Chapter I (8)

They are generally most moderate in their potations, chiefly from their inborn stinginess, which often goes the length of miserliness; but in eating, especially when they can feast at another’s expense, they prove themselves real gluttons. Of the paste they call maccaroni they never tire or can devour enough, and will gulp it down in quantities that a German stomach, which is in general no very delicate one, would turn away from in disgust. They also rejoice in all kinds of puddings, or sweet dishes made with rice; but sweetmeats are their greatest delight, and for these all of them, both old and young, would almost give their souls. A plain soup they know not; theirs must be thickened with rice, or with some kind of pastes. In Egypt most of the Italians are in office of some kind, and unfortunately the greater part of them are mere charlatans, totally without, or only with the smallest smattering of education and science. All are conceited of their own persons, country, and race, which they hold as the first in the world, and it is most laughable to hear them brag and boast. They fancy they are still the same people who formerly ruled the world; those from Venice and its neighbourhood, still dream of the times of the Dorias and the glorious republic. English, French, and Germans they despise; and if one tells them of new or improved institutions in these countries, they defyingly assert the idea was borrowed from Italy; or if this is too palpable a falsehood even for them, then the thing is good for nothing. But the main cause of their holding all other nations as stupid, is, that none of the others will or can rival them in their baseness and wickedness. Alas for their sweet language! only used by them as a covering for their falsehood and faithlessness. Honour, honesty, or chivalrous courage, are unknown to them; never do they confront their foe face to face, but lurk for him in dark ambuscades, and only even then against the solitary and defenceless, do they dare to use a weapon. They, whose country is the toy of the great European powers, and which trembles if only a few companies of Austrian soldiers appear in it, foster yet the high idea of the future liberty and union of all Italy, and hope then to surpass the Rome of old. But in the mean time they hate each other as the plague, living ever among themselves in constant discord and strife. Among them, that is, among the Italians themselves, the palm as conspirators and intriguers is yielded to the Piedmontese, who are easily to be distinguished from the others by the broadness and boorishness of their dialect. A worthy representative of these is the apothecary Major, Lumello, at Chartum, who, from being a billiard-marker in Alexandria, raised himself by his serpentlike cunning to this post, and who understands as much of chemistry, and compounding drugs, as one of our peasants does of heraldry.

The number of the French here is much less than that of the two named nations. They are jesters, boasters, and charlatans, as usual; their every second word is “chez nous,” where all is better, more beautiful, and more perfect than any where else. One may, indeed, call them _all_ adventurers; but still mean or rascally tricks are by no means common among them, and their principal fault seems running into debt with their hosts and all who trust them. Their main supports are Soliman Pascha (the renegade, colonel Sivés) in Syria, and Clot Bey. The latter has had high success here: formerly a poor doctor in Marseilles (I was introduced to him in Marseilles in 1822, by Dieffenbach), he is here a general. Ere he passed his forty-fifth year, he had, by his excesses, so broken down his constitution, that he was not unlike a good pathological preparation. Nothing but art and dress gave to the skeleton somewhat of the look of a man; and he even now looks much more as if he belonged to the noble craft of the needle, than to the high rank and office he claims and holds, which is nothing less than, with the rank and pay of general, President of the _Conseil Général de Santé_ in Egypt. With him rests the promotion or advancement of the medical men and apothecaries: that his countrymen get a good share of it is not at all unnatural, and cannot well be otherwise, however much others may grumble at it. To place his own small and mean person in a conspicuous light, Clot Bey takes all possible means. In his great house, where his reception- chambers are furnished in the European fashion, he receives his friends with high patronising and protecting demeanour, doing all he can to impress upon his subordinates a fitting respect for his dignity. Small as are in truth his acquirements and medical information,—for his dissipated career has reduced to nothing his earlier studies,—still he acts the bold operator, and whatever his drugs may have done, his favourite knife has been vigorously wielded, and more men have been despatched by it to the other world, than he can ever answer for. In spite of his many failures, his self-conceit and arrogance have never for a moment left him. In his room stands a splendid library, in an equally splendid and ever-locked bookcase, all in full parade order, containing the ancient and later classics, and the most valuable works on medical subjects; but all are new, and plainly show that they are there as luxuries, which their possessor never uses, or perhaps, to speak more truly, knows not how to use. The first visit I paid him was in company with my brother; when we were perfectly astonished by the childish questions of this high official, especially those as to the famous and meritorious Professor Dieffenbach, of Berlin, with whom he had in former days fallen in at Paris; and his opinion of this great surgeon and operator seemed to sink much when he heard that he was neither surgeon to the king, nor burdened by any titles of rank. Still more laughable in my brother’s eyes was the fifteen minutes’ examination which the Bey-General had _pro formâ_ to put him to. Before it he had handed to him his doctor’s diploma, and, with the most serious face Clot Bey set to work to try his hand on the Latin of the parchment, not one word of which language, as all well knew, he understood. In the examination, Joseph could not enter into his views either as to lithotomy or operations for hydrocele, and he soon saw he would not find a patron in the Bey. Once has Clot Bey revisited France in all pomp and dignity, but the Marseilles fish and huxter women recognised their old friend Clot, and treated him too unceremoniously. In Paris the little man would have astonished a large company by a splendid speech, but the language did not flow smoothly, and the meaning was not evident. Observing this, he added, with dignity, “La longue habitude des langues orientales m’empêche de m’exprimer avec plus de facilité;” but he might have, with more truth, said, that, saving a little bad Arabic, he knew nor spoke no oriental language, and that he never can speak with any oriental, without the aid of his dragoman, although he has already been for twelve years resident in Egypt. A young and rich dame met our hero at a supper-party in Paris, and was so charmed by him, that she next day made proposals of marriage to him, which he met only too eagerly. A second meeting was agreed on, and Clot, the citizen of the world, appeared in a Frank dress before this lady of gold. But oh, misericordia! to behold him in this simple garb and break off all marriage agreements was the work of one and the same moment to her.[24] The metamorphosis from the picturesque Turkish costume, with its Cashmere shawls, tarbush, diamond orders, &c., and perhaps a little red artistically laid on the wasted cheek, seemed somewhat too sad, and since then Clot has never adopted the Frank dress, nor should he, when he would make a conquest.[25] In the theatre of Cairo one sees him running from box to box, like a young dandy, and whispering soft nothings, and ogling every lady he sees.

