, that the air is darkened by it, the sky appears of a dusky yellow, and the sun is barely perceptible. The eyes become red, swelled, and inflamed; the lips and skin parched and chopped; while severe pain in the chest is very generally felt, in consequence of the quantities of sand unavoidably inhaled. Nothing, indeed, is able to resist the unwholesome effects of this wind. On opening our boxes, we found that many little articles, and some of our instruments, which had been carefully packed, were entirely split and destroyed. Gales of the kind here described generally continue ten or twelve hours, yet when a change takes place, the air seems so fresh and delightful, that the miseries of the sand-wind are soon forgotten. We sometimes met people on our road, who invariably at parting recited the Fatha, each one religiously stroking his beard as soon as he had concluded this prayer.

Being now settled for a time in Morzouk, we went about, in order to become better acquainted with the people. Mr. Ritchie made magnificent presents to the Sultan and his sons, and every thing seemed to promise well, except that we had but little money, and were obliged to live in a most economical manner on corn, and seldom able to afford meat; having not only ourselves but our black servant and four horses to feed.

We had now acquired some little knowledge of the language, when, on the first Friday after our arrival, Mukni sent to tell us that he intended going to the Mosque at the Asr عسر, or afternoon prayers, and that he expected to see us there. As this was to be Mr. Ritchie’s first appearance in a Mosque, we had no sooner dressed ourselves in our best clothes than we practised the necessary prostrations, until we heard the crier call to prayers, when our old Mamluke came to conduct us to the church. We found a large assembly sitting in rows on mats, our places being in front. The Sultan soon after entered with his guards, and the Mosque was instantly filled with a strong smell of attar of roses, which his Majesty used in large quantities. Mr. Ritchie and myself got through our part very well, and after the service was over, waited at the door to see the Sultan mount and return to the Castle.

His horse, richly caparisoned, was led to an earthen seat, from which he mounted, three led horses preceding him. He was surrounded by his armed slaves, and fanned by men with ostrich feathers; and thus proceeded, slowly, and amidst an immense crowd, to the Castle, a distance of about five hundred yards. When arrived there, he remained for a few minutes in the court-yard, seated in his state chair, and receiving the homage of his subjects, leaning on two of his principal people; he then ascended into the Castle, where we followed him, and were allowed to sit on the same carpet as himself. He here paid to Mr. Ritchie the three hundred dollars which he owed him, and at the same time made most flattering promises about assisting us at any future period in money matters. We implicitly believed his professions, and left the Castle much delighted at possessing such a friend in one, who, had he been ill-disposed, had so much power to injure us.

At our return home, on examining our stock of eatables, we found that we had been robbed of a large sack of rice, another of flour, and a great quantity of cusscussou. From our hardware we missed one pistol, both locks of a double-barrelled gun, and several bags of shot. We made instant complaint to Mukni, who promised that every inquiry should be made for the stolen articles, and that they should, if found, be faithfully returned to us. We laid in a stock of dates for our horses, and commenced keeping house on our own account.

Our habitation was a very good one, and as all the large houses are built on nearly the same plan, I may, by describing this, give an idea of all the rest. A large door, sufficiently high to admit a camel, opened into a broad passage, or Skeefa سكيفه; on one side of which was a tolerable stable for five horses; and close to it a small room for the slaves, whose duty it might be to attend the house. A door opposite to that of the stable opened into the Kowdi كودي, or large square room, the roof of which, at the height of eighteen feet, was supported by four palm-trees as pillars. In the centre of the roofing was a large open space, about twelve feet by nine; from this the house and rooms receive light (not to mention dust), and excessive heat in the afternoon. At the end of the room, facing the door, a large seat of mud was raised, about eighteen inches high, and twelve feet in length. Heaps of this description, though higher, are found at the doors of most houses, and are covered with loungers in the cool of the morning and evening. Our large room was fifty feet by thirty-nine. From the sides, doors opened into smaller ones, which might be used as sleeping or store-rooms, but were generally preferred for their coolness. Their only light was received from the door. Ascending a few steps, there was a kind of gallery over the side rooms, and in it were two small apartments, but so very hot as to be almost useless. From the large room was a passage leading to a yard, having also small houses attached to it in the same manner, and a well of comparatively good water. The floors were of sand, and the walls of mud roughly plastered, and showing every where the marks of the only trowel used in the country—the fingers of the right hand. There are no windows to any of the houses; but some rooms have a small hole in the ceiling, or high up in the wall.

