Chapter III (2)

When their throats became dry, their voices gave out. When they had completed their fasts, they went home, being exceedingly emaciated. At that time they could not swallow solid food, so they were obliged to subsist on mush mixed with much water, till by degrees they became able to eat what they pleased. Many thought that this fasting enabled them to have superhuman communications with Wakanda.

Fasting was practiced at other times, but always in order to obtain superhuman assistance or to acquire a transfer of superhuman power. A Ponka war captain exhorted each of his followers thus: “Ahaú! Wackaⁿ´ egañ´-gă! Qu´bekiȼa´-bi ȼiⁿhe´!” i.e., “Oho! Do exert yourself! Be sure to make yourself the possessor of superhuman power by the aid of the animal that you have seen in your vision after fasting!”[39] Members of a small war party had to fast four days, counting from the time that they started on the warpath.[40] Before the large war party was formed to avenge the wrongs of Wabaskaha, the four prospective captains fasted.[41] When the Kansa captain fasted, he could not visit his family, but a small fasting lodge was erected for him at some distance from his own house.[42]

MYSTIC TREES AND PLANTS.

§ 42. The Omaha have two sacred trees, the ash and the cedar. The ash is connected with the beneficent natural powers. Part of the sacred pole of the Omaha and Ponka is made of ash, the other part being of cottonwood. The stems of the niniba weawaⁿ, or “sacred pipes of friendship,” are made of ash. But the cedar is linked with the destructive agencies, thunder, lightning, wars.[43]

When the seven old men took the pipes around the Omaha tribal circle, the bad Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe people wore plumes in their hair and wrapped branches of cedar around their heads, being awful to behold. So the old man passed them by and gave the pipe to the other Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe, who were good. In the Osage traditions, cedar symbolizes the tree of life. When a woman is initiated into the secret society of the Osage, the officiating man of her gens gives her four sips of water, symbolizing, so they say, the river flowing by the tree of life, and then he rubs her from head to foot with cedar needles three times in front, three times at her back, and three times on each side, twelve times in all, pronouncing a sacred name of Wakanʇa as he makes each pass. Part of the Paⁿɥka gens of the Osage tribe[44] are Red Cedar people. The Pañka gens of the Kansa tribe is called “Qŭndjalaⁿ,” i.e., “wearers of cedar (branches) on the head.” Cedar is used by the Santee Dakota in their ceremony of the four winds. (See § 128.) The Teton Dakota believe in the efficacy of the smell of cedar wood or of the smoke from cedar in scaring away ghosts. (See § 272.) In the Athapascan creation myth of Oregon, obtained by the author in 1884, the smoke of cedar took the place of food for the two gods who made the world, and the red cedar is held sacred as well as the ash, because these two trees were the first to be discovered by the gods.[45]

That the Hidatsa have a similar notion about the red cedar is shown by their name for it, “midahopa,” mysterious or sacred tree. Compare what Matthews tells about the Hidatsa reverence for the cottonwood with what is recorded above about the Omaha sacred pole.[46] (§ 344.)

The cottonwood tree also seems to have been regarded as a mystic tree by the Omaha and Ponka, just as it is by the Hidatsa. The sacred pole of the two tribes was made from a tall cottonwood.[47] When the lower part of the sacred pole became worn away, about 8 feet remained, and to this was fastened a piece of ash wood about 18 inches long. In preparing for the dance called the Hede watci, the Iñke-sabĕ people sought a cottonwood tree, which they rushed on, felled, and bore to the center of the tribal circle, where they planted it in the “ujeʇi.” Mystic names taken from the cottonwood are found in the Ȼixida and Nika[p]aɔna, the two war gentes of the Ponka tribe, and in the Ȼatada and [K]aⁿze gentes of the Omaha.[48]

That there were other mystic trees and plants, appears from an examination of the personal names of the Omaha, Ponka, and cognate tribes. For instance, ┴ackahigȼaⁿ, a nikie name of the ┴a[p]a, or Deer gens of the Omaha, conveys some reference to a white oak tree, ʇackahi; and in the Nuqe, a Buffalo gens of the Ponka tribe, we find the name ┴abehi, from a plant, bush, or tree found in Nebraska, the leaves of which, resembling those of red cherry trees, are used by the Omaha for making a tea. Further study may show that the Winnebago, who have the name Waziʞa, Pine Person, reverence a pine tree. (Query: May not this name be Cedar Person, rather than Pine Person?)

Among the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri, we find several cedar, corn, and pumpkin names. Several corn and pumpkin names occur in the name list of the Kansa tribe. Corn, elm, and black hawthorn names are found in the Osage name list, as well as cedar names; and their traditions tell of the cedar, red oak, and sycamore, as well as of the corn and pumpkin.[49] (See § 49.)

IȻA‘EȻĔ.

§ 43. This term has been defined in Chapter II (§ 8). It is very probable that fasting for several days tended to produce the condition of mind and body requisite for the supposed superhuman communications. According to Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ and other Omaha, some persons thought that they saw or heard ghosts or various animals. Sometimes men were roused from sleep, imagining that they heard mysterious voices. They claimed to have interviews with U-ga-ha-na-[p]a-ze, or the Ancient of Darkness; Ma-qpi, or the Ancient of Clouds; ┴ande, or the Ground Being; Iñgȼaⁿ, or the Thunder-being; the Sun, the Moon, the Morning Star, the Ancient of Rattlesnakes, the Ancient of Grizzly Bears, the Ancient of Black Bears, the Ancient of Buffaloes, the Ancient of Big Wolves, and the Ancient of Prairie Wolves. Each being or animal thus seen in a dream or vision seems to have been regarded as the special guardian spirit of the person claiming to have had interviews with him. The Iñgȼaⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, or Those who had interviews with the Thunder-being, never danced at the meetings of their society. They invited one another to feast, and they sang as they remained seated. The songs referred to the Thunder-being. When they finished eating and singing the ceremonies ended. This order of Thunder shamans claimed the power to make rain (see § 36).

