Chapter III (3)

§ 60. _Osage tribal fetiches._--The corresponding Osage custom has been described by the author:[73] The old men assembled at the war tent. The sacred bags were brought into the tent to test the warriors, who were watched very closely by the old men. All the old men who had been distinguished in war were painted with the decorations of their respective gentes. * * * Each warrior had four sticks about 6 inches long, and he was required to lay them in succession on the sacred bag. The warriors were taken in the following order: First, the captain, next the lieutenants, then the heralds, after whom came the man who had struck the first blow, then he who gave the second blow, and so on. As each captain laid his first stick on the bag he said, “Ho, O grandfather! I lay this down on you because I am the one who has killed a man.” On laying down the second stick, he said, “Ho, O grandfather! I wish to be fortunate in stealing horses! I wish our children, too, to be as fortunate as we have been!” When he put down the third, he said, “Ho, O grandfather! I wish to raise a domestic animal. I wish to succeed in bringing it to maturity.” By this he meant _a son_. The prayer made when the last stick was laid down was as follows: “Ho, O grandfather! May we continue a people without sustaining any injuries!” Similar petitions were made by the lieutenants and heralds. He who gave the first blow said, as he laid down the first stick, “Ho, O grandfather! I lay this down on you as one who has caused another to stun a foe!” The rest of his petitions were those made by the captains. He who struck the second blow said as follows, on laying down the first stick: “Ho, O grandfather! I place this on you because I was the next one to strike and stun a man!” The other petitions follow, as given above. The first petition of each of the remaining warriors is as follows: “Ho, O grandfather! I lay this on you as a token that I have aided in overcoming the enemy.”

§ 61. _Kansa tribal fetiches._--Among the Kansa, the following fetiches belong to the two Hañga gentes: The war pipe and the war clam shell. The war pipe was kept in 1882 by Pahaⁿle-wak’ü, the son of Aliⁿkawahu, for the two Hañga gentes. This pipe has an eye on each side, so that it may see the enemy! There is no pipestem, but there is one hole to which the mouth is applied, and in the bowl is another hole in which the tobacco is placed. The pipe, which is all in one piece, is of catlinite, about as thick as two hands. It is never taken from the wrappings, except when all the men of the two Hañga gentes assemble at the lodge of the chief Aliⁿkawahu. The sacred clam shell was kept in 1882 by Pahaⁿle-gaqli, the chief of the other Hañga gens. It is wrapped in five coverings, similar to those around the war pipe. They are as follows: (1) The innermost covering, the bladder of a buffalo bull; (2) next covering, made of the spotted fur of a fawn; (3) made of braided rushes or “sa;” (4) a very broad piece of deerskin; (5) the outermost covering, made of braided hair from the head of a buffalo bull.

PERSONAL FETICHES.

§ 62. Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ said that there were some Omaha who considered as “waqube” the skins of animals and the skins and feathers of birds used in making their “waȼixabe” or mystery bags. Among these birds and animals he named the eagle, sparrow hawk, yellow-backed hawk, green-necked duck, great owl, swallow, otter, flying squirrel, mink, miʞa skă (“white raccoon” sic), and mazaⁿhe. The last is an animal resembling an otter. It is covered with thick black and reddish-yellow hair, and its tail is bushy. Samuel Fremont said (in 1889) that this animal was not found in that part of Nebraska where the Omaha dwelt, but that he had heard of its being found among the Dakota. Two Crows and Joseph La Flèche never heard of the miʞa skă and mazaⁿhe among their own people; but they said that when the Omaha traveled, some used to take with them their respective “makaⁿ” or medicines, evidently their personal fetiches, for they used to say, “Our medicines are wise; they can talk like men, and they tell us how many horses we are to receive from the people to whom we are going.”

When the Omaha went against the Pawnee during the boyhood of the present Big Elk, one of the captains, named Gi‘aⁿhabi, had a war club of the kind called “weaqȼade.” He made this club “waqube,” in order to use it mysteriously. When near the camp of the enemy he brandished the club four times toward the Pawnees. This was followed by the use of the sacred bag, as related in § 59.