Morzouk is a walled town, containing about 2500 inhabitants, who are blacks, and who do not, like the Arabs, change their residence. The walls are of mud, having round buttresses, with loopholes for musketry, rudely built, but sufficiently strong to guard against attack: they are about fifteen feet in height, and at the bottom eight feet in thickness, tapering, as all walls in this country do, towards the top. The town has seven gates, four of which are built up in order to prevent the people escaping when they are required to pay their duties. A man is appointed by the Sultan to attend each of these gates, day and night, lest any slaves or merchandize should be smuggled into the town. The people, in building the walls and houses, fabricate a good substitute for stones, (which are not to be found in these parts), by forming clay into balls, which they dry in the sun, and use with mud as mortar: the walls are thus made very strong; and, as rain is unknown, durable also. The houses, with very few exceptions, are of one story, and those of the poorer sort receive all their light from the doors: these are so low, as to require stooping nearly double to enter them; but the large houses have a capacious outer door; which is sufficiently well contrived, considering the bad quality of the wood that composes them. Thick palm planks, of four or five inches in breadth, (for the size and manner of cutting a tree will not afford more) have a square hole punched through them at the top and bottom, by which they are firmly wedged together, with thick palm sticks; wet thongs of camels’ hide are then tied tightly over them, which, on drying, draw the planks more strongly and securely together. There are no hinges to the doors; but they turn on a pivot, formed on the last plank near the wall, which is always the largest on that account. The locks and keys are very large and heavy, and of curious construction. The houses are generally built in little narrow streets; but there are many open spaces, entirely void of buildings, and covered with sand, on which the camels of the traders remain. Many palms grow in the town, and some houses have small square enclosures, in which are cultivated a few red peppers and onions. The street of entrance is a broad space of at least a hundred yards, leading to the wall that surrounds the castle, and is extremely pretty: here the horsemen have full scope to display their abilities when they skirmish before the Sultan. The castle itself is an immense mud building, rising to the height of eighty or ninety feet, with little battlements on the walls (a fancy of the present Sultan’s); and at a distance really looks warlike. Like all the other buildings, it has no pretensions to regularity: the lower walls are fifty or sixty feet in thickness; the upper taper off to about four or five feet. In consequence of the immense mass of wall, the apartments are very small, and few in number. The rooms occupied by the Sultan are of the best quality, (that is to say, comparatively), for the walls are tolerably smooth, and white-washed, and have ornamental daubs of red paint in blotches, by way of effect. His couch is spread on the ground, and his visitors squat down on the sandy floor at a respectful distance; we, however, were always honoured by having a corner of the carpet offered to us. The best and most airy part of the castle is occupied by the women, who have small rooms round a large court, in which they take exercise, grind corn, cook, and perform other domestic offices. The number called Kibere, or great ladies, seldom exceeds six. This dignified title is generally given to the mothers of the Sultan’s children, or to those, who, having once been great favourites, are appointed governesses to the rest. There are, on the whole, about fifty young women, all black and very comely; and from what stolen glances we could obtain, they appeared extremely well dressed. They are guarded by five eunuchs, who keep up their authority by occasionally beating them. The Sultan has three sons and two daughters, who live with him in this cage, the doors of which are locked at night, and the keys brought to him, so that he remains free from any fear of attack. The castle is entered by a long winding passage in the wall, quite dark and very steep. At the door is a large shed, looking on a square space, capable of containing three or four hundred men closely huddled together. Under this shed is a great chair of state (once finely gilt and ornamented), with a patchwork quilt thrown over it; and behind it are the remains of two large looking-glasses. In this chair the Sultan receives homage every Friday, before he ascends the castle, after returning from the Mosque. This place is the Mejlees, مبولبس, and was the scene of all the cruelties practised by Mukni when he first took possession of the country.

