Chapter 49: , labelled Βάρωνος, asserts the necessity of keeping such (2)

[542] In 432 acts of manumission given in Wescher and Foucart _Inscriptions de Delphes_ 1863, I could not find one case of a rustic slave.

[543] Ar _Pol_ II 3 § 4, cf saying of Diogenes in Stob _flor_ LXII 47. Menander fragm 760 K εἷς ἐστι δοῦλος οἰκίας ὁ δεσπότης.

[544] See above, chapter XIII p 64.

[545] So Jove _Poenulus_ 944-5.

[546] _Casina_ 97 foll, _Poenulus_ 170-1, _Mostellaria_ 1-83.

[547] _Mercator_ 65 foll.

[548] _Mercator_ _passim_.

[549] _Trinummus_ 508-61.

[550] _Vidularia_ 31-2.

[551] _Vidularia_ 21-55, text is fragmentary.

[552] But not excluding it, since slaves were hired.

[553] _Hautontimorumenos_ 62-74.

[554] _Hautont_ 93-117.

[555] _Hautont_ 142-4.

[556] _Phormio_ 362-5, cf _Adelphoe_ 949.

[557] _Hecyra_ 224-6.

[558] _Adelphoe_ 45-6, cf 95, 401, 517-20, 845-9.

[559] _Adelphoe_ 541-2.

[560] Collitz I No. 345, Dittenberger 238-9. Mommsen’s notes in Hermes XVII.

[561] καὶ τὴν χώραν μᾶλλον ἐξεργασθήσεσθαι.

[562] That this neglect was not a new thing seems shewn by the saying of Alexander that the Thessalians deserved no consideration, ὅτι τὴν ἀρίστην κεκτημένοι οὐ γεωργοῦσι. Plut _apophth Alex_ 22.

[563] Livy XXXIV 51 §§ 4-6.

[564] Plutarch _Aratus_ 5-8.

[565] Plut _Dion_ 27, 37, 48.

[566] Plut _Timoleon_ 23, 36.

[567] Plut _Aratus_ 9, 12, 14.

[568] Plut _Philopoemen_ 3, 4.

[569] In fact became an αὐτουργός.

[570] _Bevölkerung der Griechisch-Römischen Welt_ pp 156-8.

[571] Diodorus XVIII 70 § 1.

[572] Livy XXXIV 50, Plut _Flamininus_ 13.

[573] Polyb XXXIX 8 §§ 1-5.

[574] Only in Appian _civ_ I 8 § 2. The provision is ascribed by Suet _Jul_ 42 to Julius Caesar. The two writers were contemporary. Whence did Appian get his story?

[575] Case of Persia.

[576] Cases of Messana, Syracuse, etc.

[577] Case of Carthage.

[578] Livy II 23 etc.

[579] Referred to in Iwan Müller’s _Handbuch_ IV ii 2, ed 3 pp 533 foll, article by H Blümner.

[580] That the household as a vigorous unit outlived the _gens_ is I think clear. I guess that this was because production for the supply of life-needs was more closely correlated with the former. Labour was more easily divorced from the clan-system than property was.

[581] Cic _Cato mai_ § 56, Liv III 26, Dionys X 8, 17, Plin _NH_ XVIII 20, Valer Max IV 7. The discrepancies in the versions do not concern us here.

[582] Liv III 13 §§ 8-10, Dionys X 8.

[583] Liv III 27 § 1.

[584] Liv X 36 § 17, Dionys VI 3, etc.

[585] Liv II 22 §§ 5-7.

[586] Varro _sat Men_ fr 59 and title of his satire _Marcipor_. Quintilian I 4 § 26, Festus p 306 L = 257 M _Marcipor Oppii_ in title of Plaut _Stichus_. Sallust _hist_ fr III 99 Maurenbrecher. Inscriptions CIL I 1076, 1034, 1386, Dessau 7822-3. For Pliny see below.

[587] Argument as in Luke’s gospel 17 §§ 7-9.

[588] Cic _Cato mai_ §§ 55-6, etc.

[589] Dionys XIX 15.

[590] Preserved in a fragment of Dion Cassius, fr 40 § 27.

[591] Columella I 4 § 2, Pliny _NH_ XVIII §§ 27-8, cf Valer Max IV 4 § 4.

[592] Livy _epit_ XVIII.

[593] Valer Max IV 4 § 6. The version given in Seneca _ad Helv_ 12 § 5 is much the same, but ends characteristically _fuitne tanti servum non habere, ut colonus eius populus Romanus esset?_ Here _colonus_ = tenant farmer.

[594] _colendum locari._

[595] Plin _NH_ XVIII § 39.

[596] Polyb I 31 § 4.

[597] Cato 5 § 4 (of duties of _vilicus_) _operarium mercennarium politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die_.