It is probable that the medicines of the Watci Waȼupi, Wase-jide aȼiⁿ-ma, and the Ԁaȼiⁿ-wasabĕ watcigaxe ikagekiȼĕ, of the Omaha,[74] the Red Medicine of the Kansa, and the Red Medicine of the Osage Makaⁿ ɔüʇ[s]e watsiⁿ or Red Medicine Dance, were used as fetiches, as they conferred wonderful powers on those who used them. When the author was at the Omaha Agency, in 1878, he obtained the following: Rocky Mountain beans, which are scarlet, and are called “Makaⁿ jide” or Red Medicine, confer good luck on their owners. If the beans like their owners, they will never be lost; even if dropped accidentally, they will return to the possession of their owners. Ni-k’ú-mi, an aged Oto woman, told one of her granddaughters (then Susette La Flèche, known as Bright Eyes after 1879, and now the wife of T. H. Tibbles) of her own experience with one of these beans. She had dropped it in the grass, but she found it on retracing her steps. It is impossible to say whether this scarlet bean was identical with the Red Medicine of the Iowa (§ 87), Kansa, and Osage; but it certainly differed from that of the Wase-jide aȼiⁿma of the Omaha.

There are sacred or mystery rites practiced by the dancing societies, including those to which the wazeȼĕ or doctors belong. Two Crows said that he did not know those of his society, the ┴e iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma. As initiation into one of these societies is very expensive, it is unreasonable to suppose that Two Crows would communicate the secrets of his order for a small sum, such as $1 a day.

SORCERY.

§ 63. There have been sorcerers, i.e., such as prepared love potions for those who bought them, and who were thought to cause the death of those persons who had incurred their displeasure. The author has been told that the sorcerers give a high price for a small quantity of the catamenial discharge of a virgin. It is mixed with a love potion, and when the compound is administered to a man he can not help courting the woman, even when he knows that he does not love her.

JUGGLERY.

§ 64. Ickade or sleight of hand exists not only in the secret societies but also along with the practice of medicine, government, and religion. Some of the Omaha and Ponka doctors of the first class (the wazeȼĕ, not the makaⁿ aȼiⁿ-ma or root doctors) pretend to draw sticks from the bodies of their patients, or worms from aching teeth, saying that those things are the causes of the diseases. Every disease is a “nie” or “pain,” and there must be a cause for that pain.

§ 65. In 1872 Big Grizzly Bear, a subordinate Ponka chief, told the following to the author: “One day Whip, a head chief, said, ‘I am going to make the sun blue.’ And he did so. Then he said, ‘I am going to pull out some of the hair of the man in the moon.’ He held up his hands to show that they had no hair in them. Then he began to sing. Suddenly he had some bloody hair in each hand. Ga-ʇi-de maⁿ-ȼiⁿ and a great many others were witnesses. Once, when the Ponka were destitute of food, Buffalo Bull, the father of Grizzly Bear’s Ear, said, ‘I will use magic.’ His wife replied, ‘Please do so.’ So he made a pile of earth about 2 feet high and shot four arrows into it. A large deer was slain, furnishing them with plenty to eat.”

In 1871 the author saw an exhibition of the skill of Cramped Hand and Bent Horn, two Ponka shamans. One afternoon, near sunset, about two hundred persons, mostly Indians, stood in a large circle around a tent in which sat the shamans and their assistants. Presently the shamans and the aged chief, Antoine Primeau, came out of the tent and stood within the circle. One of the shamans, Cramped Hand, danced along the inner side of the circle, exhibiting a revolver (Allen’s patent), one chamber of which he seemed to load as the people looked on. After he had put on the cap, he handed the weapon to the chief, who fired at the shaman. Cramped Hand fell immediately, as if badly wounded. Bent Horn rushed to his relief and began to manipulate him. It was not long before Cramped Hand was able to crawl around on his hands and knees, though the bullet had apparently hit him in the mouth. He groaned and coughed incessantly, and after a tin basin was put down before him he coughed up a bullet which fell in the basin, and was shown in triumph to the crowd. This is told merely to show how the Indian juggler has adopted some of the tricks of his white brother. In a few moments Bent Horn danced around, showing to each of us an object which appeared to be a stone as large as a man’s fist, and too large to be forced into the mouth of the average man. Cramped Hand stood about 10 or 15 feet away and threw this stone toward Bent Horn, hitting the latter in the mouth and disappearing. Bent Horn fell and appeared in great pain, groaning and foaming at the mouth. When the basin was put down before him, there fell into it, not one large stone, but at least four small ones. We were told that the chief, Antoine, had to give a horse for the privilege of shooting at the shaman.