_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._

_On Stone by D. Dighton._

THE CASTLE OF MORZOUK.

_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. Feb.1.1821._

_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]

There are several pools of stagnant salt water in the town, which, I conceive, in a great measure, promote the advance of the summer fevers and agues. The burying-places are outside the walls, and are of considerable extent. In lieu of stones, small mud embankments are formed round the graves, which are ornamented with shreds of cloth tied to small sticks, with broken pots, and sometimes ostrich eggs. One of the burying-places is for slaves, who are laid very little below the surface; and in some parts the sand has been so carried away by the wind, as to expose their skeletons to view. Owing to the want of wood, no coffins are used; the bodies are merely wrapped in a mat, or linen cloth, and covered with palm branches, over which the earth is thrown. When the branches decay, the earth falls in; and the graves are easily known by being concave instead of convex. The place where the former Sultans are buried is a plain near the town; their graves are only distinguished from those of other people by having a larger proportion of broken pots scattered about them. It is a custom for the relations of the deceased to visit, and occasionally to recite a prayer over the grave, or to repeat a verse of the Koran. Children never pass within sight of the tombs of their parents without stopping to pay this grateful tribute of respect to their memory. Animals are never buried, but thrown on mounds outside the walls, and there left. The excessive heat soon dries up all their moisture, and prevents their becoming offensive; and the hair remains on them, so that they appear like preserved skins.

May 15th.—I was attacked with severe dysentery, which confined me to my bed during twenty-two days, and reduced me to the last extremity. Our little party was at this time miserably poor, for we had only money sufficient for the purchase of corn to keep us alive, and never tasted meat, unless fortunate enough to kill a pigeon in the gardens. My illness was the first break up in our little community, and from that time it rarely happened that one or two of us were not confined to our beds. The extreme saltness of the water, the poor quality of our food, together with the excessive heat and dryness of the climate, long retarded my recovery; and when it did take place, it was looked on as a miracle by those who had seen me in my worst state, and who thought it impossible for me to survive. I was no sooner convalescent, than Mr. Ritchie fell ill, and was confined to his bed with an attack of bilious fever, accompanied with delirium, and great pain in his back and kidneys, for which he required repeated cupping. When a little recovered, he got up for two days, but his disorder soon returned with redoubled and alarming violence. He rejected every thing but water; and, excepting about three hours in the afternoon, remained either constantly asleep, or in a delirious state. Even had he been capable of taking food, we had not the power of purchasing any which could nourish or refresh him. Our money was now all expended, and the Sultan’s treacherous plans to distress us, which daily became too apparent, were so well arranged, that we could not find any one to buy our goods. For six entire weeks we were without animal food, subsisting on a very scanty portion of corn and dates. Our horses were mere skeletons, added to which, Belford became totally deaf, and so emaciated as to be unable to walk.

My situation was now such as to create the most gloomy apprehensions; for I reflected that, if my two companions were to die, which there was every reason to apprehend, I had no money with which to bury them, or to support myself; and must in that case have actually perished from want, in a land of comparative plenty. My naturally sanguine mind, however, and above all, my firm reliance in that Power which had so mercifully protected me on so many trying occasions, prevented my giving way to despondency; and, Belford beginning soon to rally a little, we united, and took turns in nursing and attending on our poor companion. At this time, having no servant, we performed for Mr. Ritchie and for ourselves the most menial offices, Mr. Ritchie being wholly unable to assist himself.

Two young men, brothers, whom we had treated with great kindness, and whom we had engaged to attend on us, so far from commiserating our forlorn situation, forsook us in our distress, and even carried off our little store of rice and cusscussou, laughing at our complaints, and well knowing that our poverty prevented the redress which we should otherwise have sought and obtained.

During the period of Mr. Ritchie’s illness, a Kafflé of Tuarick arrived, on their way to Mecca; they had with them a Marāboot of most extraordinary talent and sagacity, about fifteen years old. This young saint was said never to look up, but to have his eyes either fixed on the Koran, or on the ground. I managed to ride out to visit this exalted personage, and found him a fat silly boy with sore eyes, very dirty and ragged, and surrounded by Hadge Mahmoud and a few others, with about the same share of intellect as himself, who were listening with great admiration to his remarks.