Spaniards are very rare in Egypt; but such as there are, are not in good odour. Nor are the numbers of Englishmen large; they are little talked of, nor shall I allude further to them; they are principally employed as engineers, and in the factory or mine departments.

The educated Germans are few; but there is a considerable number of mechanics from that country, and in these the nation seems to have selected her worst specimens. They are all dissipated, without truth or faith, and when one sees these louts, and hears of their rascally tricks, one must blush to have a fatherland in common with them. Most of them have, indeed, been compelled to fly their country, from their villanous excesses or crimes; and have, to perfect themselves, taken lessons in Hungary, Bucharest, and Constantinople, before coming to Egypt and settling down in that land, fully accomplished in all the arts of thieving, cheating, drinking, and blood-shedding.

Besides many Armenians, mostly shrewd merchants and Saraffs (bankers), Mograbins, and Jews, there are to be found here individuals of all races and countries under the sun.

The native population of Egypt are in general a set of cheats and thieves; not the smallest faith or trust can be placed in any of them. The genuine Turks hold the Turks of Egypt as the outcasts of their race. Then, most of the great among the latter have in former times been slaves, brought up under every degradation, and in the knowledge of every low villany—to-day they are slaves, to-morrow they may be Bey or Pascha; but for life they are slaves in mind and feeling, and only fear of their power makes any one look on them as of higher grade than themselves.

One would fancy that in Turkey, and especially in Constantinople, Franks would be better protected and held in higher estimation than in distant Egypt; but this is not so, as nowhere must a Frank be more cautious and guarded than in Stamboul. To remedy this evil state of matters, and particularly to confine this stupid and haughty race within the bounds befitting it, would indeed be no hard task for the greater European powers; but the policy of these towards the Porte is in direct opposition to each other’s, and no united action can even be dreamt of so long as each power acts for itself, and seeks eagerly in every way to gain some small advantage for itself, even though this should be by humiliating submissions; as it cares not how, so it only wins the Porte’s favour. The latter power is allowed still to exist, only because, as the common story runs, it is necessary for the balance of Europe. But, in spite of this story, Turkey still is, as it ever has been, and, from its splendid position, with justice ever will be, the dearest desire of every naval power, and sooner or later it will prove a bone of most bloody contention among these. The nation that possesses the Dardanelles and Constantinople, is lord and master of the whole Levant and Mediterranean trade; and what an inestimable advantage may not this give? Russia, who for centuries has openly and secretly striven with all its power, and by every political means, with unequalled cunning and constancy, to gain this jewel, and even in its most involved and disturbed states has never for a moment turned its eyes away from this splendid aim, well comprehends its inestimable importance, and must therefore venture all to become lord and master of this key-stone of its maritime power, so as to be able to develop its naval forces, from its own seas, into the south. If another power, England or France, possessed the Straits of the Bosphorus, it would be impossible to open the passage of them without its consent, even by force, and Russia with her treasures would be confined to the Black and Caspian Seas, and for ever long in vain for the trade of the south. How much importance Russia places on the possession of the Dardanelles may be guessed, by the expression of the Emperor Alexander at the Congress of Erfurt, where he said to Napoleon, “I will give you the half of Europe, help you to conquer it, and leave you in undisturbed possession of it; and you in return must grant me the Dardanelles; they are the key of my house.”