It is probable that some of the Omaha shamans performed similar tricks, though the author has been unable to obtain any accounts of them.

§ 66. He was fortunate, however, in making the acquaintance of the chief “wakandagi,” or shaman of the Kansa, when at Kaw Agency, in the winter of 1882. This man, Nixüdje-yiñge, was very communicative. He said that there used to be ten shamans in the tribe, and all had round pebbles which they blew from their mouths against the persons whom they “ʞilŭⁿxe” or “shot in a mysterious manner.” The arrow of the shamans was called “Mi-pa-ha,” which is a name of the Buffalo gens. This missile was made of part of the red-breasted turtle.

A woman named Saⁿ-si-le had two “makaⁿ” (medicines, fetiches?) which she used for “ickade” or “wakandagi wagaxe” (magic, shamanistic legerdemain). She could swallow a knife; and when she swallowed a certain kind of grass she drew a green snake from her mouth. John Kickapoo’s father had a red medicine, which was used for women who desired to become enciente, for horses, and for causing good dreams. Nixüdje-yiñge’s mother, who was a shaman, has a small pebble and a clam shell, which she used in her mystery acts.

Pagani had a “sika-hyuka” or “needle” (so represented by Nixüdje-yiñge, but it may not have been a steel needle), which he swallowed and voided through the urethra. Gahige-wadayiñga used to stab himself with a “mahiⁿsü” or arrow-point, about 6 inches long, causing the blood to spurt from his left shoulder as he danced. The other shamans used to spurt water on his back from their mouths, while he held his arms horizontally from his body, with the forearms pointing upward. When they finished no wound could be found. One shaman had a fish called “hu blaska” or flat fish, to which he talked. He made a necklace of the skin, and he used it for “ʞilŭⁿxe.”

Wakanda-zi had the skin of a small black bear as his sacred bag. As he danced he held it by the tail and shook the skin. After shooting the round pebble from his mouth at a person he thrust the bear skin at the wounded man, drawing it back very quickly. The round pebble was drawn into the mouth of the bear and dropped on the ground when the skin bag was held with the tail up.

He who wished to be shot at handed a gun to some one, who shot him in the side, much blood escaping. He seemed to be dead; but the shamans assembled and manipulated him. One put the mouth of the otter (of the otterskin sacred bag) to the mouth of the patient in order to perform the act called “lüpayiⁿ” (to raise up or resuscitate his own). Then, “Zü´be aká eyaú tuhnañ´ge aká,” i.e., when the bag was drawn away rapidly, the otter made the sound “zübe,” as when one draws in the breath, and the bullet was in its mouth. On the patient’s recovery he gave a horse to the man who shot at him.

Mañge-zi had a clam shell and a snake that he used in his sleight-of-hand acts. He also swallowed “mahiⁿ-tu,” a kind of green grass about a foot long and as thick as a pencil. Before swallowing this, he warmed it at a fire. He rubbed himself on his chest after swallowing it, saying, “Let all look at me!” Then he called to him a man to act as his assistant. He coughed and in the assistant’s hand there was a snake, which he took around the circle of spectators, showing it to every one, though no one handled it. On his returning the snake to Mañge-zi, the latter swallowed it and coughed up the long grass.

Nixüdje-yiñge said that there were eight objects used by the shamans for “shooting,” the needle; flint (?) arrow head; beaver teeth; the half of a knife blade, i.e., that part next to the point; the fish-fan, made of “huqtci” or “real fish;” the red medicine; the hiyádadáxe or medicine bag that was caused to fly; and the tuhnañge, or otter skin bag. (See §§ 292-295, 307.)

OMAHA AND PONKA BELIEF AS TO A FUTURE LIFE.