The Sultan, on the arrival of this Kafflé, rode out in state to see them, and supplied them with provisions during their stay. They were about one hundred and fifty in number, and with the exception of two tents of canvas, all the rest were of leather, supported by sticks and the people’s baggage.

I shall speak at a future period of the Tuarick, their dress, language, &c.

Rhamadan (the month in which Mohammed is said to have had his first communication with the angel Gabriel) was announced on the 23d of June, when the new moon appeared. The strictest fast was immediately commenced before day, about three o’clock, until sunset at seven P.M., sixteen hours; during this time no one drinks or eats, smokes or chews tobacco, and even smelling perfume is considered as wicked, as is swallowing the saliva.

The excessive heat which raged at this period (see Meteorological register at the end of the volume) was the occasion of many very serious illnesses amongst our friends and neighbours. Mr. Ritchie being very unwell and in bed, was, in a manner, privileged to take food or drink; but as Belford and myself were now much recovered, we were obliged to be very cautious, only eating by stealth, and when no one was likely to interrupt us. We had at this time a servant, who was a very inquisitive fellow; and our artifices to get him out of the way on these occasions would, by any but a blockhead like himself, have been soon discovered: however, we not only got safely through, but were fortunate enough to obtain credit for keeping the fast with great strictness, and without exciting the slightest suspicions of our stolen meals.

Hadje Mahmoud, a most religious old man, became very troublesome to me, and was continually begging that I would call in some Marāboot to pray over, and write prayers on Mr. Ritchie’s head and hands: his delirium he attributed to the devil, and foretold that it would not cease until we had put a sword, or some implement of iron, under his head, Iblis being much alarmed at that metal. All these plans I resisted as well as I could; but found much difficulty in overcoming a strong desire he had to bring a plate with the names of God written on it, which were to be washed off, and the inky water given to the invalid to drink. Our poor patient, meanwhile, regardless of what was passing, longed and asked only for a little milk, which unhappily we were not able to procure; the Sultan, although he had fifty goats, made so many excuses and difficulties about affording us any, that we were obliged to give up all hopes of gratifying him.

Great preparations were now making all over the kingdom, to forward an expedition which the Sultan intended to send against the tribe of the Tibboo Borgo, a country about a month S.E. Bodies of Arabs arrived from Sockna, and the towns in that direction; a party of horse also came from Benioleed, and Morzouk was all confusion. Sidi Aleiwa, the Sultan’s eldest son, was to take the command. All the men assembled to accompany him were quartered on the town’s-people, who were obliged to feed them and their cattle twice a day.

I shall here mention the names of certain persons who came to see us, and were really friendly towards us, in order to distinguish them from numberless other visitors, who, at first, were very regular in their attendance, but who vanished as soon as our sugar and coffee were expended. Mohammed El Lizari حمداليزهاري and Yussuf his brother were our two principal and real friends, and were the sons of a Mamluke long since dead.

On Mukni’s coming to this country, he reduced them from a state of affluence to complete poverty, leaving them their palms, the only possessions of which he could not deprive them. The friendship which these good men evinced for us was perfectly disinterested; and when we were poor and nearly starving, they most humanely and considerately conferred on us many acts of real kindness. Mohammed, the elder brother, was obliged to prepare himself to go on the slave hunt, much against his inclination, and was appointed to take charge of the young Aleiwa.

Old Hadje Mahmoud, whom I have before mentioned, was another of our friends, but rather less disinterested than the two former: he was credulous, superstitious, and rather time-serving; but being our neighbour, did us now and then a good office. His kindness, however, certainly slackened after our poverty became but too apparent.

Mohammed ben Abd Alla was, for a length of time, our most constant visitor. He was a Mamluke, born at Naples, and apostatised when about ten years old. He remained some time at Tripoli; and, when about eighteen years of age, was sent by the Bashaw as a present to the former Sultan. He recollected but little of his native language; was shrewd and lively, and was certainly employed by the Sultan as a spy upon our actions. Having fully ascertained this circumstance, we employed many tricks to deceive him, in which we completely succeeded. One of his great points was, to discover for what reason we came so far into the country, and whether we really were very great men, as we were reported to be.