[598] How far we can infer this from references to slaves such as Livy XXIII 32 § 15 (215 BC), XXV 1 § 4 (213 BC), XXVI 35 § 5 (210 BC), is not quite certain. The Licinian law to check the grabbing of state domain land certainly does not prove it, for that land was probably for the most part pasture.

[599] Liv XXVIII 11 § 9.

[600] Weissenborn’s note on the passage.

[601] Liv XXII 57 § 11, and index to Livy under _volones_.

[602] Liv XXIII 49 §§ 1-4, XXIV 18 § 11, XXV 1 § 4, 3 § 8-4 § 11.

[603] Liv XXI 63 §§ 3, 4, Cic II _in Verr_ V § 45.

[604] Liv XXVI 36.

[605] Liv XXIX 16 §§ 1-3.

[606] Liv XXXI 13.

[607] See Rudorff _gromatische Institutionen_ pp 287-8.

[608] Liv XXXIII 42 § 3.

[609] _lex agraria_, line 31, in Bruns’ _fontes_ or Wordsworth’s _Specimens_.

[610] Appian _civ_ I 7 § 5. But the account given in this passage of the spread of _latifundia_ and slave-gangs is too loose to be of much value. In particular, the assertion that slave-breeding was already common and lucrative is not to be believed. Appian was misled by the experience of his own day. See Sallust _Iug_ 41 § 8 _interea parentes aut parvi liberi militum, uti quisque potentiori confinis erat, sedibus pellebantur_.

[611] The urban artisans engaged in the sedentary trades do not concern us here. See Weissenborn on Liv VIII 20 § 4 _opificum vulgus et sellularii_.

[612] Dionys III 31, IV 9, 13, etc.

[613] Dionys VI 79, a passage much coloured by later notions.

[614] Liv VII 4, 5. A slightly different and shorter version in Cic _de off_ III § 112.

[615] Cic _pro Sex Roscio_ § 46 recognizes this familiarity.

[616] Sallust _Catil_ 4 § 1.

[617] Cic _pro Sex Roscio_ §§ 39-51.

[618] Cic _pro Sex Roscio_ §§ 50-1.

[619] Livy VI 12 § 5, cf VII 25 § 8.

[620] Dionys XVII [XVIII] 4. L Postumius Megellus was consul 305, 294, 291 BC. The story relates to his third consulship. His earlier career may be followed in Liv IX 44, X 26 § 15, 32 § 1, 37, 46 § 16.

[621] Liv _epit_ XI.

[622] See the precept of Mago cited by Pliny _NH_ XVIII § 35.

[623] That is, on those possessed of a certain minimum of property, which was lowered in course of time. Originally reckoned on land only, thus reckoning only those settled on farms (_adsidui_). See Mommsen _Staatsrecht_ index. The rise in the census numbers between 131 and 125 BC is explained by Greenidge _History_ p 150 as due to the increase of _adsidui_ through effect of Gracchan legislation.

[624] See Greenidge _History_ pp 60-1, 424-5.

[625] See Cato’s opinion cited by Cic _de off_ II § 89, Columella VI _praef_ §§ 3-5, Plin _NH_ XVIII §§ 29, 30.

[626] Cic _in Catil_ II § 18.

[627] Cic _in Catil_ II § 20, cf _de lege agr_ II § 78 _fundos quorum subsidio familiarum magnitudines sustentare possint_.

[628] _familiis magnis._

[629] Livy VI 12 § 5, cf VII 25 § 8.

[630] Cairnes _The Slave Power_ ch III. [1862, second edn. 1863.]

[631] Cic _de republ_ III § 16.

[632] But see the oratorical picture of the bad steward, Cic II _in Verrem_ III § 119. That remarkable passage still leaves my questions unanswered, for the comparison with Verres is superficial and only serves a temporary purpose.

[633] Varro I 2 § 17, 17 §§ 5, 7.

[634] Cato 2 § 7, cf Martial XI 70.

[635] As Cato 5 § 2 says, _dominus inpune ne Sinat esse_.

[636] Foreshadowed in Xenophon _memor_ II 8.

[637] Compare the case of the _mercennarius_ and Regulus referred to above.

[638] Columella I _praef_ §§ 3, 12, 13, 20, XII _praef_ §§ 8-10.

[639] Pliny _NH_ XVIII §§ 41-3 (of earlier times), XIV §§ 48-50 (speculations), XVIII §§ 273-4.

[640] M Weber _Römische Agrargeschichte_ pp 242 foll.

[641] Sueton _Aug_ 32, _Tib_ 8, cf Seneca the elder _contr_ X 4 § 18. Later, Spart _Hadr_ 18. In law, Digest XXXIX 4 § 12².