§ 67. They have a very crude belief. Each person is taught to have a wanaxe or spirit, which does not perish at death. According to Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows, the old men used to say to the people, “Ȼiudaⁿ ʞĭ, wanaxe udaⁿ-maʇa ci tate. Ȼipiäjĭ ʞĭ, wanaxe piäjĭ-maʇa ci tate,” i.e., “If you are good, you will go to the good ghosts. If you are bad, you will go to the bad ghosts.” Nothing was ever said of going to dwell with Wakanda, or with demons.[75]

Rev. William Hamilton found a belief that retribution is in this life, and he says, “Their notions are exceedingly crude.”

§ 68. Frank La Flèche told the author before 1882 that he had heard some old men relate a tradition that years ago a man came back to life and told about the spirit land. He said that for four nights after death the ghost had to travel a very dark road, but that after he reached the Milky Way there was plenty of light. For this reason, said he, the people ought to aid their deceased friends by lighting fires at the graves, and by keeping them burning for four nights in each case. After going along the Milky Way, the ghost came at last to a place where the road forked; and there sat an aged man, clothed in a buffalo robe with the hair outside. (See § 359½.) He said nothing, but pointed to each inquirer the road for which he asked. One road was a very short one, and he who followed it soon came to the place where the good ghosts dwelt. The other road was an endless one, along which the ghosts went crying. The spirits of suicides could not travel either road; but they hovered over their graves. But Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows (in 1882) said that the road of the ghosts was not the Milky Way, and they regarded the account of the endless road as a modern addition, which is very probable. The latest statements of Frank La Flèche are given in the Jour. Amer. Folk-Lore, vol. II, No. 4, pp. 10, 11:

There are a variety of beliefs concerning the immediate action
of the spirit upon its withdrawal from the body. Some think that
the soul at once starts upon its journey to the spirit land;
others, that it hovers about the grave as if reluctant to depart.
Because of this latter belief, food and water are placed at the
head of the grave for several days after the burial. The spirit
is supposed to partake of this food. No Indian would touch any
article of food thus exposed; if he did, the ghost would snatch
away the food and paralyze the mouth of the thief, and twist his
face out of shape for the rest of his life; or else he would be
pursued by the ghost, and food would lose its taste, and hunger
ever after haunt the offender. There is a belief in the tribe that
before the spirits finally depart from men who died of wounds or
their results, they float toward a cliff overhanging the Missouri,
not far from the present Santee Agency, in Nebraska, and cut upon
the rocks a picture showing forth their manner of death. A line
in the picture indicates the spot where the disease or wound was
located which caused the death. After this record is complete,
the spirit flies off to the land of the hereafter. It is said
that these pictures are easily recognized by the relatives and
friends of the deceased. This place is known as Iñ-gȼaⁿ´-xe
ʞi-ʞá-xai ȼaⁿ,[76] or, Where the spirits make pictures of
themselves. A suicide ceases to exist; for him there is no
hereafter. A man struck by lightning is buried where he fell, and
in the position in which he died. His grave is filled with earth,
and no mound is raised over one who is thus taken from life.

In 1873 some of the Ponka said they had the following beliefs concerning a murderer: (1) The ghosts surround him and keep up a constant whistling; (2) he can never satisfy his hunger, though he eat much food; (3) he must not be allowed to roam at large lest high winds arise.

It is important to compare this whole section with the Dakota beliefs found in §§ 266-278.

The author was told by the Omaha that when a man was killed by lightning, he ought to be buried face downwards, and the soles of his feet had to be slit. When this was done, the spirit went at once to the spirit land, without giving further trouble to the living. In one case (that of a Wejiⁿcte man, Jadegi, according to George Miller and Frank Le Flèche)[77] this was not done, so it was said that the ghost _walked_, and he did not rest in peace till another person (his brother) was slain by lightning and laid beside him.

When Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows heard what Frank had told about the Milky Way, etc., they remarked, “We have never been to the spirit land, so we can not tell what is done there. No one has ever come back and told us.” All that they had ever heard was the old story about the forked road.