A report had been circulated that Mr. Ritchie was married to the King of England’s daughter, and that I recently had married his Majesty’s niece. As Mohammed affected to be acquainted with all our affairs, we always denied our high connexions in such a manner as to confirm, rather than to contradict, the reports. Our wealth he imagined to be very considerable, until he found we ceased to eat meat, and then his suspicions of our real situation were awakened. As he became excessively importunate in his questions, I at last undertook to frighten him, and after one or two preparatory conversations, got him out on the sand one night when there was no moon. I began talking of King Solomon and his seal, and related to him as many horrible stories of ghosts as I could conjure up. I told him that Mr. Ritchie and myself were Freemasons, and that we understood the writing which was on our Lord Solomon’s seal. On this subject I also invented tales, to convince him that Freemasons were acquainted with every thing. I took him home with me, and (Mr. Ritchie being on that evening pretty well) desired him to mention some words to me, which I would, with his hand over my mouth, convey across the room. I accordingly spelt the words with my fingers, and Mr. Ritchie, to Mohammed’s great astonishment, repeated them aloud. A few repetitions of this plan made a sensible alteration in our inquisitive friend, who, from that time, gradually ceased to intrude on us. Mohammed was particularly proud of his high blood (being a Mamluke), boasting that his father (though an unbeliever) was a very great man, and much in the confidence of the King of Naples, whose revenues he collected, and had a large army under his orders. He also recollected his having fine laced clothes, and riding a horse. We were often much puzzled to guess who this great personage could be, when one evening, by way of surprising and delighting us, he, with great gravity, informed us that his father was a caporale, or, in plain English, a corporal!

On the 12th of July, the army all being in readiness, amounting to about 300 horse and 800 foot, with nearly 2000 camels, set out for Gutrone, from whence they were to make their final departure. Mukni accompanied them; and the town was left in a state of quiet we had never before observed. The charge of the castle was committed to old Hadge Mahmoud, who locked the females up every evening at sunset. Mukni, who was not considered to be a very religious person, was much blamed for setting out during the fast of Rhamadan; and some, who knew we should not betray their opinions, said, that his only reason for choosing such a time was, that he might have an excuse for eating, which is allowed by the Koran to travellers and sick persons; provided they make amends when they are able, by fasting in some other month.

Many people came to us to beg for medicines; and Mr. Ritchie being unable to attend to their wants, I became their physician, having a medical book constantly at hand to refer to in difficult cases. My medicines sometimes succeeded, and I must say, that where I could not afford relief, I never attempted any experiments which could injure my patients. I shall here state the most prevalent disorders, with the method of cure employed by the inhabitants:

_Diseases._ _Method of Cure._

Liver complaint, frequently fatal Burning with a hot iron.

Enlargement of the spleen, ditto Ditto.

Asthma, ditto Ditto.

Consumption, ditto Ditto.

Burning the temples, and putting
Blindness pieces of onion between the
eyelids.

Rupture Burning.

Fever and ague, called Hemma Charms drank in water.

Venereal Purges of colocynth, and washes
of soda. Effectual.

Strictures Burning.

Ghonorrhæa Purges and burning.

Palsy Charms.

I saw one instance of elephantiasis. The man afflicted with it was a native of Morzouk. His right leg was very much swoln, and he said it had been in that state for more than a year, and was still increasing in size. He said it gave him no pain, but much incommoded him in working. His complexion appeared sallow and shrivelled; but his leg was red, and the skin shining.

I was now considered as a doctor, and my character, in consequence, became established; although my knowledge was certainly confined within a very narrow compass, and extended no farther than bleeding, blistering, and preparing a simple dose of physic.

On the 22nd of July Mukni returned, having seen his son safe on his way. Rhamadan’s sun was now set; and on the 23rd instant, early in the morning, the moon was visible. It would be impossible to describe the joy which this sight occasioned, after thirty days’ fasting. Every body was in motion, screaming, dancing, firing guns, eating and drinking.