In the suburbs of Constantinople, the Frank may take certain liberties without being annoyed by the mob, if he only does not heed or trouble himself about the repeated mention he hears, even there, of the word Giour. But one had better not venture to intrude into the interior of the old city, nor try to examine the architecture of the houses, or gaze up at the closely latticed windows, if he would not be insulted and perhaps attacked. The Frank who exhibits himself there in the dress of his country, will, particularly in the more narrow streets, be greeted with showers of stones and the contents of vessels not the most savoury, followed all his way with the most horrible abuse, and even worse handled by the mob; and still he dare not betake himself to his weapons, or defend himself, for then from all houses would the Mussulmen rush, and with cudgels and stones give the Giour a lesson after the Turkish manner. I went one day—it was during the great plague of 1836-37—through a certain street, in the neighbourhood of the Atmeidan, of that part of the city, when a little Turkish lad was amusing himself and making the bystanders merry by running after me, and amid shouts of laughter knocking my hat off four or five times, ere I caught him by the neck; and the instant I did so, many Turks rushed on me, and I dared not punish the young scamp, as I had no wish to be cudgelled to death in return. Such insults to Franks are the order of the day, and no ambassador will trouble himself about them. Even they themselves, though the representatives of monarchs, are, like all common persons, obliged to dismount from their horses, go on foot with closed umbrella and divested of their cloaks, should they pass the palace of the Sultan, and this not only when directly in front of it, but some hundred paces before or behind it: like formalities are gone through when one sails by it on the Bosphorus. It is, indeed, very curious, that the ambassadors have not taken suitable measures long ago against these ceremonies, so truly degrading and derogatory to their office. What European monarch would dare issue such orders? Besides, it is all the same whether the Sultan is in his palace or not; before the mere ungainly pile of stones must every one submit to such humiliations, or be taken prisoner by the guard, and locked up under insults and abuse. It is perfectly à la Gessler! As the common vulgar here know how, in case of necessity, to take their revenge by means of fire, which here (as the most of the houses are either all or mostly of wood) makes rapid and fearful devastations, so do the mob in uniforms insist, with brutal severity, on the observance of public orders. One evening Prince Wrede, with a small party (in jovial humour, from the grape), was returning home, but unfortunately without lanterns, which is forbidden. All at once the watch pounced upon him and his companions, and, with blows, dragged them to the prison of Woiwodin, placed them in a dungeon that not only already contained numbers of the vilest of the mob, but was so small that they had to stand the whole night; neither their names and rank, nor threats, nor prayers, enabled them to send to their ambassador, or release them out of this unpleasant scrape; nor afterwards, much as they complained to their country’s envoy of such disgraceful treatment, and the time and money it had cost them, did they get the smallest redress.

In Egypt, indeed, one must also constantly carry a lantern with him after dark, and in the month of the Ramadan, one may chance to be taken up by the guard; but these are so civil, as to at once let the prisoners go again for a few piastres, or at worst some cigars; or if they will not do so, you have only to send to the consul, and you are at once set at liberty. It is common enough to forget this lantern, the more so when one goes out by day and does not return till evening; but at every street corner, if not very late indeed, paper lanterns are to be had for half a piastre. In consequence of this constant forgetting of lanterns, one at last has a complete store of such in his house; at Cairo, on counting ours, we found some fifty. The small wax tapers for them, with which we could go from the Muske (Frank quarter) to our own homes, on the Esbekieh, cost five paras. These neat light-machines consist of folded paper, and it needs custom and gentle handling to convey them home, for should the wind blow a little fresh, or if the body reels a little from wine, one is every moment in danger of setting on fire the paper lantern, as well as oneself,—an accident by no means rare, especially when one wears the long and loose Turkish dress. This, or the Frank costume, one may wear as he pleases in Egypt; but not so in Turkey. There the Frank must wear the Frank dress, and the Turk that prescribed for his station. The rayah may certainly wear Frank clothes, but not without the tarbush, on which, in sign of being a subject, the Turkish crescent, cut out of cloth, is sewed.

* * * * *

CHAP. IX.

Circassians and Georgians. — Dress of the Sheiks. — Turkish Etiquette. — Arab Officers and Soldiers. — An Arab Regiment. — Black Soldiery.

At our last interview with the Pascha, he, who still with deep affection remembers his native country, Circassia, asked us if we knew anything new of the war between it and Russia; and listened again with much pleasure to our often-told tale. In Constantinople one must be on his guard how he talks of Russia’s successes over the Turks; the people in general believe that the Russians have constantly been beaten—and, from the medals which the Emperor of Russia, to make himself popular, has presented to all the Turkish soldiers engaged in the campaigns, they are led to believe that the Sultan had forced the conquered Emperor to give them those medals. As little as by the Turks, are the Russians loved in Egypt, for here there are many Circassians, whose fury and hatred against them is more and more inflamed by Russia’s unceasing attempts to subdue their native land. These, as a matter of course, relate the great deeds of their countrymen, by whose bravery all Russia’s attacks are rendered vain, and never, they assert and believe, will she succeed in winning Circassia. However little the Circassians here may have otherwise to brag of, nay, although they are capable of all kinds of mean and vicious acts, still all possess strong love for, and the warmest interest in, their native country, and their countrymen (achuan); and this is the more to be admired, as they all have been, when in tenderest age, brought as slaves into Egypt and Turkey. Now, too, hardly any of them have much remembrance of their country, and few speak its language, which they can only keep up by conversation with the many female Circassian slaves in their harems. Achmet Pascha himself was stolen from his native land when only six years old. These tribes either mutually rob one another of children and grown-up girls to sell as slaves, or the parents educate their daughters in all accomplishments, filling their heads with tales of the splendour and magnificence of the harem, and then sell them, often under the impression that by so doing they prepare for them and themselves a better lot. The girls themselves are satisfied; they dream of the pleasures of being mistress of a harem, and of seeing all their desires satisfied, especially in dress and ornaments.