§ 69. Gahige, the late chief of the Iñke-sabĕ (a buffalo gens), told the author about the address made to a member of his gens, when dying. According to him, the person was addressed thus: “You are going to the animals (the buffalos). You are going to your ancestors. Ánita dúbaha hné (which may be rendered, You are going to the four living ones, if not, the four winds). Wackañ´-gă (Be strong).” Gahige was understood to speak of four spirits or souls to each person, but Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows said that the Omaha did not believe that a person had more than one spirit. Two Crows gave the following as the address to a dying member of his gens, the Hañga, another buffalo gens: “Waníʇa etáʇaⁿ Quadruped from

ȼatí. Gaⁿ ĕʇa ȼagȼé taté hă. Gaⁿ dúduȼagaqȼajĭ te hă.
you And thither you go shall . And you do not face will .
have this way (please)
come

Hné tĕʇa caⁿ´caⁿ maⁿȼiñ´-gă há,” i.e., “You came hither from the
you go to the always walk thou !

animals. And you are going back thither. Do not face this way again. When you go, continue walking.” The last sentence is a petition to the departing spirit not to return to this earth to worry or injure the survivors. That the dead are referred to as still existing, and as having some knowledge of what is happening here, may be seen from the address to a Ponka chief at his installation: “Ȼiádi gáhi, ȼijiⁿ´ȼĕ gáhi, ȼiʇígaⁿ gáhi, ámustáqti ȼidaⁿ´be maⁿ´ȼiⁿ tai;” i.e., “Your father was a chief, your elder brother (i.e., his potential elder brother, Ubiskă, a former head chief of the Ponka) was a chief, and your grandfather was a chief; may they continue to look directly down on you!”[78]

§ 70. Those who boil sacred food, as for the warpath, pour some of the soup outside the lodge, as an offering to the ghosts. (Omaha custom.)

There has been no belief in the resurrection of the body, but simply one in the continued existence of the ghost or spirit. While some of the Iowas expressed to Mr. Hamilton a belief in the transmigration of spirits, that doctrine has not been found among the Omaha and Ponka, nor has the author heard of it among other Siouan tribes.

Not all ghosts are visible to the living. They may be heard without being seen. One Omaha woman, the mother of Two Crows, told how she had been in a lodge with many persons, who were invisible from the knees upward.[79]

KANSA BELIEFS RESPECTING DEATH AND A FUTURE LIFE.

§ 71. When the author was at Kaw Agency, Indian Territory, in the winter of 1882-’83, a man named Ho-sa-sa-ge died. After the representatives of all the gentes had assembled at the house, Wakanda (named after the Thunder-being), the father-in-law of the deceased, removed the lock of hair called the “ghost,” and took it to his own house, weeping as he departed.

When Mr. Say was among the Kansa[80] he obtained the following information about their beliefs concerning death and the future life:

When a man is killed in battle the thunder is supposed to take him
up, they do not know whither. In going to battle each warrior
traces an imaginary figure of the thunder on the soil; he who
represents it incorrectly is killed by the thunder. A person saw
this thunder one day on the ground, with a beautiful moccasin on
each side of it. Having need of a pair, he took them and went his
way; but on his return to the same spot the thunder took him off,
and he has not since been heard of.

They seem to have vague notions about the future state. They think
that a brave man or a good hunter will walk in a good path; but
a bad man and a coward will find a bad path. Thinking that the
deceased has far to travel, they bury with his body moccasins,
some articles of food, etc., to support him on the journey. Many
persons, they believe, who have revived have been, during their
apparent death, to strange villages, where they were not treated
well by the people, so they returned to life.

The author, when among the Kansa, in the winter of 1882-’83, learned the following, which differs from anything he has ever obtained elsewhere: “The Kansa believe that when there is a death the ghost returns to the spirit village nearest the present habitat of the living. That is to say, all Indians do not go to one spirit village or ‘happy hunting ground,’ but to different ones, as there is a series of spirit villages for the Kansa, beginning with the one at Council Grove, where the tribe dwelt before they removed to their present reservation in Indian Territory, and extending along both sides of the Kansas River to its mouth, thence up the Missouri River, as far as the tribe wandered before meeting the Cheyennes (near the State line), thence down the river to the mouth of Osage River, and so on, down to the mouths of the Missouri and Ohio rivers,” etc.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 7: See James, Account Exped. to Rocky Mountains, vol. I, p. 126.]