According to Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ and Little Village Maker, these shamans could also make circles of seven colors around the sun and moon, and the two men just named said that they had seen this done. Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows gave the following explanation: “When there are clouds that obscure the moon, a circle is seen around the moon, and it sometimes resembles a rainbow.” Though Two Crows belongs to the Buffalo society (┴e iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, or Order of Buffalo shamans--see § 89), he said that he had never had an interview with a mysterious buffalo, but that his work in the order was confined to the practice of surgery, he being the keeper of the “makaⁿ skiȼĕ,” or sweet medicine. Notwithstanding this, there are certain buffalo songs, the property of the order, and which they claim to be powerful charms capable of working cures, when used by the surgeons of their order. Said Two Crows to the author, “If they had sent for the doctors of our order we could have cured President Garfield.” The author obtained two of these Buffalo songs from an Omaha, but they are recorded only in singing notation.[50]

Among the Omaha societies are the Cañge iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Horse shamans,[51] the Caⁿʇañga iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Big Wolf shamans,[52] and the Maⁿtcu iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Grizzly Bear shamans.[53]

According to Francis La Flèche,[54]

“There are three degrees of powers which come to men through
visions: First, when the vision takes the form of an animal which
addresses the man, he will then have acquired a power which will
stead him in danger, and give him success in life. Second, if the
vision assumes the appearance of a cloud, or a human shape having
wings like an eagle, and a voice addresses the man, he will have
the additional power of being able to foretell events. Third,
when the vision comes without any semblance and only a voice is
heard, the man is given not only the power to achieve success and
foretell events, but he can foresee the coming of death. Should
a man endowed with the third degree so elect, he can in due form
join the Ghost Society; or, if he prefers, he can practice his
powers individually.”

His father, the late Joseph La Flèche, told the author in 1882 that the Ghost Dance formerly belonged to the Ponka tribe, from whom the Omaha took it; though it has not been used by the Omaha since about A. D. 1850.[55] The only inference which the author can draw from this statement of the father is that if the Omaha obtained the Ghost Dance from the Ponka, the Ghost Society or order of Ghost shamans is not an original Omaha society. That the two are closely connected is proved by the names, Wanaxe iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the (order of) Ghost shamans (or, The Ghost Society), and Wanaxe iȼa‘eȼĕ watcigaxe, The dance of those who have visions of ghosts, or, The Ghost Dance.

The Kansa have the Tce wactce, or Buffalo shaman, and an order of such shamans. When a Kansa had a vision or dream (i-ya-k’e-ye) of an animal, etc., he painted the mystery object on his shield. An old woman used to “iyak’eye” of a flying serpent, the [M]yets‘a táji lícka. The remains of such enormous serpents are found in the Black Hills, “and if one finds such a reptile, he must die.” For an account of the Kansa “wakandagi” see § 66.

The Kwapa or Ukaqpa Indians speak a dialect more closely allied to that of the Omaha and Ponka than to those of the Kansa and Osage. With them, to have superhuman communications is called dȼa-q‘é-dȼĕ; shamans and doctors are níka qúwĕ, mysterious men, and among their societies of such men are the following: Te dȼáq‘edȼĕ, Those having superhuman communications with the Buffalo; the Maⁿtú dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Grizzly Bear; the Iⁿtaⁿ´dȼaⁿ tañ´ʞa dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Panther; and the Jawé dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Beaver. There were doubtless other orders, but they are unknown to the author’s Kwapa informant, Alphonsus Valliere, of the Wajiñʞa or Bird gens.[56]

PERSONAL MYSTERY DECORATIONS.

§ 44. The Omaha and Ponka have certain personal mystery decorations, some of which are worn on garments, and others appear on the tents of their owners. The makers and wearers of such decorations must be members of one of the orders of shamans. George Miller’s father, Little Soldier, used to wear a buffalo robe decorated in the style shown in Figs. 156 and 157. It was his personal mystery decoration, which no one else could use. Even members of his gens (the Ictasanda, a Thunder and Reptile gens) feared to imitate it. The father promised to paint this decoration on four white blankets for his son George, but he died before he could paint the fourth one.

George received the first one when he was about seventeen years of age. Before he married he had worn out three. He still has the right to decorate and wear the fourth blanket, according to his father’s intention. He could decorate other white blankets in this style, and wear them, if he wished, but he could not transmit to any one of his children (the grandchildren of Little Soldier) the right to make and wear such a decoration, unless George himself should hereafter see the objects in a dream or vision.

The right to use such designs on a buffalo robe, blanket, tent, etc., must originate with one who has had a vision or dream in which the mystery objects are manifested. Those who could use the class of designs represented in the accompanying illustrations (Figs. 156-161) were members of the order of Thunder shamans (Iñgȼaⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma).

ORDER OF THUNDER SHAMANS.

§ 45. This order is composed of those who have had dreams or visions, in which they have seen the Thunder-being, the Sun, the Moon, or some her superterrestrial objects or phenomena.

When a person saw the Thunder-being or some other mystery object, he kept the matter a secret for some time. He took care to join the first war party that went from his camp or village. When the party reached the land of the enemy or got into some trouble the man told of his dream or vision. Should the dreamer or seer kill or grasp a foe while a member of the expedition he made a Thunder song. He who brought back one of the enemy’s horses also had the right to make a Thunder song. Some time having elapsed after the return of the warriors, the seer painted the mystery objects on a robe or blanket, and prepared a feast, to which he invited all the members of the order of Thunder shamans. When the guests had assembled the robe was hung up and shown to them. Then all who were present rejoiced. From that time onward the host was a member of the order, and he could wear the robe with safety.

He could give his son the right to wear such a robe, but unless that son had a similar vision he could not transmit the right to one of the next generation. Little Soldier painted a buffalo robe with his personal mystery decoration, and gave it to Two Crows, whose father had been one of the leaders of the order of Thunder shamans. So Two Crows wore the robe, and he can make another like it; but he can not transmit the right to his son, Ga‘iⁿ-bajĭ. Two Crows would have been afraid to wear the robe or to copy the decoration on it had he not been a member of the order by direct inheritance from his father. A father can clothe his son in such a robe when that son is large enough to go courting. The man can not give such a robe to his daughter, but he can give one to his son’s son, or to his daughter’s son, should that grandson be a large youth, who has neared or reached the age of puberty.