Mr. Ritchie was now beginning to recover, and was able to sit up a little, after having been confined fifty-eight days to his bed. At noon, having ornamented myself and my poor lean horse as well as I could, I joined the procession which was to ride round the town. The Sultan and his two youngest sons, covered with rich clothes, rode first, with flags, led horses, and music. All the people, who remained behind from the army, were dressed in their finest habits; and we thus proceeded to a small building near the tombs of the former Sultans. On arriving there we dismounted, and I entered with the Sultan and one or two more. The Kadi stood in a niche, from which he could be seen by all the people on the plain, and recited the usual prayers; after which he read many passages from the Koran, expressly relating to Rhamadan. All the prayers being finished, every one embraced his neighbour, and congratulated him on the happy termination of the fast. Such kissing I never before witnessed. All who were capable of crowding into this house kissed the hand of Mukni, and welcomed him with the word of joy, Mabrook el Aïd! “Welcome the feast!” I was allowed to salute his shoulder, perhaps because he knew I would not pay that compliment to his hand. We then remounted, and rode round the town in great state, leaving the Kadi to kill a fat sheep as a sacrifice. I was much amused at sight of the little boys, all dressed in their fathers’ clothes, which trailed along the ground as they walked, and had a most ludicrous appearance. Some had only a rich jacket on, which hung on them like a great coat; and all wore turbans over their usual red caps. Every donkey was in requisition, and those which had the longest backs bore the greatest quantity of elegant riders. The joy depicted on every countenance, the fineness of the weather, and the novelty of the scene, was really very striking. Clothes were worn on this day which had never been used but on similar occasions; and many a Kaftan revisited the light, which had belonged to the great grandfather of the wearer. This feast is the Bairam of the Turks, and lasts three days; during which, the people, in their finest garments, receive and pay visits of ceremony. Every afternoon the Sultan rides out in state. Even the most needy manage on this grand occasion to get a little camels’ flesh, and sometimes mutton.

The great people (as commanded by their religion) give food to the poor, who take care to come in immense crowds to demand it. We were obliged to expend two of our remaining dollars, and to distribute camels’ flesh. However, it really was appropriated to those who most wanted it; as I sent for the negroes who accompanied our Kafflé from Tripoli, and who were without friends or money, and divided it amongst them. One necessary attendant on charity is, that the person who bestows it should go and boast of his good deeds to all the world. I was found much fault with by our neighbour for not sitting outside the door to distribute the flesh, (Mr. Ritchie being too weak to attend for that purpose), so that every one should see me—a piece of ostentation which our neighbour did not omit; and in only giving pieces about the size of a walnut to each applicant, of whom there were great numbers, he certainly extended his charity farther than we did.