The Circassian women have high foreheads and delicate noses,—often as thin as the back of a knife,—a lovely mouth, and a charming figure; but their eyes do not possess that fire and soul which is usually ascribed to them.[26] In Egypt they are to be found in all respectable harems, in which they are almost the only whites. The chief men of the land, themselves Circassians, gladly buy them, and they, therefore, are sent in plenty to Egypt, as in the harems of Constantinople they are not much admired. Men complain of their love of quarrelling and power, and their constant discontent. They live in open warfare with the other female slaves and women, and are, like all oriental women, without love or attachment to their lords. Their love of revenge is great, and more than one example shows that they know the use of poisons. Dress and intrigue are their only delights, and their pride is insufferable. Our friend Soliman Effendi, of Chartum, complained most bitterly of his Circassian wife, and styled her, the devil of his house. However, it is no more than natural that these poor women should feel themselves unhappy in the harem, and give vent in all ways to their bad humour. What pleasures, save the twice-a-day toilette, the bath, and the table, have these eternally imprisoned females? From their youth, too, the beauties, abundance, and happiness of a harem, have been impressed on them by their parents and female friends, and their expectations have been raised to the highest. But the truth is, indeed, most prosaic. Only to the lot of few does it fall, to see some of their ideas realised in a really rich harem, to be able to shine in splendid garments, and revel in luxury. The most are bought by persons of inferior rank, so all the poor creatures’ hopes and fancies vanish; they feel themselves lost and unhappy. More than likely, too, the lord of the harem is old and ugly, has other female slaves he loves, and they, the younger, are subject to these, and must serve them; thus arise in them those humours that make them the torment of the other women, and cause themselves to bitterly feel their misery. Then many, with cold calculation and determination, proceed so far with their plans of making themselves hateful, that their owner is at last compelled to sell them again. This is what they labour for, as they hope to find, in another harem, a happier life and richer lot.

The first favorites in the Turkish harems are the women from Georgia and Mongolia. Their faces are not so beautiful, nor their features so delicate, as those of the Circassian women: but, on the other hand, their cast of countenance is more gentle, and their forms more rounded; they also retain their beauty much longer. Their mood is mild and forbearing; with submissive gentleness, they bear all kinds of treatment. They are also better taught, and gladly employ themselves on small pieces of female work, such as pocket books, dikha[27], and embroider these in silks, silver, and gold. These women are much sought after, bear a high value, and, according to their beauty, their accomplishments, and talents, especially in music (tambourine, lute, &c.), singing, and dancing, their price varies from thirty to one hundred purses, and even more. One can, at any time, visit the bazaar, where the unhappy coloured slaves, male and female, are stowed, and arranged like goods for show, and gaze on this sight, so revolting to Europeans. In general, those from Habesch, who have before served in other harems, are placed, in particular rooms, or the better places. Their eyes are dark, prominent, and somewhat round; at times, with stupid expression, but oftener lively and brilliant. These unfortunates (now and then wrapped in coloured gauze or muslins), follow, with their uneasy eyes, every visitor, and seem beggingly to say—“Oh! if you have a human heart, release me from this condition, where I am examined and handled by every man, as if I were a beast!” The house of the white slaves is not thus open to all. Franks are only admitted on paying five Spanish dollars, but well known and wealthy Turks are admitted gratis, such being likely to become purchasers. When we visited one of these places, there were many pretty girls there, but not one splendid beauty; all were very young, but this is in accordance with the Turkish taste. If anything arrives new and beyond the common, the rich men, and those of high rank, are at once informed of it, they generally purchasing such rarities before others can get a peep at them. On account of the higher price that men are willing to pay for Georgian females, the slave dealers have a way of their own to cheat the buyers, who would only ask for and purchase women of that province. They purchase newly arrived Circassians, or those who have been sold out of a harem, and place them in another where only Georgian women are. Here they, ere long, pick up the Georgian language, and then the slave merchant takes them as Georgian women to the bazaar, where he soon disposes of them. In Constantinople they dare not venture on such tricks, as there the distinctive differences are too well known.

As in our sad loneliness and dull uniform life, we are glad to find amusement in any diversion, however small, with much satisfaction we got hold of some numbers of the Charivari, the Journal des Debâts, and Marseilles Semaphore, the apothecary had by him. They contain, at least, some political news from Europe, though more than a year old; but in Bellad-Sudan, where one is totally cut off from all European news, this matters little. The Semaphore seems to be the organ of Egypt, and it is ludicrous to see how the merest trifle is pushed forward as an instance of its so called advancing civilisation, and with what zeal and pathos these paid gentlemen sing Mehemet Ali’s praises, and also try to render General Clot-Bey immortal.