[642] Even a _valetudinarium_ is provided. See Columella XI 1 § 18, XII 1 § 6, 3 §§ 7, 8.

[643] Columella I 7.

[644] Weber _op cit_ pp 244-5. See the chapter on Columella for this interpretation. It can hardly be considered certain, but it is not vital to the argument.

[645] Varro I 17 § 2, cf Colum I 3 § 12.

[646] Varro I 17 §§ 3-6.

[647] Plato _Laws_ 777 _d_, Arist _Pol_ VII 10 § 13, [Ar] _Oec_ I 5 § 6.

[648] Livy XXXIII 36 § 1.

[649] Livy XXXIX 29 §§ 8, 9, cf 41 § 6.

[650] Diodorus book XXXIV, and other authorities enumerated in my _Roman Republic_ § 683.

[651] Strabo XIV 1 § 38 [p 646], Diodorus XXXIV 2 § 26.

[652] Diodorus XXXVI.

[653] According to Appian _civ_ I 116 § 2 he was at first joined by some free rustics. The same seems to have been the case in Sicily and Asia.

[654] Sallust _Catil_ 44 §§ 5, 6, 56 § 5.

[655] Tacitus _ann_ IV 27.

[656] Tacitus _ann_ III 53-5.

[657] Text edited by Keil 1895.

[658] Plutarch _Cato maior_ 27.

[659] Jordan’s edition of his remains, p 77, Plut _Cat mai_ 23.

[660] Pliny _NH_ XVIII §§ 29, 30, and Cicero _de off_ II § 89, Columella VI _praef_ §§ 3-5.

[661] Jordan _op cit_ p 43. Plutarch _Cat mai_ 4.

[662] Plut _Cat mai_ 3-5, 20-1.

[663] Cato _agr_ 3 § 1, Pliny _NH_ XVIII § 32.

[664] Cato _agr_ 4.

[665] Cato _agr_ 56-7.

[666] Cato _agr_ 16, 136-7, 146.

[667] In 147 the _emptor_ of a season’s lambs seems to be bound to provide a _pastor_, who is held as a pledge to secure the final settlement.

[668] Cato _agr praef_.

[669] Cato _agr_ 10 § 1, 11 § 1.

[670] 2 § 7 _patrem familias vendacem non emacem esse oportet_.

[671] Cato _agr_ 1.

[672] Mommsen in _Hermes_ XV p 408.

[673] _praef_ § 2, 1 § 4. According to a speaker in Seneca _controv_ VII 6 § 17 Cato’s later wife was _coloni sui filiam ... ingenuam_. Plut _Cat mai_ 24 makes her πελάτιν, that is daughter of a client. There seems to be no real contradiction. The _cliens_ might be his patron’s tenant.

[674] 2 § 7 _boves vetulos ... servum senem, servum morbosum ... vendat_. Cf Plut _Cat mai_ 5, Martial XI 70, Juvenal X 268-70. In Terence _Hautont_ 142-4 the Old Man, on taking to farming, sells off all his household slaves save such as are able to pay for their keep _opere rustico faciundo_. His motive for giving up domestic comfort and taking to hard manual labour on the land is to punish himself. So _ibid_ 65-74 he appears as neglecting to keep his farm-hands at work.

[675] Plut _Cat mai_ 21.

[676] Pliny _NH_ XVIII § 35.

[677] Polyb XXXII 13 §§ 10, 11.

[678] Plut _Cat mai_ 21, 25, 4.

[679] Jordan _op cit_ p 43.

[680] Cf Plin _epist_ III 19 § 5.

[681] Plut _Cat mai_ 21, 4.

[682] Plut _Cat mai_ 20.

[683] Pliny even refers to his precepts as _oracula_.

[684] Cato _agr_ 1 § 3 _operariorum copia siet_.

[685] Cato _agr_ 4 _operas facilius locabis, operarios facilius conduces_.

[686] Cato _agr_ 5, 83, 143.

[687] Cato _agr_ 2 § 1.

[688] Cato _agr_ 13 § 1 _duo custodes liberi ... tertius servus_ ... etc.

[689] Ibid 66 _ubi factores vectibus prement_.

[690] Ibid 64 § 1.

[691] Ibid 144.

[692] Ibid 144-5.

[693] Ibid 146.

[694] Ibid 149 § 2.

[695] Ibid 150.

[696] Ibid 66-7.

[697] Ibid 56.

[698] Ibid 10 § 1, 11 § 1.

[699] It is to be noted that _bubulci_ are to be indulgently treated, in order to encourage them to tend the valued oxen with care. 5 § 6.

[700] Ibid 56 _compeditis ... ubi vineam fodere coeperint_. Cf Columella I 9 § 4.

[701] Ibid 14.