If a man who became eligible by his vision to membership in the order of Thunder shamans ventured to wear the decorated robe without inviting the members of the order to a feast, he incurred the anger of the members and misfortune was sure to follow. Should a man wear such a decorated robe without having had a vision of the mystery object, he was in danger (if the object was connected with the Thunder-being, etc.) of being killed by lightning. Every Omaha feared to decorate his robe, tent, or blanket with an object seen by another person in a dream or vision. For instance, George Miller would not dare to have bears’ claws, horses’ hoofs, etc., on his robe, because neither he nor his father ever saw a bear or horse mysteriously. There are penalties attached to violations of the prohibitions of the other orders, but George Miller did not know about them.

Besides the personal mystery decoration of the robe or blanket, is that of the tent. Pl. XLIV, E is a sketch of a tent, furnished to the author by Dried Buffalo Skull, an old man of the Ȼatada gens of the Omaha. The decoration of this tent was the personal mystery or “qube” of Hupeȼa, Sr., father of Hupeȼa, Jr. (now known as ┴enugaʇañga), of the Wasabe-hit‘ajĭ or Black Bear sub-gens of the Ȼatada. After the death of Hupeȼa, Sr., the decoration became the property of his kinsman, Agaha-wacuce, of the same sub-gens, and father of Ԁaȼiⁿnaⁿpajĭ. The circle at the top, representing a bear’s cave, is sometimes painted blue, though Agaha-wacuce had it reddened. Below the four zigzag lines (representing the lightnings of different colors) are the prints of bears’ paws. The lower part of the tent was blackened with ashes or charcoal. Among the four zigzag lines, red, according to Mr. Francis La Flèche, symbolizes the east.

Wanukige, a chief of the Ictasanda gens, had a vision of the aurora borealis, so he depicted this on his robes and tent, as shown in Figs. 158 and 159. On the tent were seven stripes, three on each side of the entrance and one in the rear. Each robe that he wore had seven stripes.

Fig. 160 represents the personal mystery decoration of Ȼaqube of the [K]aⁿze gens. George Miller’s father could wear this decoration, but the right to it could not be transmitted by him to any one else. Ԁahe-ʇap‘ĕ, of the [K]e-‘iⁿ subgens of the Ȼatada gens, once had a vision of two stars and the new moon. Consequently he decorated his buffalo robe, as shown in Fig. 161, and joined the order of Thunder shamans. He died when the author was at the Omaha agency (between 1878 and 1880).

GENERIC FORMS OF DECORATION.

§ 46. There are examples of generic forms of decoration, as well as those of specific forms. For instance, when a person had a vision of the night, or of the Thunder-being, or one of some other superterrestrial object, he blackened the upper part of his tent and a small portion on each side of the entrance, as shown in Fig. 162.

It was given thus by George Miller:

Níaciⁿga amá águdi ctĕ haⁿ´ daⁿ´ctĕ íȼa‘eȼé amá ʇí
People the where ever night for example they have the tent
pl. visions
sub. of it

ugȼiⁿ´i ʞĭ, wiⁿdétaⁿ sábeȼaí, kĭ ci águdí ctĕ
they if one-half the they blacken and again where ever
dwell length
in

níkaciⁿga amá iñgȼaⁿ´ íȼa‘eȼé amá cĭ égaⁿ
people the pl. thunder they have the pl. again so
sub. being visions sub.
of it.

ugȼiⁿ´-biamá.
they dwell in,
they say.

SPECIFIC FORMS OF DECORATION.

A specific form related to the generic one just described is shown in Fig. 163. The blackened part of the tent represents the night, and the star denotes the morning star. There was a star on the left hand at the back of the tent, and another star on the right side. Black and blue are occasionally interchangeable in Omaha symbolism; hence we find that the night is represented by a blue band on a coyote skin worn by the elder Aⁿpaⁿ-skă, and subsequently by his son and namesake, when the latter was a small boy. The blue band was worn next the shoulders of the owner (Fig. 164).

The decoration refers to his “qube” or “sacred vision.” Little Cedar, of the Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe (Omaha) gens, belonged, we are told, to the Miⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, or order of Sun and Moon shamans, probably identical with the order of Thunder shamans. Fig. 165 represents a vision which Little Cedar once had, described thus by George Miller:

Gaⁿ´ níaciⁿga aká íȼa‘eȼá-bi egaⁿ´ ȼetégaⁿ ʇi ugá tĕ
And man the having had a vision, like this tent painted the
sub. they say std. ob.

ugȼiⁿ´-biamá. Mázi-jiñ´ga ijáje aȼiⁿ´-biamá. Sábe tĕ haⁿ´
he dwelt in, Cedar Little his name had, they Black the night
they say, say

kĕ é gáxai; niaⁿ´ba ȼaⁿ éȼaⁿbe tĕ gáxai. Niaⁿ´ba
the that made moon the cv. emerging the made. Moon
lg. ob. ob.

uȼan´da ȼan´di níkaciⁿga ugȼiⁿ´ gáxai, gañ´ʞĭ íȼa‘eȼaí ȼiñké
in the in the person sitting made and one seen in the one
midst of part in a vision who

é tĕ. Niaⁿ´ba éȼaⁿbe atí-nandi náqȼiⁿ
that the Moon emerging comes regularly, blazes
when (sends up
light)

égaⁿ-naⁿ´i. The black band refers to the night; the circle, to
somewhat usually.

the moon; the circumscribed figure is a ghost that he saw in the moon; and the dots above the moon refer to the “white which stands above the rising sun or moon.” Pl. XLIV B shows another tent decoration of the same man. The red circle represents the sun, in which stands a man holding the ʇa-cá-ge, or deer rattles, made of the hard or callous knobs found near the hoofs of the deer. These knobs are split, hollowed out, and strung on sticks. The tent being very large, the figure of the man was almost life size, and a real feather was tied to his head. The blue band at the bottom may represent night, but there is no certainty about it.

§ 47. Fig. 166 is the decoration of one of the tents of Ni-ku-ȼi-bȼaⁿ, father of the present Wackaⁿ-maⁿȼiⁿ (Hard Walker), an ex-chief of the Omaha. Nikuȼibȼaⁿ was one of the two leaders of the order of Thunder shamans, and was regarded as being very “qube” or mysterious. The black band at the bottom refers to the night, and above it are seen the moon and a star. The old man named one of his grandchildren Haⁿakipa (Meets the Night), after the vision to which the tent decoration refers.