The appearance of the old Moluk (sing. Melek or Melik, also Mek and Mak), the native-born and hereditary kings or rulers, in their regal hoods that they still wear as a mark of sovereignty, although the Turks have reduced their power to a nullity, is exceedingly peculiar.

The hoods are a kind of close fitting coloured cap, with flaps hanging down on the neck (probably the lining of the neck armour), though these are generally turned up, and thus their pointed ends take, on each side of the head, the shape of horns, the ancient sign of supreme power, and are on this account called Takie betal gorn. The rest of the dress of one of these royal rulers used to be a long coloured caftan (similar to a dressing gown), with a broad girdle, and handsome pointed sandals. It is well known who are entitled to wear these horned head-dresses, and among these are the Ruler of Faszogl, the Sheik of Beni-Amer, Sheik Edris Wood Agib of Halfaia, and Sheik Nimr, whose Takië was of fur. This Sheik, Edris Wood Agib, whose father, before the Turks broke in, ruled almost all the island, and, in addition, all the land between the Blue River and the Atbara (Land Halfaia or Wood Agib; wood for wollet, uollet, son, or boy), and to whom the tribes of Gos Rajab, Taka, Beni- Amer, and to the Abyssinian mountains and the Red Sea, were tributary, now sits in Halfaia, mourning his past greatness, and existing on the miserable pension of 500 piastres a month, which is hardly enough to find food and clothing for himself and his very small retinue. But, in spite of his poverty and insignificance, he is highly respected and reverenced by the present holders of rank and power, and waited on by all. He claims his descent from the family of Fungh, a branch of the former ruling family of Sennaar, and can name his ancestors and trace his pedigree a long way back. To us, whom he daily visited, he used to open his heart about the Turks’ conduct to him. He always wore the royal hood, and when the blockhead of an apothecary, Dumont, one day mockingly asked him why he wore such a fool’s cap of a takië, when he now had no country to rule, he answered him in proud tone: “di shoggie betai ou ma betack,” (that is my business, and none of yours). Fearful, will one day, I believe, be the revenge of these races on their oppressors! The reverence the natives and Arabs of this land have for their old sheiks is much greater than that they feel for the Pascha himself. If one of them passes through the camp, not one of the Arabs will continue seated, but will rise and remain respectfully standing,—a thing that never occurs when the Pascha makes his tour of the camp. This high respect is either founded on the antiquity of the sheik’s families, and has been carried down from member to member, or, perhaps, is somehow connected with their religion; for among these free tribes, that everywhere find a home, and of which one may indeed say, every individual is independent, the sheik has, as far as I know, no compulsory powers in his hands, or means to maintain his tribe’s obedience. The Schaigies every morning wait on the old Sheik Melek Saat, and kiss his hand. They never steal or make a prize of anything, without preserving the best of it for him, and in all ways provide for and attend to him, as if he was still in possession of his old rank and dignities, and could still reward or punish them. Such attachment and reverence is all the more to be admired among this people, as they are too much used to regulate the degree of obedience they yield, by what they hope to make by it, nay, more, among them a certain degree of equality ever prevails, and all look upon themselves as of the same rank and equal in dignity and value.

The right of primogeniture holds full force among them; the younger brothers attend like servants on the elder, never venturing to seat themselves in his presence, unless requested or ordered to do so. The eldest, too, in general, eats alone. My brother was highly admired by them, because, when we paid visits he (for the sake of jest) yielded me the first place, and for this very reason they styled me Sheik. No son will so far commit himself as to take place on the angareb where his father sits; he humbly seats himself on the ground, some distance off, and only speaks when he is spoken to. I have often seen the relatives of a great sheik, though perhaps older than himself, rise at his entrance from their angarebs, and seat themselves on the ground. On solemn occasions, Nasra, the royally descended wife of the Sheik Mahomed Wood Defalla in Soriba, sits on a kind of divan, while the latter, who is only the son of the former Grand Vizier, as well as their younger brother, Edris Wood Adlan, after Aburow the most powerful ruler in the peninsula, must sit on the ground till it pleases the large and fat Nasra to assign them better places.