[702] Ibid 16, 38.

[703] Ibid 136. In 5 § 4 the _politor_ appears as a hired wage-earner, apparently paid by the job. In Varro III 2 § 5 we find _fundo ... polito cultura_. See Nonius p 66 M for _politiones = agrorum cultus diligentes_. Greenidge _hist_ p 79 regards the _politores_ as métayer tenants, why, I do not know.

[704] Ibid 7 § 2, 21 § 5.

[705] Ibid 5, especially § 4 _operarium, mercennarium, politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die_. This is taken by Wallon II pp 100, 345, to mean that these hired men are to be paid off at the end of their stipulated term. Keil thinks they are to be dischargeable at a day’s notice. _eundem_ seems to imply that it was convenient to change your hired men often.

[706] Ibid 2 § 2, and § 4 _viam publicam muniri_.

[707] The account given in Greenidge’s _History of Rome_ deserves special reference here. On pp 266-7 he well points out that it was not the Gracchan aim to revive the free labourer but the peasant proprietor.

[708] This is known from the _lex agraria_ of which a large part is preserved. See text in Bruns’ _Fontes_ or Wordsworth’s _Specimens_. Translated and explained in Dr E G Hardy’s _Six Roman Laws_.

[709] Perhaps some inference may be drawn from Sallust _Iug_ 73 § 6 _plebes sic accensa uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus frequentarent Marium_ ... etc, though this refers directly to political support, not to the recruiting of troops.

[710] See the important paper by Dr E G Hardy _Journ Phil_ 1913.

[711] _Monum Ancyr_ III 22 [cap XVI].

[712] Varro _RR_ I 2 §§ 3, 6. I find since writing this that Heisterbergk _Entstehung des Colonats_ p 57 treats this utterance, rightly, as rhetorical.

[713] See Mr Storr-Best’s translation, Introduction pp xxvii-xxx.

[714] _RR_ I 4 § 5. Surely in 49 Varro was in Spain.

[715] As in _RR_ II _praef_ § 6.

[716] The wild hill-pastures are referred to by Varro _RR_ II 1 § 16 as still leased to _publicani_ to whom the _scriptura_ or registration fees had to be paid. I have given further references in my _Roman Republic_ § 1351. See M Weber _Römische Agrargeschichte_ pp 135 foll.

[717] _RR_ I 18.

[718] _RR_ I 17.

[719] _RR_ I 6-16.

[720] [_genus_] _vocale_, _semivocale_, _mutum_.

[721] These are specimens only. Others would be hired freemen, asses, and (near a river) barges.

[722] _ipsi_ suggests peasant owners.

[723] _pauperculi cum sua progenie._

[724] _mercennariis ... conducticiis liberorum operis._

[725] _obaerarios_ or _obaeratos_, who work off a debt by labour for a creditor.

[726] _de quibus universis._ This seems to refer to all human workers.

[727] _gravia loca._ Cf I 12 § 2.

[728] _operarios parandos esse_, not _conducendos_, for these are clearly slaves. Cf I 16 § 4.

[729] The text here is damaged. I give the apparent meaning.

[730] _qui praesint_, a very general expression.

[731] That is, obedience.

[732] _offensiones domesticas._ Varro may have in mind the Syrians in the Sicilian slave-wars and the Thracians and Gauls under Spartacus.

[733] _peculium._

[734] Here also the text is doubtful.

[735] _RR_ II 3 § 7 _in lege locationis fundi excipi solet ne colonus capra natum in fundo pascat_.

[736] _RR_ I 2 § 17 _leges colonicas_ ... etc.

[737] Caesar _BC_ I 34, 56.

[738] _servis libertis colonis suis._

[739] _colonis pastoribusque._

[740] As a creditor on a debtor.

[741] _RR_ I 16 § 4 _itaque in hoc genus coloni potius anniversarios habent vicinos, quibus imperent, medicos fullones fabros, quam in villa suos habeant_.

[742] _RR_ II _praef_ § 5, cf I 2 § 13 foll, and Columella VI _praef_ §§ 1, 2.

[743] They evidently own slaves, though not special craftsmen, and are distinct from the _pauperculi_ of I 17 § 2.

[744] _RR_ II _praef_ §§ 3, 4.

[745] _RR_ III 16 §§ 10, 11.

[746] _RR_ II 10 §§ 4, 5.

[747] _RR_ I 22 § 1. Basket work is often referred to in scenes of country life. Cf Verg _buc_ II 71-2, _georg_ I 266.

[748] _RR_ III 3 § 4, 17 § 6.

[749] Cf Cato 56, Columella I 9 § 4.

[750] _RR_ I 18 §§ 2, 6.