Many parties of Tuarick came with their slaves and goods, during the last month, (July), from Kashna, Aghades, and Ghraat. They are the finest race of men I ever saw; tall, straight, and handsome, with a certain air of independence and pride, which is very imposing. They are generally white, that is to say, comparatively so; the dark brown of their complexions only being occasioned by the heat of the climate. Their arms or bodies, (where constantly covered), are as white as those of many Europeans. Their costume is very remarkable, and they cover their faces as high as the eyes, in the manner of women on the sea-coast. Their original motive for so doing is now forgotten; but they say it must be right, as it was the fashion of their forefathers. This covering extends as high as half way up the bridge of the nose, from whence it hangs down below the chin on the breast, much in the same way (but longer) as crape or lace is hung to a lady’s half mask. This cloth is generally of blue glazed cotton; but yellow, red, white, and many other colours are worn according to taste, or the ability of the wearer to purchase them. The beard is kept close clipped, so as not to interfere with the covering which is tied behind; their red caps are generally very high, but some wear yellow or green ones, fitted close to the head: others have no caps at all, but leave their hair to grow, and plait it in long tresses. All wear turbans, which are never of any fixed colour: blue is the most common and cheap; but gaudy hues are preferred. A large loose shirt (having the sleeves the same size as the body), called Tobe, is the common dress; it is of cotton, generally blue, or blue and white, and is of their own manufacture, although some wear those of Soudan, which are considered the best that are made. The merchants generally dress very gaudily while in the towns, wearing kaftans of bright red cloth, or very gay silk and cotton striped, which they procure from the Tripoline traders. A leather kaftan is also much worn, of their own manufacture, as are leather shirts of the skins of antelopes, very neatly sewed, and well prepared. Their trowsers are not made so full as those of the Moors, as they would in that case be much encumbered in riding their maherries: they rather resemble those called Cossack trowsers, and are made of cotton stuff, dark blue being the most common. Their sandals are the most elegant part of their dress, being made of black leather, with scarlet thongs to brace them to the feet. The ornamental needle-work on the inside of the sole is really admirable. They all wear a whip, hanging from a belt passed over the left shoulder by the right side. Their swords are straight and of great length, and they wield them with much ease and dexterity. From the left wrist is suspended a dagger, with the hilt towards the hand; it has a broad leather ring attached to the scabbard, and through this the hand is passed. No Tuarick is ever seen without this appendage, and a light elegant spear, sometimes entirely of iron, inlaid with brass; others are of wood, but are also highly ornamented. These weapons are about six feet in length, and are thrown to a great distance. In making war, they have three longer and heavier spears, and a strong lance, which are fastened behind the saddle. A long gun is also generally carried; and these people are considered sure marksmen. They are, if possible, more superstitious than the natives of Fezzan; some of them being literally covered with charms against disorders and accidents, which they wear round their arms, legs, necks, across the breast, and in fact wherever they can find a place for them. Their spears and guns have also their due allowance, and in the folds of the turbans are always hidden a number of holy writings. Some wear large silver cases tied round the head, containing charms against the devil. Their language is the Breber, or original African tongue, still spoken in the mountains behind Tunis, in some parts of Morocco, and at Sockna, where it is called Ertana. On a future occasion I shall give a small vocabulary of it. They are very proud of the antiquity of their language, which some have told me was spoken by Noah, in preference to any other. They never kiss the hand as other Mohammedans do, not even that of the Sultan himself, but advance, and, taking the hand, shake it, and then retire, standing erect, and looking him full in the face—a striking contrast of manners to that of the natives of Fezzan. No people have more aversion to washing than the Tuarick generally have; some, after having equipped themselves in a new suit of blue, become so stained for a time as to appear of the same complexion as their garments. Even in performing their necessary purifications, which require that a man should wash in a particular way before his prayers, they avoid water, and make use of sand. Many attempts were made by us to discover the reason why they kept themselves in such a dirty state; but to all our inquiries we obtained nearly the same answers: “God never intended that man should injure his health, if he could avoid it: water having been given to man to drink, and cook with, it does not agree with the skin of a Tuarick, who always falls sick after much washing.” There are some, however, who do wash, and ridicule the dirty ones; but these are comparatively few. They are Moslem, and their prayers are in Arabic, of which language many do not understand a syllable; those who do pray (and there are many who do not) only repeat their belief, viz. “There is no God but God, and Mohammed is his prophet,” and know very little besides of their religion. They inhabit that immense tract of country, known in maps under the name of Sahara, or the Great Desert, and are of numerous tribes, some of whom have no settled habitations, but wander like the Arabs, and subsist by plunder. They are not cruel on these occasions, provided they meet with no resistance; but should the party attacked attempt to defend themselves, their death is certain.

_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._

_On Stone by M. Gauci._

TUARICK IN A SHIRT OF LEATHER. TUARICK OF AGHADES.

_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. 1821._

_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]

The Tuarick, or more properly tribes of them, are always at war with the Soudan states, and carry off from them incalculable numbers of slaves. They are so completely masters of their weapons, and so very courageous, that they are much dreaded, which enables them to traverse unmolested, and in very small bodies, countries full of armed people. Each tribe has some peculiarity in its dress, or manner of riding and making war. The nearest Tuarick to Fezzan are at Ghraat, which is ten days from Morzouk, and from Oubari, the most western village in the Wadey Shiati. Near Sebha (see map) it is seven days west by south.