There is much ceremony, too, about seats and sitting. No captain ever sits before the Pascha, and he even lets most respectable Coptish writers, who hold high civil posts, remain standing in his presence. In the room of any one of higher rank, seats are not taken at pleasure, nor when sitting, is any posture to be assumed at will; the inferior sits in a most uncomfortable and wearying posture, his legs turned back below him till he receives permission to assume a more agreeable posture. No captain dare sit down before his major, till he has been expressly asked to do so by him, and then he must select a mat or carpet on the ground. A sign of salutation is only, in general, made after the superior has set the example, and no one speaks, not even the higher officers, till they have been addressed by the great man. The Turkish language is the prevailing one, and Turks speak only Turkish, even to Franks, although these may only understand Arabic. Thus Turkish is the fashionable language. Old Mehemet Ali, who well understands Arabic, from having been so long in those lands, acts as if he knew not a word of it; all must be translated by an interpreter, nay, it is said, he has forbidden his children to learn it. But it is inconceivable why the educated part of Egypt’s people, Copts and others, do not understand Turkish, since, for centuries, they have been in close intercourse with the Turks. Among many thousands of the country people, hardly one understands Turkish. It were, indeed, a most easy matter for the Coptish writers to learn Turkish; but their laziness and indifference to all that concerns their race, and their ignorance of all they are not compelled to know, easily explain their not picking up that language. However, there may also be many, especially among the Copts, who knowing it would not venture to speak it before the Turks, from fear, that they not being Turks, would pay dear for having learnt the ruler’s language, and as the Turks would probably imagine that by knowing it they had learnt and would betray their secrets.

From the preponderance of Turkish influence in all things, many evils arise, especially among the military. The higher officers, and even the captains (Juss-baschi) and first lieutenants (Milasim auel) are all Turks, and most difficult it is for any Arab to reach a first lieutenancy. In any other nation, or in a more civilised one, such disrespect and degradation would bring with it the worst consequences, but these Arabs seem to care very little about it, as I have convinced myself, by often talking with them about the matter. “What can we do? The Turks would beat us to death if we made any fuss about it. Why should we attack them, we are too weak, and the Great Pascha (el Pascha el Kebir) wills it so.” This is all I could ever get from them, and in most indifferently careless tones. From such feelings, and also because, from most remote times, the Egyptians or Arab races have lived under oppression and slavery, and thus become used to be ruled and not to rule themselves, the Turks may, perhaps, in spite of their ignorance, in spite of their seldom being capable of understanding or executing military movements, be necessary to the Egyptians as officers, and perchance without them the whole army would fall into utter confusion and lose all traces of discipline. Moreover, as all the Arabs, high and low, have submitted to their lot, a kind of equality and brotherhood has sprung up among them: they walk about, officers and privates, arm in arm, and enter one another’s dwellings as if they were indeed brothers, as they style each other; and this self-equalising has had its effects on all military matters and arrangements. In this way, the Arab private has no respect for his lieutenant, he is his brother; the lieutenant has none for his captain, and so on: even though he were the bravest and most skilful officer. But for the Turkish officer, worthless as he may be in every way, the Arab feels terror, and obeys him without any hesitation, for he is no achu[28], speaks another language, and belongs to the race of his rulers. Besides, the Arab officers do not themselves feel their own dignity, and are the less able to support their own authority, from being so disregarded and despised by the Turkish officers. Then, too, differences of language separate them; the Arab officer feels himself neglected in the company of his Turkish comrades, and, therefore, seeks that of those who treat him with confidence and speak his language. Moreover, the Arab cannot exist without society; he must, and will, chatter the whole day, and hold long talks upon most trifling subjects. Give him this, his pipe, and coffee, the Arab is happy and contented. One sees these people sitting for hours, nay for the whole day, in a circle, and discussing matters eagerly, as if it were some important state affair, but if one inquires the subject discussed, perchance one had bought, for twenty paras, what another paid twenty-one for. Any place does, too, for chattering in; even in the mud, in the middle of the unpaved streets, they will gladly stand talking. The officer so completely associates with his inferiors, as to smoke out of the same pipe, and drink coffee with them, eats with them, when they have anything to eat, and plays with them at their games. From such constant and close intimacy, the soldier forgets, when in the ranks, that the officer is his superior, often does not obey him at all, and when he does, with much ill-will. A long time will, therefore, be required, to bring Arab to proper subordination to Arab. The state, too, does not seem to see the necessity, that the under-officers should, by their dress, be in some degree distinguished from the privates; these often go about worse and more raggedly dressed than the latter; and this has a very bad effect with the Arabs, who, like other mobs, only judge of persons by their exterior. The Arab greatly loves finery, but it matters little to him if some holes also ornament it, or if dust and dirt have made the original colours hardly recognisable. He sits and lies down carelessly, even when in his best, and cares little how dirty his seat is. The women act with little more sagacity, and in their best silken dresses will run about as though in their worst. Cleanliness, especially in their linen, they know as little of as the Turkish women, and under their picturesque and handsome outer garment, the silken shirt will often be found dirty and ragged,—an edifying sight for a European! Then, the conduct of the higher officers towards their subordinates, is, by no means, such as to gain their respect. They treat them, when in the presence of the soldiers, as domestics, and apply the most vulgar terms to them; as, marras, besewink, kelb, chomar, gansier (scoundrel, rascal, dog, ass, hog), &c. They dare not sit down in their houses, or in their presence; no coffee is ever offered them,—nay, they often have to serve it to the superiors, fill their pipes, and perform many such unbecoming and degrading offices.