[751] _valetudini tempestati inertiae indiligentiae._

[752] In _RR_ III 2 § 5 _cum villa non sit sine fundo magno et eo polito cultura_ the reference is quite general.

[753] This is well illustrated by the words of Cicero _de republ_ V § 5.

[754] As in his opinion the younger Cato did.

[755] See _pro Murena_ § 62, where _disputandi causa_ is opposed to _ita vivendi_.

[756] See _Brutus_ § 257, _de orat_ I §§ 83, 263, II § 40, _de finibus_ V § 52, _Tusc disp_ I § 34, III § 77, V § 104. The _messores_ whose rustic brogue is referred to in _de orat_ III § 46 surely are free Italians.

[757] From lack of the _ingenuae artes_ and _liberales doctrinae_ etc.

[758] _de offic_ I § 150 _inliberales autem et sordidi quaestus mercennariorum omnium quorum operae non quorum artes emuntur: est enim in illis ipsa merces auctoramentum servitutis_.

[759] The _operae_ often referred to.

[760] The _familiae publicanorum_. The _publicani_ complained loudly when their slave-staff was in danger from the violence of others. Cf _de imperio Pompei_ § 16.

[761] Cf the famous case of Clodius and Milo.

[762] Cf _pro Rosc com_ §§ 32, 49, 54, _pro Tullio_ § 21.

[763] For a discussion of these see Greenidge in the Appendix to _The legal procedure of Cicero’s time_.

[764] _pro Tullio_ §§ 7-12.

[765] _pro Tullio_ §§ 14-22.

[766] § 17 _mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum_.

[767] To conduct of this kind Cicero makes a general reference in _Paradoxa_ VI § 46 _expulsiones vicinorum ... latrocinia in agris_.

[768] _pro Caecina_ §§ 10-19.

[769] _pro Caecina_ § 1 _in agro locisque desertis_.

[770] _pro Vareno_ fragm 5, _pro Cluentio_ § 161, cf _pro Tullio_ § 8.

[771] _in toga candida_ fragm 11 _alter pecore omni vendito et saltibus prope addictis pastores retinet, ex quibus ait se cum velit subito fugitivorum bellum excitaturum_. For the _fugitivi_ in Sicily cf II _in Verrem_ II § 27, III § 66, IV § 112, V _passim_, and the famous inscription of Popilius, Wilmanns 797 and Wordsworth _specimens_ pp 221, 475, CIL I 551, referring to first Sicilian slave-war.

[772] _Brutus_ § 85.

[773] _pro Roscio Amer_ §§ 39-51.

[774] _pro Caecina_ §§ 58, 63.

[775] Thus in _pro Cluentio_ § 163 a disreputable tool is _mercennarius Oppianici_.

[776] _de officiis_ I § 151 _quorum ordini conveniunt_.

[777] _de officiis_ I § 41.

[778] II _in Verrem_ I § 147, IV § 77.

[779] Thus of orators, _Brutus_ § 297, _de orat_ I §§ 83, 263, cf II § 40. Also _opifex_ in _Tusc disp_ V § 34.

[780] _de orat_ I § 249 _si mandandum aliquid procuratori de agri cultura aut imperandum vilico est_.

[781] _pro Tullio_ § 17 _mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum_.

[782] Cicero’s own estate at Arpinum seems to have been let in _praediola_ to tenants. See _ad Att_ XIII 9 § 2.

[783] _pro Caecina_ §§ 17, 57, 94.

[784] _pro Caecina_ § 57, cf 63. So in § 58 the word _familia_ is shewn not to be limited to slaves personally owned by the litigant referred to.

[785] II _in Verrem_ III §§ 53-5, and _passim_. These _arationes_ paid _decumae_.

[786] _pro Cluentio_ §§ 175, 182.

[787] _de orat_ II § 287.

[788] _de republ_ V § 5, where the perfect ruler is a sort of blend of _dispensator_ and _vilicus_.

[789] _pro Plancio_ § 62.

[790] II _in Verrem_ III § 119.

[791] _pro Rabirio_ §§ 10-17.

[792] _hanc condicionem ... quam servi, si libertatis spem propositam non haberent, ferre nullo modo possent._

[793] _Philippic_ VIII § 32.

[794] Cic _ad fam_ XVI 16 § 1 _eum indignum illa fortuna nobis amicum quam servum esse maluisti_.

[795] _pro Roscio Amer_ § 120 _homines paene operarios_.

[796] II _in Verrem_ III § 27.

[797] _quid, qui singulis iugis arant, qui ab opere ipsi non recedunt_ ... etc.

[798] The infamous henchman of Verres.

[799] Diodorus fragm XXXIV 2 § 48, XXXVI 5 § 6.

[800] _de lege agr_ II §§ 80-3.