George Miller furnished the description of Nikuȼibȼaⁿ’s tent, obtained from an old woman, who is his widow:

“Gaⁿ wíqti ʇaⁿ´ba-májĭ ȼaⁿ´ja, uȼaí égaⁿ ana´‘aⁿ hă. Gaⁿ´
And I I did not though they have as I have And
myself see him told about heard it.
him

iñgȼaⁿ´ⁿ íȼa‘eȼá-biamá, ádaⁿ ʇuɔniñ´ge gáxai tĕ
Thunder he had a vision of therefore rainbow made it the
Being him, they say (past
act)

gátĕ. ┴íhuʞaⁿ ȼaⁿʇá bagȼéjai tĕ, é uȼaí hă
that ob. Smoke-hole at the painted in the that told it .
part spots (past
act)

wa‘újiñga igáqȼaⁿ aká. Maⁿ´ciaʇá aȼiⁿ´ akíi, á-biamá.
old woman his wife the sub. On high having had he said,
him reached they say.
there again

Eʇá ctĭ majaⁿ´ ȼé égaⁿ, á-biamá. Qubĕ´qti gáxai
There too land this like he said, they Very mysterious they
say. made him

níaciⁿga, ádaⁿ ʇí ugá tĕ áwatégaⁿ gáxe gaⁿ´ȼai
man therefore tent painted the how to make he wished
it

ʞĭ, gaⁿ´ égaⁿ gáxai. Bagȼéjai tĕ mási é wakaí
when at any so he made it. Made spotted he hail that it meant
rate by painting

tĕ.”
the (past
act).

That is, “I myself did not see him, but I have heard what was told. They say that he had a vision of the Thunder-being, so he made that rainbow which appears in the figure (Fig. 167). The old woman, his widow, has told that he painted the top of the tent, near the smoke-hole, in spots. They say that he said that the Thunder-being had carried him up on high, and that the place there resembled this world. The man was regarded as very mysterious; therefore he decorated his tent according to the pattern that he wished to make. The painted spots represent hail.” Many years ago, Nikuȼibȼaⁿ said that he had been carried up into the world above this one, and that he found it resembled the world in which we live. The rainbow and hail depicted on the tent formed part of the vision, but their exact significance has not been explained.

Cu-ʞa maⁿ-ȼiⁿ, an Omaha, had a vision which gave him the right to use the decoration given in Fig. 168. The meanings of the different marks have not been learned. Cuʞa maⁿȼiⁿ bequeathed the blanket to his son, [K]axe-giaⁿ (Flying Crow), now known as Gilbert Morris.

§ 48. The old chief ┴e-saⁿ (Ta sone of Maj. Long), Distant-white Buffalo, father of the chiefs Standing Hawk and Fire Chief, had a vision of a cedar tree, which he painted on each side of his tent, as seen in Fig. 169. The next sketch (Fig. 170) shows the back part of another tent of ┴e-saⁿ. The blue band near the top is called “sabe” (black); below this is the sun and a blue rainbow; near the bottom are two horsetails. The only decorations on the front of the tent are two horsetails, one on each side of the entrance. This tent was used by Standing Hawk after the death of his father. This decoration may have been made after a vision of horses, as Standing Hawk was a member of the order of Horse Shamans (Cañge iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma). George Miller speaks thus about it:

Gaⁿ´ níaciⁿga aká níkagahí átai egaⁿ´ íȼa‘éȼĕ daⁿ´etĕaⁿ´i
And man the sub. chief he was as he had a perhaps
beyond vision

tĕ, miⁿ´ ȼaⁿ ugaí, íʇi. Cĭ cañ´gĕ sĭn´de
the (past sun the he painted he painted the Again horse tail
act) cv. ob. tent with it.

ctĭ gáxai, hidé kĕ´di. ┴íhuʞaⁿ [p]así ȼaⁿ
too he made bottom at the Smoke hole tip end the part

sábĕȼai. That is, “As the man was a head chief, he may have had a
he blackened.

vision, for he occupied a tent on which he painted the sun, and he also decorated it with horse-tails at the lower part. He painted the border of the smoke-hole a dark blue (ʇu sabĕ, which is some-times called, sabĕ).”

“Iȼádi amá daⁿ´ctĕ égaⁿ gáxai tĕ´di, ijiñ´ge amá
His father the pl. sub. perhaps so did when his son the pl.
sub.

íȼa‘éȼa-bájĭ ctĕwaⁿ´ égaⁿ gáxe-naⁿ´-biamá, ádaⁿ égaⁿ
they did not have even so usually did, they therefore so
visions of it say

gáxai.” That is, “When the fathers decorate their tents in consequence
he did

of their respective visions, their sons (who succeed them) usually imitate them (or dwell in the decorated tents), even when they themselves have not had visions of the objects. Therefore he (i.e., Standing Hawk) did so.”

George Miller told the following about Ԁede-gahi or Fire Chief, another son of ┴e-saⁿ:

Cĭ égaⁿ Ԁéde-gáhi aká ugȼiⁿ´i waʇaⁿ´be. Wataⁿ´zihi íʇi
Again so Fire Chief the he sat in I saw Corn-stalk painted
sub it on the
tent

waʇaⁿ´be ȼaⁿ´ja, áwatégaⁿ iȼápahaⁿ-májĭ ȼaⁿ´ja, níkagáhi égaⁿ
I saw though of what sort I knew not though chief like

égaⁿ ugȼiⁿ´i tĕ. Wataⁿzi ȼiⁿ´ ctĭ waqu´be gáxai. Kĭ
so he sat in the Corn the col. too mysterious he made and
(past ob. it
act)

cĭ´ Ԁéde-gáhi aká taⁿ´waⁿgȼaⁿ eʇá amá Wajiñ´ga-ȼatájĭ amá
again Fire Chief the gens his the pl. Bird eat not the pl.
sub. sub. sub.

wahába pahañ´ga ju´t‘aⁿ tĕ´di ȼatá-bajĭ wahába
ear of corn first matures when they do not ear of corn
eat

ȼiⁿ´, níkaciⁿga amá naⁿ´wape ȼaté tai tĕ´. Ȼataí ʞĭ,
the col. people the pl. fear them they will the They if
ob. sub. eat (act) eat

wahába ȼiⁿ´, wajiñ´ga ȼasniⁿ´ weʞubaí. Iñké-sabĕ
ear of corn the col. bird devour they fear Shoulder black
ob. them

ákadí ctĭ égaⁿ gáxe-naⁿ-biamá ʇí ugá. Hañ´ga
among too so make usually they say tent painting. Foremost
the the

ákadí ctĭ égaⁿ gáxe-naⁿ´-biamá ʇí ugá.
among too so make usually they say tent painting.