As far as mind and abilities are concerned, we have from experience fully convinced ourselves that the Egyptian or Arab, in general, far exceeds the Turk; and he is the one to be employed in all labour, mental or bodily, provided the stick is at hand,—this _remedium omnipotens_ for all these races. He more readily comprehends everything, and knows how to execute it; _i.e._, if he is under the eye of another whom he fears. To execute and labour, or work by and of himself, he has not the power, as, if not watched, he falls back into his laziness and _far niente_, and lets matters go as they will: “Allah kerim” (God is merciful) answers for all. This is visible in all Mehemet Ali’s new institutions and arrangements, that cost him so much money. The manufactories while under the charge of Franks brought some profit, and the valuable machinery was, then at least, kept in order, and in some cases even improved on. But now, when the direction is left to Arabs, the gains have become much less, and every day the machinery is becoming more broken and useless; for they seldom know how, and when they do never think it necessary, to perform any repairs on it, till at last all goes to wreck and ruin, and restoration or repair is impossible. It is the hereditary fault of Turk and Arab to put off every thing till the last instant, and often the slightest effort of activity is refused when it would avert some serious mischance; and so it is with government—only when the accident has occurred, come orders for the future, and these are no sooner given than they are again forgotten. The greatest injury, however, to all the factories arises from the dust, which is so fine and penetrating, that it finds its way into the most delicate parts of all machinery, even into pocket watches, and ruins everything. Up to the present time, though a high reward has been offered, no one has succeeded in remedying or preventing this mighty evil, and the best fitting double windows have proved as useless, as all other defences attempted against the subtle enemy.

As the learning and understanding of the Turks is far less than that of the Egyptians, either because they want the natural power or from their pride and laziness, the teacher of the school (mektab) has three times as much trouble with them as with the Egyptians; but they are far better soldiers. Many of the Franks who have made the campaigns in Hedjas and Yemen with them have highly praised their courage, and the battle of Konieh has also proved it. In the Morea and at Crete, under Ibrahim Pascha, they were as brave as cruel. As a general rule, the courage of the Egyptian population is nothing to boast of. Shouts, cries, and gesticulations are their chief strength; but two or three good right and left whip cuts will usually put to flight a whole crowd of these mouth- fighters, and the coward curs are very careful how they resist the Franks, the more so as their bodily powers are far less than those of Europeans. But the Arab may yet gain more courage as a soldier, or the fear of the nabut (stick) may force him, with an “Allah kerim,” to rush into all dangers, not to mention that desperation as to his fate, may also lead him to end his misery with his life. It is gradually beginning to enter the heads of these Arab soldiers, who have made the campaign of Hedjas and Syria against and with the Turks, that they are somebody, and they begin to feel and observe that they have been the means by which all Ali’s conquests and victories have been gained. They see, at least a part of them, that by holding together they form a mass, which, at a fitting time, may overpower the Turks, and that in future it may depend on their being united, whether or not, they may not regain their native country from the Turks; and this daily increasing feeling of self- dependence may perchance become dangerous to the Turks in Egypt, supposing no other power should interfere.

One regiment of Arab soldiers has already given a warning example; these were in Hedjas, and had there made themselves a terror to the natives by their fierce courage. Their leader, a stupid, self-conceited fellow, did not treat his soldiery as they, proud of their proved bravery, deserved, and withheld from them, perhaps to tame their pride in some measure, or to be better able to restrain them, a sum of money granted them as a reward, although most of them were much in want. Infuriated by this, they murdered this Bey on the spot, and swore death to any one who should bury him; chose a captain of the regiment as their commander, paid him as such, after they had laid their hands upon the money they found in the late Bey’s possession, and took from it their arrears of pay, but no more. Afterwards, wearied by the long campaign in Hedjas, they compelled the new chosen leader to conduct them back to Cairo; and he knew so well how to perform the duties of his office, that he prevailed on them to spare the town of Djedda, which they meditated plundering. The regiment arrived at Cairo, and the old fox Mehemet Ali sent messengers to meet it, and to order it to encamp outside the town; made no fuss about the matter, but gave all the soldiers leave to return for half a year to their homes, so that they might recover after their exertions and battles. He knew right well that such a regiment in his camp might do immense mischief. After the leave was expired, or shortly after, he called all the men into service again; but parcelled them out into many different regiments, and their lot since has certainly been none of the best. The unfortunate new Bey was, however, beheaded at Cairo, some time afterwards; not, for leading back the regiment, but because he had, without Mehemet Ali’s permission, assumed a rank that he alone could grant, and because he had also defrauded the state by allowing the soldiery to pay him as Bey. The old Pascha thus vented on him the rage he dared not vent on the soldiers, though, without doubt, it was a piece of most striking injustice. After the murder of the former Bey, the captain, the favourite of the whole regiment on account of his bravery and humanity, had been, by unanimous voice, selected as leader; he had been by force led into the tent of the Bey, and there put in possession of it, along with his slaves and horses; but at the same time made aware, that if he did not at once lead them back to Cairo, where they could get some rest, they would take him with them, and in a body go over to the enemy. Had this last occurred, not only had all been lost for Egypt in Hedjas, but Mehemet Ali would have found another much- to-be-feared foe there. The captain, though thus under their hands, still managed by prayers and cunning, often at the risk of his own life while restraining their excesses, to lead the regiment back in safety to Cairo, and there got his reward.