[801] See Beloch _Campanien_ pp 304-6.

[802] _de lege agr_ II § 84 _agros desertos a plebe atque a cultura hominum liberorum esse non oportere_.

[803] _genus ... optimorum et aratorum et militum ... illi miseri, nati in illis agris et educati, glaebis subigendis exercitati_ ... etc.

[804] _de lege agr_ II §§ 88-9 _locus comportandis condendisque fructibus, ut aratores cultu agrorum defessi urbis domiciliis uterentur ... receptaculum aratorum, nundinas rusticorum, cellam atque horreum Campani agri_ ... etc.

[805] _de lege agr_ II § 82 _deinde ad paucos opibus et copiis adfluentis totum agrum Campanum perferri videbitis_.

[806] See above, chap XXV p 183.

[807] Sallust _Cat_ 4 § 1.

[808] Sallust _Cat_ 37 § 7 _iuventus, quae in agris manuum mercede inopiam toleraverat_ ... etc.

[809] Sallust _Iug_ 73 § 6 _opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant_ ... etc.

[810] Two notorious instances are Pompey and M Brutus.

[811] Horace _Odes_ II 15, III 6, etc.

[812] Horace _Odes_ IV 5, 15, etc.

[813] A picture forestalled by Lucretius III 1053-75.

[814] Already illustrated in the case of Cato noted above.

[815] See Cic _de legibus_ III § 30. Cf Horace _epodes_ IV.

[816] See Rostowzew, _Röm Colonat_, for detailed inquiry into Eastern phenomena, Egyptian in particular. For the case of China see reference to Macgowan [Appendix D 6]. A very interesting account of the system in Hindustan in the 17th century, with criticism of its grave abuses, may be found in the _Travels in the Mogul empire_ by François Bernier, ed 2 by V A Smith, Oxford 1914, pages 226-38. I believe the legal phrase is ‘Eminent Domain.’

[817] In Greenidge, _History_ pp 292-3, there are some good remarks on the process.

[818] Frontinus grom I p 35, Columella III 3 § 11, and Heisterbergk’s remarks cited below. See Index, _Italian land and taxation_.

[819] Tacitus _ann_ II 59 _seposuit Aegyptum hist_ I 11 _domi retinere_. This need not be taken to mean that he treated it strictly as part of his private estate, as Mommsen thought. See on the controversy a note of E Meyer _Kl Schr_ p 479.

[820] See M Weber _Agrargeschichte_ pp 243 foll.

[821] The estates of Atticus in Epirus are a leading case of this. Horace _epist_ I 12 refers to those of Agrippa in Sicily. Such cases have nothing to do with emigration of working farmers, in which I do not believe. Surely Greenidge _History_ p 270 is right in saying that the Gracchan scheme of colonization was commercial rather than agricultural. Also the municipalities, beside their estates in Italy, held lands in the Provinces. See Tyrrell and Purser on Cic _ad fam_ XIII 7 and 11. In general, Seneca _epist_ 87 § 7, 89 § 20, Florus II 7 § 3.

[822] We may perhaps carry this back into the time of the Republic. See the references to the royal domains of Macedon, Livy XLV 18 § 3, and with others Cic _de lege agr_ II § 50.

[823] See the chapter on the African inscriptions.

[824] For the cases of India and China see references to Sir A Fraser and Macgowan [Appendix D 6].

[825] Tacitus _ann_ XIV 27 records the failure of Nero’s colonization of veterans singly in Italy, who mostly returned to the scenes of their service. He strangely regrets the abandonment of the old plan of settling them in whole legions. It is to be remembered that in the later Empire the army was more and more recruited from the barbarians.

[826] The γῆ κληρουχική, assigned in κλῆροι to soldiers.

[827] See Herodotus II 165-7, cf 141, Strabo XV 1 § 40 (p 704), § 34 (p 701), § 54 (p 710), cf Diodorus II 40-1, Arrian _Indica_ 10 §§ 8, 9. The references to slave-traffic in the _Periplus maris Erythraei_ do not really imply existence of a slave-system in India. See Rapson _Ancient India_ p 97. Much of interest in Sir J D Rees, _The real India_, on the Land-system etc. In _The early history of India_ by V A Smith the existence of slavery in India is maintained.

[828] See Dionysius II 28, cf 8, 9.

[829] The _operae_ referred to in the African inscriptions.

[830] It is possible to see a beginning of this system in the tenancy-on-shares (the _colonia partiaria_) which we find not only in Italy but in Africa as a recognized plan.

[831] This is the view of Rostowzew _Röm Colonat_ p 397.

[832] Hor _Sat_ II 7 23, _Epist_ II 1 139-40.

[833] Hor _Odes_ I 12.

[834] _Odes_ II 15, 18, _Sat_ II 6 6-15.