This refers to Fig. 171, and may be thus rendered: “And I have likewise seen the tent of Fire Chief. It was decorated with cornstalks, but I do not know the reason for it. He dwelt in such a tent because he was a chief. Corn was regarded as “waqube,” mysterious. In the sub-gens of Fire Chief, the Wajiñga-ȼatajĭ, or, those who eat no small birds, the people feared to eat the first ears of corn that matured, lest the small birds (particularly blackbirds) should come and devour the rest of the crop. There was a similar tent decoration in the Iñke-sabĕ and Hañga gentes.” In the former, it was used by Waqaga (see § 53). The cornstalks and ears were green, the tips of the ears were black. There were two similar cornstalks on the back of the tent.

CORN AND THE BUFFALO.

§ 49. Corn is regarded as a “mother” and the buffalo as a “grandfather” among the Omaha and other tribes.[57] In the Osage tradition, corn was bestowed upon the people by four buffalo bulls or “grandfathers.”[58] Dr. Washington Matthews tells of a similar Arikara belief about an ear of corn.[59] (See § 42.)

OTHER OMAHA MYSTERY DECORATIONS.

§ 50. Among the members of the order of Buffalo (┴e iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma) was Niȼactage, whose robe is shown in Fig. 172. The red band is at the top. The black spots represent the places where the buffaloes play “buffalo wallows.” Buffalo hoofs are in blue.

Duba-maⁿȼiⁿ’s father had a vision of horses, hence he wished to depict horse-tails and tracks on his tent, as found in Fig. 173; but he died before he finished it.

The father of Maⁿtcu-naⁿba had a vision of horses, and bequeathed to his son Maⁿtcu-naⁿba the right to decorate his tent in the style shown in Fig. 174. The yellow was connected with the vision. When the owner dwelt in an earth-lodge, the horse-tail was tied to a long pole, which was thrust through the opening at the top of the lodge. So when he used his skin tent, the horse-tail hung from the top of a long pole above the smoke-hole.

When the Omaha dwelt near the present town of Homer, Nebr., and Wackaⁿhi was a young child, he went out to play, and fell asleep. He said that he was aroused by the sounds made by many chickens crowing and cackling. In those days (_fide_ George Miller) there were no white people in that neighborhood; but now in that very place where Wackaⁿhi had the vision, there is a wealthy family living, and besides large herds they have a great many chickens. In remembrance of that occurrence, Wackaⁿhi painted his tent with his personal decoration as given in Fig. 175.

An unknown Omaha had a vision of deer, so he decorated his tent accordingly. (See Fig. 176.) George Miller could not furnish the man’s name.

§ 51. Among the members of the order of Grizzly Bear shamans was an Omaha named ┴ebi‘a (Frog). The top of his tent was painted yellow, as shown in Fig. 177. There was no other decoration; but this yellow evidently was connected with a grizzly bear vision, as it appears in the decoration adopted by the father of Two Crows, who was not only one of the two leaders of the order of Thunder shamans (Iñgȼaⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma) but also a member of the orders of Buffalo and Grizzly Bear shamans (┴e iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma and Maⁿtcu iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma). (See Pl. XLIV, D, in which a grizzly bear is depicted as emerging from his den. The blue part represents the ground.)

This decoration (of the tent of Two Crows’ father) is thus described by
George Miller: Maⁿtcú iȼa‘eȼaí egaⁿ´ ʇí tĕ égaⁿ gáxai.
Grizzly bear they have as tent the so they
visions of it std. ob. make it

Maⁿtcú wadaⁿ´bai tĕ´di ʇan´de kĕ maⁿ´taʇa éȼaⁿbe tí
Grizzly bear they see them when ground the within emerging come
lg. ob.

wadaⁿ´bai, gaⁿ´ égaⁿ gáxai ʇí tĕ. ┴an´de kĕ ʇúȼĕ-naⁿ´i,
they see them and so they tent the Ground the they usually
make it std. lg. ob. paint blue
ob.

ʇí hébe kĕ zíȼĕ-naⁿ´i.” That is, “When they have had visions
tent part the they usually
lg ob. paint yellow.

of grizzly bears, they decorate their tents accordingly. When they see grizzly bears, they behold them coming out of the ground, and so they paint the tents. They always (or usually) paint the ground blue, and part of the tent they paint in a yellow band.” This shows the conventional use of colors. See Pl. XLIV, E, for the sketch of another tent representing the vision of a grizzly bear.

KANSA MYSTERY DECORATIONS.

§ 52. Three Kansa decorations follow. They are taken from an original sketch made by a Kansa man, known to the white people as Stephen Stubbs. The first tent (Fig. 178) is that of a man who had fasted and held mysterious communication with an eagle which gave him some feathers. He had danced the pipe dance once for some one. At the base of this tent are seen two peace pipes on each side of the entrance. At the back are a black bear and a large turtle. The second tent (Fig. 179) is that of a man who had danced the pipe dance three times. Buffalo tails are fastened to the tops of the triangular pieces forming the shelter of the smoke-hole, feathers hang from the two shields, and the stars are above and on the base of the tent skins. Feathers, shields, and stars are also on the back of this tent.

Fig. 180 is the tent of a man who has danced the pipe dance four times. It is very probable, judging from the stars on the tents, that the owners of the second and third Kansa tents had had visions. The Kansa say that when a man has danced the pipe dance twice, his tent can be decorated with two cornstalks at the front (one on each side of the entrance), and two more at the back. The pipes used in the calumet or pipe dance are regarded as “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ” by the Omaha and Ponka, and the inference is that the Kansa and Osage had a similar belief about these pipes and the accompanying dance. Perhaps there was a time when no man could undertake the pipe dance unless he had a vision of some kind.