[Footnote 8: See Jour. Amer. Folk-lore, vol. I, No. 1, p. 73.]

[Footnote 9: See §§ 132-136, and Tuŋkaŋśila, in Riggs’s Dakota-English Dictionary, Contr. N.A. Ethnology, vol. VII.]

[Footnote 10: See Contr. N.A. Ethn., vol. VI, pp. 372, 373, 376, and Omaha Sociology, in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnology, pp. 324, 325.]

[Footnote 11: Contr. N.A. Ethn., Vol. VI, p. 394, lines 10-19; p. 395, lines 14-16.]

[Footnote 12: Wakanda aka uiʞaⁿi egaⁿ.]

[Footnote 13: Wakanda aka ibahaⁿi.]

[Footnote 14: Wakanda aka igiȼigȼaⁿi.]

[Footnote 15: Lewis and Clarke, Expedition, ed. Allen, Dublin, vol. I, 1817, pp. 457, 458; also M’Vickar’s abridgment of the same, Harpers, N. Y. vol. I, 1842, p. 303.]

[Footnote 16: James’s Account of Long’s Exped., Phila., vol, I, 1823, p. 208.]

[Footnote 17: Ha, witsiʞue. 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 385, line 50; p. 389, line 50; p. 391, line 4, etc.]

[Footnote 18: Am. Naturalist, Feb. 1884, p. 126; _Ibid._, July, 1885, p. 670.]

[Footnote 19: Ibid., Feb. 1884, pp. 115, 116, 117, 120, 123, 125.]

[Footnote 20: A similar rule about fasting obtained among the Kansa when mourning for the dead. See Amer. Naturalist, July, 1885, pp. 670, 672, 679.]

[Footnote 21: See 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 385, 389.]

[Footnote 22: James’ Account Long’s Exped., Phil., vol. I, 1823, p. 129.]

[Footnote 23: Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. III, p. 281, note.]

[Footnote 24: See “Osage Traditions,” pp. 384-395, in 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn.]

[Footnote 25: For an account of the offering of meat to the four winds, see Om. Soc., 3d Ann. Rept., Bur. Ethn., p. 284.]

[Footnote 26: See Miss A. C. Fletcher on the “Wawan or Pipe Dance of the Omahas,” Rept. Peabody Museum. Vol. III, p. 311, note 11, and the author’s paper, Om. Soc., pp. 278, 279.]

[Footnote 27: Pahaⁿle-gaqli and Waqube-k’iⁿ gave this information in the winter of 1882-’83. Compare the self-inflicted tortures of the Dakota and Ponka in the sun dance (§§ 29, 181-3, 185, 187).]

[Footnote 28: Account of the war customs of the Osages: in Amer. Naturalist, Vol. XVIII, No. 2, February, 1884, p. 133.]

[Footnote 29: See Omaha Sociology, § 24, 3d. Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 227.]

[Footnote 30: Omaha Sociology, in 3d. Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 316.]

[Footnote 31: This song and the invocation of the Thunder-being are used by the Ponka as well as by the Kansa. According to Miss Fletcher, the “sign of giving thanks” among the Hunkpapa Dakota is made by moving the hands in the opposite direction, i. e., “from the shoulder to the wrist.” See “The White Buffalo Festival of the Uncpapas,” in Peabody Museum Rept., vol. III, p. 268.]

[Footnote 32: Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. VI, pp. 108-131.]

[Footnote 33: Compare the hair of the Thunder-men, in Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. VI, pp. 187, 188.]

[Footnote 34: Contr. N. A. Ethn, vol. VI, p. 390. See also § 19.]

[Footnote 35: Ibid., p. 207.]

[Footnote 36: Ibid., pp. 40, 134, etc.]

[Footnote 37: Am. Naturalist, July, 1885, vol. 19, Pl. XX, p. 676.]

[Footnote 38: Geikie’s paraphrase, in “Hours with the Bible,” vol. V, p. 357.]