[835] _Odes_ III 6.

[836] _Odes_ III 5. See above pp 139-40.

[837] _Odes_ III 1 _redemptor cum famulis_.

[838] _Odes_ II 3, _Epist_ II 2 177-8.

[839] _Odes_ I 1, II 16, III 16.

[840] _Odes_ I 1 _patrios ... agros_, Epode II 3 _paterna rura bobus exercet suis_.

[841] _Epode_ IV 13 _arat Falerni mille fundi iugera_, etc.

[842] _Odes_ III 16 _quicquid arat impiger Apulus_.

[843] _Epode_ II 39 foll.

[844] A fact recognized by Horace himself in lines 14-16 of _Odes_ III 4, and _Sat_ I 5 lines 77 foll.

[845] _Odes_ I 35 _pauper ... ruris colonus_, II 14 _inopes coloni_. _Sat_ II 2 115, where the fact of expulsion in favour of a military pensioner is judiciously ignored. See below.

[846] These _coloni_ of course owned their farms; that is, were _domini_. _Odes_ III 4 lines 37-8, _Sat_ II 6 55-6.

[847] _Odes_ I 1 _mercator ... indocilis pauperiem pati_, cf III 2.

[848] So Cicero’s estate at Arpinum is spoken of _ad Att_ XIII 9 § 2 as _praediola_ and was perhaps let in the same way.

[849] Cf Seneca _epist_ 47 § 14, 86 § 14.

[850] The ownership of the slaves is another matter, for in letting farms the _dominus_ often supplied the slaves. See Index, _instrumentum_.

[851] I find that Mr Warde Fowler, _The death of Turnus_ p 105, also takes this view. But he understands _pater_ to imply that the man brought up a family, which I do not. I agree that it gives the idea of headship of a household.

[852] _Italische Landeskunde_ II p 615.

[853] The description of such an _agellus_ in Plin _epist_ I 24 illustrates the wants of a literary landowner excellently.

[854] Tibullus II 1 51 _agricola adsiduo ... satiatus aratro_.

[855] Tibullus II 6 25-6.

[856] Ovid _fasti_ I 207, III 779-82, IV 693-4.

[857] Ovid _metam_ I 135-6, Manilius I 73-4.

[858] Vitruvius II 1.

[859] I cannot accept Prof. Richmond’s view (Inaugural lecture 1919 p 25) of the _Georgics_ as ‘concerned with every side of husbandry.’

[860] Whether Vergil suffered two expulsions, and what is the chronological order of eclogues I and IX, are questions that do not affect my inquiry.

[861] Pliny _epist_ III 10 § 7.

[862] _Aen_ VII 641-817, IX 603-13.

[863] e.g. _Aen_ VI 613.

[864] Ellis on Catullus XXIII 1.

[865] See page 217.

[866] Sueton _Vespas_ I.

[867] Keightley includes Mago, whether rightly or not I am not sure. Conington’s Introduction treats this matter fully.

[868] The futility of addressing rustic readers in polished literary language (_diserte_) is commented on by Palladius [4th cent AD] in his opening sentences. He has been thought to have in view Columella, who by the by is Vergil’s great admirer. I cannot accept the views of Daubeny in his _Lectures_ pp 3-5. It is possible that the use of fire in improving land may be a bit of Vergil’s own advice, but I doubt it. See Daubeny pp 91-4, _georg_ I 84 foll.

[869] E Meyer _Kl Schr_ p 488 describing the hopeless task of Augustus in attempting the moral and physical regeneration of Italy makes the general remark ‘Nur an die höheren Stände, nur an die Elite, konnte Augustus sich wenden.’ This is a true picture of the situation as a whole. To have to begin building at the top was fatal.

[870] Most clearly stated in Columella I 7.

[871] For _coloni_ of Cicero’s time see II _in Verr_ III § 55, _pro Caecina_ § 94, _pro Cluent_ §§ 175, 182. The references in Horace are given below. That letting to tenants was practised about 100 BC or earlier, appears certain from the reference to Saserna’s opinion on this policy in Columella I 7 § 4.

[872] Velleius II 88, and many passages in Seneca and other authors.

[873] Dion Cass LII 27-8.

[874] Compare Suet _Aug_ 41 for the Emperor’s actual policy. It seems that the influx of specie captured at Alexandria sent the rate of interest down and the price of land up.

[875] This is admirably dealt with in Sellar’s _Virgil_, and need not be reproduced here.

[876] Mr T R Glover, _Virgil_ p 14, reminds us that the poet’s father is said to have done some business in timber at one time.

[877] When Cicero _de orat_ III § 46 credits _messores_ with a rustic brogue he can hardly be thinking of foreign slaves.