Ghraat, غرعت is a walled town, having houses in streets, and built of stone and mud, in the same manner as Morzouk. It is twenty days from Tuat, طوات and five days from Ganat, which place is not, as has been generally supposed, a town, but merely a country producing dates, and having a few scattered huts and gardens, the wells of which are salt.

Ghadams, غدامس is twenty days north-west of Ghraat. At about the distance of five or six miles from the latter, is a town called El Berkaat, البركعت famous for the quantity and fineness of the grapes produced there. It is also a walled town, but rather smaller than its neighbour, which may be about the size of Sockna.

_Drawn from Nature by G. F. Lyon._

_On Stone by M. Gauci._

TUARICKS OF GHRAAT.

_London. Published by J. Murray Albemarle St. 1821._

_C. Hullmandel’s Lithography._]

Ghraat is built partly on a plain, and partly on a steep hill side. It is closely surrounded by high mountains, which are perfectly barren: the plains are not sandy, but gravel. The Sheikh is there called Sultan, and his name is Bel Gassem. He receives but a precarious revenue, and that only from the settled inhabitants, who are called Ghratïa. The Tuarick show no respect to him, and pay no duties. They are generally wanderers, leaving only a few of each tribe in the country; but they never settle any where else. They are of the tribes Heggār, حقار, Booghrasāten, بوغراساتن, Menghrāata, منغرعت, and Haïoon, حيون; which last people are famed for sanctity, and there are but few of them who have not performed the pilgrimage to the Holy House. They are settled in the country, and seldom go to the negro kingdoms to trade. The Sultan has not the power of life and death; cannot alter or make laws; and is directed by an assembly of the elders of the people, who always try offences of a criminal nature, and then submit their sentence to him for his approval. He cannot even resolve on any measure of importance without first obtaining the permission of those elders. Neither in his dress, mode of living, or habitation, is he distinguished from the common people; and he walks about and trades by himself without attracting any notice. The Sultanship is hereditary, and not being a very desirable office, occasions no wars for the succession.

The Ghrātïa allow strangers to sit and converse with their wives and daughters, who seldom are known to abuse the liberty allowed them. They are said to be fine looking women, and inclined to corpulency. These people are reputed to be rich, from their constant trade with Soudan, and from having no one to deprive them of their gains. Provisions of all kinds are exorbitantly dear. The dates are not plentiful, and of a very inferior quality. They grow but little corn, and procure more from Morzouk in exchange for slaves, gold, or other merchandize.

The Tuarick of the tribes frequenting Ghraat are insatiable and unwearied beggars, generally securing possession, and then begging the thing taken as a present.

There is annually in the spring a great market, to which dealers from all the neighbouring countries resort in great numbers. The Ghadamsines bring swords, guns, powder, flints, lead and iron ware, also a few articles of clothing. The Soudan traders bring slaves, cotton cloths, skins, gold, civet, shears, daggers, water skins, Goroo nuts, &c.: the Fezzan merchants a mixed cargo of such goods as they procure from Tripoli or Egypt. Slaves and camels, dates and corn, are always the principal articles of commerce, and in great abundance. All traders have a tribute exacted from them by the Tuarick of the country. Clothing, some powder, or any small article, franks a Kafflé; and if a single trader goes, the same is expected from him: friends only being allowed to pass free. This tribute is called “safety money,” and once paid, the merchants are exempt from farther demand. The Mamlukes of Morzouk, or people sent by them, do not pay any thing, it being the interest of the Tuarick, who constantly come to the capital, to keep on terms with them.

The manner of riding amongst these people is very singular. They have swift, tall camels, called Maherry (the Herie of travellers), with which they perform extraordinary journeys. The saddle is placed on the withers, and confined by a band under the belly. It is very small, and difficult to sit, which is done by balancing with the feet against the neck of the animal, and holding a tight rein to steady the head. They manage these creatures with great dexterity, fighting when mounted on them, and firing at marks while at full speed, which is a long trot, in which, the maherry can continue at about nine miles an hour for many hours together. They do not much esteem horses, and never buy them but for the purpose of exchanging them for slaves in Soudan.