OMAHA NIKIE DECORATIONS.

§ 53. As the gentes of the Omaha and Ponka are regarded as being “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ,” the “nikie” and “nikie names” have a religious significance. George Miller has furnished the author with a few nikie decorations, which are now given.

Maⁿze-guhe, an Omaha, belonged to the Waȼigije sub-gens of the Iñke-sabĕ gens. The decoration of his robe (Fig. 181) marks the nikie of the sub-gens, as it consisted of spiral forms known as “waȼigije.” That of the tent (Fig. 182) refers to the nikie of the entire gens. In the latter case, the buffalo head was painted on the back of the tent.

Duba-maⁿȼiⁿ, who has a nikie name referring to the buffalo, belongs to the Waȼigije sub-gens. His father wore a black blanket embroidered with beadwork in two rows of spirals, between which was a star. All these figures were made of white beads. (See Fig. 183.)

In the Pipe sub-gens of the Iñke-sabĕ there were several tent decorations. Of the first, George Miller speaks thus:

Níkaciⁿ´ga-ma taⁿ´waⁿgȼaⁿ´-ma niníba t‘aⁿ´ amá Iñké-sabĕ
The people those in the gentes pipe have the pl. Black shoulder
sub.

akádi ʇí ugaí, niníba íʇi. Kĭ wédajĭ-ma
among tent they pipe painted the And those elsewhere
the paint tent with

wédahaⁿ-májĭ, añ´ka-bájĭ ebȼégaⁿ. Iñké-sabĕ akádi
I do not know them they are not so I think. Black shoulder among
the

níkagáhi aká égaⁿ gáxai ebȼégaⁿ, aⁿ´ctĕwaⁿ´ gáxa-bájĭ
chief the sub. so made I think of any pattern he did not make

ebȼégaⁿ. Niníba waqúbe gáxai ʞĭ, niníba jaⁿ´ kĕ bȼáska gáxai,
I think. Pipe mysterious made when pipe wood the flat made
thing lg. ob.

uȼískai, wajiñ´gadá ájii tĕ, ʇáhiⁿ jíde
put porcupine bird heads put many the “deer fur” red
work around it on it past act

íkaⁿtaⁿ´i.”
tied to it.

That is, “Those persons who belong to the Iñke-sabĕ sub-gens known as Keepers of the Pipes, paint their tent(s) with the pipe decoration. I do not know of any other persons, members of other gentes, using this decoration; I think that no others use it. I think that the Iñkesabĕ chief decorates his tent in this manner, and that he did not decorate it in any way he pleased. When the sacred pipes were made (on the tent) the pipestem was made flat, porcupine work was put around it, several heads of birds were fastened on it, and tufts of reddened horses’ hair were tied to it at intervals.” (See Fig. 184 and Pl. XLIV, C.) This Iñke-sabĕ tent had only two pipes on it--one on each side of the entrance.

The second Iñke-sabĕ tent decoration is thus described by the same authority:

Aⁿjiñ´ga tĕ´di ʇi´-ugȼiⁿ´ waʇaⁿ´be ʞĭ, ȼekégaⁿ
The small when tent dwelt in I saw them when like this
lg. ob.

ugȼiⁿ´i. Niníba mácaⁿ ugȼé íʇi waʇaⁿ´be Niníba t‘aⁿ´
they dwelt Pipe quill attached painted I saw Pipe had
in feather to at the tent
right with
angles

akádi, Waqága égaⁿ íʇi waʇaⁿ´be. Niníba waqúbe kĕ
among Burrs so painted I saw them Pipe sacred the lg.
the the tent ob.
with

ékigaⁿ´qti ȼaⁿ´ja, e mácaⁿ ugȼé gáxai, niníba
just like it though that quill attached to made pipe
feather at right angles

wéawaⁿ akéĕ hă. Ȼaⁿ´ja niníba kĕ é ínikagáhi
calumet that is it . Though pipe the lg. that chief by
ob. aforesaid means of it

ʞiʞáxai, níaciⁿ´ga amá átaqti gáxai niníba waqúbe.
they make people the pl. exceedingly make it pipe sacred
themselves sub.

Níaciⁿ´ga amá píäjĭ´qti ctéctĕwaⁿ´, ukít‘ĕ ákikiȼáqti
People the pl. very bad notwithstanding foreign contending
sub. nation fiercely together

maⁿȼiⁿ´i ctéctĕwaⁿ´, kikídĕqti maⁿȼiⁿ´i ctéctĕwaⁿ´,
they walk notwithstanding shooting often they walk notwithstanding
and fiercely

niníba kĕ éȼaⁿbe aȼiⁿ´ ahíi ʞĭ, uȼúci kĕ uhá
pipe the lg. coming they take it when in the the following
ob. forth thither middle lg. its course
line

aȼiⁿ´ aȼai´ ʞĭ, múkictaⁿ tai´. Téqi gáxai níaciⁿ´ga
they when they stop will Precious they people
take it shooting at make it
one another

amá.
the pl. sub.

That is, “When, in my childhood, I saw the tents in which the people dwelt, they were of this sort. (See Fig. 185.) I saw the tent decorated with the pipes having feathers attached to each pipe at right angles. I saw a tent of this sort when it was occupied by Waqaga of the Pipe sub-gens. (See another tent decoration of this man, § 48.) Though these pipes closely resemble the peace pipes (niniba waqube), they are made with the feathers attached to the stems at right angles. These are the pipes used in the pipe dance. By means of the pipes the people made for themselves that which was equivalent to (or, lead to) the chieftainship. So they regarded the sacred pipes as of the greatest importance. Even when the people were very bad, even when different tribes continued to struggle with one another; even when they shot often at one another, when some persons came forth with the peace pipes, and bore them to a place between the opposing forces, carrying them all along the lines, they stopped shooting at one another. The Indians regarded the pipes as precious.”

A ┴a[p]a nikie tent decoration is shown in the tent of Heqaga. (Pl. XLIV, C.) This tent had two pipes on each side of the tent, double the number on the Iñke-sabĕ tent (Fig. 184).

Fig. 186 is given as the nikie decoration of a robe belonging to Waqaga. The bird on the robe is an eagle. Members of the Pipe sub-gens of the Iñke-sabĕ have eagle birth names. And we know that Waqaga belonged to that sub-gens.