[Footnote 39: Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. VI, pp. 370, 371.]

[Footnote 40: Om. Sociology, in 3d. Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 317.]

[Footnote 41: Ibid, p. 319.]

[Footnote 42: “Kansas Mourning and War Customs,” in Am. Naturalist, July 1886, p. 672.]

[Footnote 43: Miss Fletcher, in Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., Proc., vol. XXXIII, pt. 2, 1885, pp. 616, 617. Francis La Flèche, ibid., p. 614.]

[Footnote 44: Osage Traditions, in 6th Ann. Rept. of the Director Bur. Ethn., 1888, p. 377.]

[Footnote 45: Am. Anthropologist, vol. II., No. 1, 1888, p. 59. (“January, 1889.”)]

[Footnote 46: U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey, Hayden; Miscel. Publ., No. 7, 1877; Matthews’ Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa, 1877, p. 48.]

[Footnote 47: Om. Soc., p. 234. Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. VI, 468, line 3.]

[Footnote 48: Om. Soc., p. 297. Contr. N. A. Ethn., vol. VI, 471, lines 3-5.]

[Footnote 49: Osage Traditions, in 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 377, 379, 390.]

[Footnote 50: See Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. I, No. 3, p. 209; and Om. Sociology, in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 347-8.]

[Footnote 51: Om. Sociology, p. 348.]

[Footnote 52: Ibid, pp. 348, 349.]

[Footnote 53: Ibid, p. 349.]

[Footnote 54: “Death and Funeral Customs among the Omahas,” in Jour. Amer. Folk-lore, vol. II, No. 4, p. 3.]

[Footnote 55: Om. Soc., p. 353.]

[Footnote 56: This Kwapa information was obtained in January, 1891, some time after the preparation of the greater part of this paper. In such a combination as dȼ the ȼ is scarcely heard.]

[Footnote 57: See Om. Soc., in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn. §§ 123, 163, and several myths in Contr. to N. A. Ethnology, vol. VI.]

[Footnote 58: See Osage Traditions, in 6th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 379.]

[Footnote 59: U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Hayden, Miscell. Publ., No. 7, 1877; Ethnography and Philology of Hidatsa Indians, p. 12.]

[Footnote 60: Om. Soc., in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 238.]

[Footnote 61: Ibid., p. 240.]

[Footnote 62: Ibid., p. 241.]

[Footnote 63: Ibid., pp. 245, 246.]

[Footnote 64: Ibid., pp. 290, 291.]

[Footnote 65: Ibid., p. 295.]

[Footnote 66: For detailed accounts, see “Glimpses of Child-life among the Omaha Indians,” by Miss A. C. Fletcher, in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, vol. I, No. 2, pp. 115-118; and Omaha Sociology, in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 249, 250.]

[Footnote 67: See pp. 221-251 and Chap. XI of Omaha Sociology, in 3d Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn.]

[Footnote 68: Prim. Culture, vol. II. p. 132.]

[Footnote 69: See Om. Soc., in 3d. An. Rept. Bur. Ethn., p. 295.]

[Footnote 70: See Om. Soc., p. 320.]

[Footnote 71: Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. VI, p. 404.]

[Footnote 72: Rept. Peabody Museum, Vol. III, p. 263, note 8.]

[Footnote 73: In the Am. Naturalist, Feb., 1884, pp. 128, 129.]

[Footnote 74: See Om. Soc., pp. 349-351.]

[Footnote 75: Compare the Oregon story: No Indians go after death to the upper world to dwell with Qawaneca. Am. Anthropologist, Jan., 1889, p. 60.]

[Footnote 76: This name is given in the notation of the Bureau of Ethnology, not as published by Mr. La Flèche.]

[Footnote 77: See Jour. Am. Folklore, Vol. II, No. 6, p. 190.]

[Footnote 78: Om. Soc., p. 360.]

[Footnote 79: See “Death and Funeral Customs of the Omahas,” by Francis La Flesche, in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, Vol. II, No. 4, pp. 4, 5.]

[Footnote 80: See James’s Account Exped. to Rocky Mountains, Vol. I., p. 125.]