Our Achmet Pascha depends on and values his black soldiers more than his Arab and Syrian troops. The first regiment, now nearly twenty years in Bellad-Sudan, is almost all blacks; as climate and skirmishes have carried off almost all the Arabs of Egypt and Syria that were in it. Those still alive are old, worn-out invalids, as nothing but total uselessness, such as blindness, the loss of a leg or arm, releases these unfortunates from the service; lameness, the loss of one eye, the want of three or four fingers of the hand, is a matter of no consequence. Often have we heard Achmet Pascha express the wish that all his regiments, officers excepted, were composed of blacks; and he is in the right for service in Bellad-Sudan. They are not affected by sickness and the influence of climate as the others, suffer hardships without murmuring, quickly and cheerfully obey all orders, and can subsist on the worst food, in the smallest quantities, a little durra daily satisfying them. Besides, their courage is good, even though they may not possess the same bravery as soldiers who fight for parents, wife, children, and country, or who are spurred on by honour; still they go on to the spot they are ordered, fight their way, and many of them, especially those from the mountains of the upper parts of Faszogl, fear death little, if at all. In the Morea, the body-guard of Ibrahim Pascha, composed of 500 blacks, more than once distinguished themselves above his other forces. Once a hill held by the enemy was to be taken; twice did the Egyptians advance to the attack and fail; Ibrahim now sent his blacks, who at once took by storm the important point. Hardly could such things be expected from men who are first forcibly made slaves, and then soldiers. A greater part of them certainly feel unhappy in their lot, more than one would suppose in these rude men; and many die from home- sickness, as we saw in Chartum—a disease which, once attacking, proves fatal. But as many, also, are not sensible of the misery of their existence, or the wretched life they pass as Egyptian soldiers, the state of their former lot may be guessed. They are stolen as children, have been slaves, and feel themselves freer as soldiers, and, at least, considered as men; while those they have left behind them, as they know, live in the saddest state, almost like cattle, often exposed to starvation, and always to slavery, from the repeated wars among themselves. Formerly without clothing they now are proud of their dress, cap, arms, and that they, as soldiers inspire others with fear; and, finally, what may contribute not a little to their satisfaction, they always find themselves associating with their own countrymen.

* * * * *

CHAP. X.

Breaking up of the Camp. — March into the Interior. — Nature of the Country. — Sheiks’ Swords.

The tribe of the Haddenda, in spite of Mohammed Din’s imprisonment, will not bring in their tribute. The Pascha has discovered that he gains nothing here by violence, and has now ordered them to collect 6,000 ardeps of durra at Kassela, a spot some fourteen miles from here, where the Pascha will pass the all-dreaded chariff, and will found a new city to protect his army, as up to the present time the health of both men and animals has been wonderfully good. The Hallenga must also deliver durra (here called Esch). All Arabs, as well as the blacks, chew the fresh durra-straw all day, as in the sap there is a slightly perceptible sweetness, and one never meets any of these people without a piece of the stem in hand or mouth, at which they are ever gnawing, as at a favourite morsel. In like manner one sees in Egypt, and also in part of Chartum, during the time of the ripening of the sugar-cane, considerable quantities of it exposed in every market; and of this the people buy much, to suck the juice of it. Turks, Arabs, blacks, all are very fond of sweets, although from stinginess they never use sugar in their coffee, or drink much in their sherbets; but from a Frank, to whom they never offer any sugar with the coffee they produce for him, they always expect to have such, and they are honest enough to confess that the coffee tastes much better with it. However, we do not live here very luxuriously or splendidly. Rice and flesh are our only food. Vegetables, that from the continuous great heat would be of much service, are not to be got; but, on the other hand, there is no want of the stick, and especially with Rustan Bey, who in Upper Egypt served out plentiful doses of it to the fellahs there. If any of these came to him to complain, he heard them patiently, and on their ending recommended them, with serious face, to go to his chasnadar (treasurer), and to tell him to pay out to them one or two purses. The complainants, much rejoiced at such unexpected luck, ran off to the treasurer, already in fancy counting over their coin, and he counted out to them blows instead of piastres; one purse, holding 500 piastres, was paid by 500 lashes. Our Pascha used to act similarly in Chartum.

Every day the journey to Kassela is talked of, but we still sit crouching here. Not long ago a report was suddenly spread, that Achmet Pascha was recalled to Cairo, and Mustapha Bey of Kordofan appointed governor of the Bellad-Sudan. This came to us as a secret, and was only mentioned to us by the Turks we were most intimate with, and in an under tone. But as the truth of the report was a serious matter to us, and none of the Turks knew how to put the question to the Pascha, we went ourselves to him; when he laughingly told us, that he had, in jest, told the Kaimakan of the 8th regiment, Sorop Effendi, something of the sort, but had himself no intention of going to Cairo, as, in spite of the failure as regarded the treatment of the Sheiks, he could easily make himself independent; at least so his words to me, during the absence of my brother, seemed to imply.