The author understood Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows to say, in 1882, that while nikie names possessed a sacredness, it was only the sacredness of antiquity, and that they were not “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ.”

But the author now thinks that such a statement needs modification; for, besides what appears at the beginning of this section, we know that among the Osage and Kansa the nikie names are associated with the traditions preserved in the secret society of seven degrees, and that this applies not only to names of gentes and sub-gentes, but also to personal nikie names. The author frightened an Osage in January, 1883, by mentioning in public some of this class of names.

OMAHA NIKIE CUSTOMS.

§ 54. Among the nikie of the Omaha, the following may be mentioned: The Wajiñga-ȼatajĭ, or “Blackbird people,” had a curious custom during the harvest season. At that time the birds used to devour the corn, so the men of this sub-gens undertook to prevent them, by chewing some grains of corn which they spit around over the field.[60] During a fog, the [K]e-‘iⁿ men would draw the figure of a turtle on the ground, with its head to the south. On the head, tail, middle of the back, and each leg, were placed small pieces of a (red) breechcloth with some tobacco. They imagined that this would make the fog disappear very soon.[61] The [K]aⁿze gens, being Wind people, flap their blankets to start a breeze when mosquitoes abound.[62] The ┴a-[p]a gens have a form for the naming of a child on the fifth morning after its birth, according to Lion, one of the chiefs of that gens.[63] In the feast on the hearts and tongues,[64] the Hañga men who belong to the sub-gens keeping the sacred pole, eat the buffalo tongues, though the buffalo is their “grandfather” and the eponym of their gens; but they can not eat the “ʇa” or buffalo sides. However, the other Hañga men, who can not eat the tongues, are allowed to eat the consecrated buffalo sides, after the ceremonies connected with the thanksgiving and anointing of the sacred pole.[65] No Omaha child had its hair cut until it had been taken to an old man of the Ictasanda gens, to have the first locks cut, the first moccasins put on the child’s feet, and prayers to be said over it. Sometimes the old man said “┴ucpáha, Wakan´da O grandchild, Wakanda

ȼa‘éȼiȼé-de ʞáci maⁿȼiñ´ka sí áȼagȼé tate,” i.e., "O
pity you when a long time soil foot you set it shall,
erect on

grandchild, may Wakanda pity you, and may your feet rest a long time on the ground!” Another form was sometimes used--“Wakanda ȼa‘eȼiȼe tate. Maⁿȼiñka si aȼagȼe tate. Gudihegaⁿ ne tate,” i.e., “May Wakanda pity you! May your feet tread the ground! May you go ahead (or, live hereafter)!”[66]

§ 55. When there is a “blizzard,” the other Kansa beg the members of the Tcihaciⁿ or Kaⁿze gens to interpose, as they are Wind people.

“[M]i´tcigu-e´, haⁿ´ba ya´li kŭⁿ´bla eyau´. Ciñ´gajiñ´ga yi´ta
O grandfather, day good I desire indeed. Child your
be decorated (_or_
painted)

kik’ŭⁿ´yakiye´ tce au´[64], a´be au´.” i.e., “They say, ‘O
you cause him to will . they .
be decorated (_or_ say
painted)

grandfather (said to one of the Kaⁿze gens), I wish good weather. Please cause one of your children to be decorated!’” Then the youngest son of one of the Kaⁿze men, say one over 4 feet high, is chosen for the purpose, and painted with red paint (I´gamaⁿ jü´dje i´kik’ŭⁿ´kiya´be au). The youth rolls over and over in the snow and reddens it for some distance all around him. This is supposed to stop the storm.

GOVERNMENTAL INSTRUMENTALITIES.

§ 56. Among the Omaha governmental instrumentalities which are “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ” are the chiefs, the keepers of the three sacred tents, the keepers of the sacred pipes, the gentes, sub-gentes, and taboos, none of which can be regarded as fetiches, and the following which appear to be fetiches: The sacred pipes (including the war pipes of the Elk gens, the two peace pipes kept by the Iñke-sabĕ gens, the mysterious objects kept by the “keepers of the pipes” in the Ȼatada, [K]aⁿze, Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe, ┴e-sĭnde, ┴a-[p]a, and Ictasanda gentes, and the weawaⁿ or pipes used in the calumet dance), the sacred pole, the sacred hide of a white buffalo, the sacred arrows of divination, and the sacred clam shell of the Elk gens.[67]

§ 57. OMAHA AND PONKA TABOOS.

Buffalo skull not touched by--
1. ┴e-[p]a it‘ajĭ sub-gens of Ȼatada (Omaha).
2. Waȼigije sub-gens of Iñke-sabĕ (Om.).
3. ┴e-sĭnde gens (Om.).
4. Part of the Wacabe gens (Ponka).
5. Part of Necta gens (P.).

Buffalo tongue not eaten by--
1. Waȼigije sub-gens of Iñke-sabĕ (Om.).
2. Hañgaqti or Wacabe sub-gens of Hañga (Om.).
3. Part of Nika[p]aɔna gens (P.).
4. Part of Wacabe gens (P.).
5. Part of Necta gens (P.).

Buffalo (black) horns not touched by part of Iñke-sabĕ gens (Om.).

Buffalo sides (when consecrated), not eaten by ┴a waqube ȼatajĭ sub-gens of Hañga gens (Om.).

Buffalo rib (lowest one, ʇeȼiʇ-ucagȼe), not eaten by ┴e-sĭnde gens (Om.).

Buffalo and domestic calf not eaten when the hair is red, but can be eaten when the hair turns black, by ┴e-sĭnde gens (Om.).

Buffalo calf can not be touched, when its hair is “zi” (yellow or red), by a sub-gens of the Necta gens (P.).

Buffalo calf can not be eaten at any time by--
1. Iñgȼe-jide gens (Om.).
2. Part of Wacabe gens (P.).
3. Part of Necta gens (P.).

Deer not eaten by-- 1. Part of Hisada gens (P.). 2. Part of Nika[p]aɔna gens (P.).

Male deer not eaten by Elk gens (Om.); but Deer gens can eat venison.

Skin of any animal of the deer family can not be touched by ┴ada gens (Om.).

Flesh of male elk not eaten by Elk gens (Om.).

Bladder and sinew of male elk not touched by Elk gens (Om.).

Elk not eaten by part of Nika[p]aɔna gens (P.).

Turtles not eaten by Turtle sub-gens (Om.).

Black bear skin not touched by--
1. Black bear sub-gens (Om.).
2. Black bear sub-gens (P.).

Wild-cat skin, not touched by pipe sub-gens of Deer gens (Om.).

Cranes and swans not eaten by part of Hañga gens (Om.).

Swans not touched (formerly?) by Miⁿxasaⁿ wet‘ajĭ sub-gens of Maⁿ-ȼiñka-gaxe gens (Om.).

Small birds not eaten by Wajiñga-ȼatajĭ (Blackbird or Small bird) sub-gens of the Ȼatada gens (Om.). They can eat wild turkeys, ducks, geese, swans, cranes. When members of this sub-gens are sick they can eat grouse.

(Small birds) blackbirds, (_black_ ones), swallows, and grouse not eaten by part of Hisada gens (P.).

Reptiles neither touched nor eaten by--
1. Ictasanda gens (Om.).
2. Wajaje gens (P.).

Blood not touched by part of the Ȼixida gens (P.), hence their name, Wami it‘ajĭ.

Red corn not eaten by a sub-gens of the Iñke-sabĕ gens (Om.).

Charcoal not touched by--
1. A sub-gens of the Iñke-sabĕ gens (Om.).
2. The Pipe sub-gens of the Deer gens (Om.).
3. A sub-gens of the Ȼixida gens (P.).
4. The Pipe sub-gens of the Wajaje gens (P.).

Verdigris not touched by--
1. [K]aⁿze gens (Om.).
2. Pipe sub-gens of Deer gens (Om.).
3. Part of the Ȼixida gens (P.).
4. Pipe sub-gens of the Wajaje gens (P.).

FETICHISM.

§ 58. According to Dr. Tylor, “Fetichism is the doctrine of spirits embodied in, or attached to, or conveying influence through, certain material objects.”[68]

Fetiches may be regarded as of two kinds--those pertaining to the tribe or gens, and those belonging to individual members of the social organization. Some fetiches are amulets, others are charms.

FETICHES OF THE TRIBE AND GENS.

§ 59. _Omaha tribal fetiches._--The sacred pole and white buffalo hide, in the keeping of the Hañga gens until a few years ago, but now in the Peabody Museum of Archæology and Ethnology at Cambridge, Mass., were regarded by the Omaha as “wakanda egaⁿ,” i.e., “like Wakandas,” or “partaking of the nature of deities.” During the public thanksgiving after the buffalo hunt, prayer was made towards the sacred pole.[69]

The sacred tent in which the sacred pole of the two tribes was kept was never painted. When the people remained in their permanent villages of earth lodges, the entrance of the sacred tent faced the sunrise; but when the tribe migrated, the entrance of the tent faced the direction in which they traveled. The pole was never exposed to dew, rain, or snow, but was kept within the lodge, during any kind of bad weather. It was never laid down, but was tied to a tent pole. In good weather it was exposed to view. Sometimes it was tied to one of the tent poles near the entrance, as shown in Fig. 187. When not tied thus, it rested on a forked post set in the ground, either in the rear of the tent or in front of it. The top of the pole, to which the scalp was fastened, projected beyond the forked post. When this post was in the rear of the tent, the top of the pole pointed towards the tent; but when the post was set up in front, the pole pointed in the direction to be traveled. The place for the pole in good weather was determined by its keeper.

The people feared the pole, and they would not dare to tread on the tent or its tent-poles. Should a horse tread on a tent-pole of this tent, its legs were sure to be broken subsequently. George Miller knew of two horses that did this, and their legs were broken when the people were surrounding a herd of buffalo.

Frank La Flèche has told the author about some sacred stone arrows which were used for purposes of divination. Hence, the nikie name, Maⁿ pĕjĭ, Bad Arrow, i.e. _Good_ Arrow, a personal name of the Hañga gens. Other objects, which may have been fetiches, have been named in § 56. In addition to all which have been mentioned must be named the waȼixabe or mysterious bags. While these are not governmental instrumentalities, they are “waqube” mysterious things, and on certain occasions they are addressed as “grandfathers.” There used to be five of these bags among the Omaha, but only three are now in existence. Those which could be carried in time of war were made of the skins and feathers of the gȼedaⁿ or pigeon hawk, the iⁿbe-jañka or fork-tailed hawk, and the nickucku or swallow.[70]

┴ade uȼeȼĕ, according to Big Elk (but denied by Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows) is the mystic rite performed by the principal captain when near the camp of the enemy. It is thus described by Big Elk (See § 62):

“Four times he untied the bag which he had made sacred. He caused
the wind to waft the odor of the medicine toward the lodges. When
the medicine arrived there, it made the Pawnees forget their
warlike temper; it made them forget their weapons.”[71]

That there was some foundation for this statement, compare what is said in Omaha Sociology, p. 321:

“When the principal captains wish to open their sacred bags, they
assemble their followers in a circle, making them sit down. Any of
the followers or servants may be ordered to make an “ujeʇi” in the
center of the circle by pulling up the grass, then making a hole
in the ground (the “U-ma-ne” of Miss Fletcher[72]). Then the
sacred bags are laid at the feet of the principal captains, each
one of whom opens his own bag (i.e. the one borrowed by him from
its keeper), holding the mouth of the bird toward the foe, even
when some of the warriors are going to steal horses.”

During the ordeal of the “wastegistu,” as the Omaha call it, the successful warriors were called up, one by one, and as each man stood over one of the sacred bags, he addressed the bag itself thus:

“Hau´, iⁿc‘a´ge-ha, eda´daⁿ uwi´bȼa tá miñke ȼaⁿ´ja,
Ho! old man ! what I will tell you though

iȼáusi´ctaⁿ-ma´jĭ uwi´bȼa ta´ miñke,” i.e., “Ho, venerable man!
I tell a I not I will tell you
lie

though I will tell you something, I will not lie when I tell it to you.” As he spoke he let a small stick drop on the bag. It was supposed that if the stick rested on the bag instead of rolling off, the man had told the truth (Om. Soc., p. 328).