[878] As in Lucan VII 402 _vincto fossore_.

[879] Varro _RR_ II 10.

[880] See Varro _RR_ II 2 § 20, 5 § 18, 7 § 16, even for treatment of _homines_ 10 § 10. Written books of prescriptions were provided.

[881] _Georg_ III 515-30.

[882] _tristis_ suggests the owner. A slave was not likely to care.

[883] In Sellar’s _Virgil_ chapter VI § 5 there is an excellent treatment of this episode, with a discussion of V’s relation to Lucretius and a most apposite quotation from G Sand.

[884] Varro II 5 § 4, Columella VI _praef_ § 7, Plin _NH_ VIII § 180.

[885] The _molle atque facetum_ attributed to V by Horace is I think rightly explained by Quintilian VI 3 § 20, and amounts to easy and fastidious taste, of course the result of careful revision, his practice of which is attested in the Suetonian biography.

[886] So Tibullus II 1 41-2.

[887] Cf Cic _de off_ I §§ 41, 150, passages in which the growth of the technical sense is seen.

[888] See the interesting story of the bee-farm in Varro _RR_ III 16 §§ 10, 11.

[889] Pliny _NH_ XIX §§ 50-1.

[890] II 412-3 _laudato ingentia rura, exiguum colito_. Not found in surviving text of Cato.

[891] II 532.

[892] I 125-8, II 336-42.

[893] II 136-76.

[894] Dionys _Hal_ I 36-7, Strabo VI 4 § 1, p 286, Varro _RR_ I 2 §§ 1-7.

[895] Horace _Odes_ IV 5, 15, published about 14 BC. So Martial V 4 declares that Domitian has made Rome _pudica_.

[896] Sueton _Aug_ 32 (cf _Tib_ 8), and the elder Seneca _contr_ X 4 § 18. Even in the second century AD, Spart _Hadr_ 18 § 9 _ergastula servorum et liberorum tulit_. Perhaps the _ergastula_ in Columella I 3 § 12 refer to the same practice.

[897] H Blümner in Müller’s _Handbuch_ IV 2 2 p 543 says that Varro does not refer to the _Kolonat als Pacht_. But that sense seems clearly implied in I 2 § 17, II 3 § 4 _in lege locationis fundi_. In I 16 § 4 it surely includes tenants, even if the application is more general. In II _praef_ § 5 _colonus_ is simply = _arator_, opposed to _pastor_.

[898] Columella I 7.

[899] Pliny _epist_ III 19, IX 37.

[900] This reminds us of Varro’s words, speaking (I 17 § 2) of free workers ... _cum ipsi colunt, ut plerique pauperculi cum sua progenie_.

[901] Cf Tibullus II 1 23 _turbaque vernarum saturi bona signa coloni_.

[902] See above, p 216.

[903] Hor _epist_ I 14 39, cf II 2 184-6.

[904] Hor _Sat_ I 3 99 foll, where _animalia_ seems to mean little more than _homines_.

[905] Hor _Sat_ II 6 55-6, _Odes_ III 4 37-40.

[906] The one reference to the assignations [_G_ II 198] only speaks of the misfortune of Mantua, not of his own.

[907] Hor _Epist_ I 16 69-72.

[908] Hor _Sat_ I 1 28, 32.

[909] For the story of the φιάλη (freedman’s offering) sent yearly by Maecenas to Augustus as a recognition of his restoration of Roman freedom, see Gardthausen _Augustus_ VII 7 and notes.

[910] _Monum Ancyr_ ed Mommsen, I 16-9, III 22-8.

[911] Tacitus _ann_ XIV 53.

[912] Gardthausen _Augustus_ VII 7, pp 768-9. He quotes Schol ad Juvenal V 3 (Maecenas) _ad quem sectio bonorum Favoni pertinuerat_.

[913] Varro _RR_ I 17, a notable chapter.

[914] Livy VI 12, VII 25.

[915] Plin _NH_ XXXVII §§ 201-3.

[916] _Augustus_ VI 3, p 547.

[917] Macrob _Sat_ I 11 § 22.

[918] Dion Cass XLVIII 6 § 3.

[919] The words of Donatus (after Suetonius) in his life of Vergil. Reifferscheid’s Suetonius p 59.

[920] Keightley (1846) says the same.

[921] With much respect and regret, I cannot accept the views of Prof Conway in his inaugural lecture of 1903.

[922] The absence of reference to Cicero has of course been noted. But this was general in the Augustan age.

[923] Seneca _epist_ 86 § 15.

[924] Seneca _controversiae_ II 1 § 26.

[925] Seneca _excerpt contr_ V 5

[926] Compare the reference to unruly _servorum agmina_ in Calabria, Tac _ann_ XII 65, in the time of Claudius.

[927] Seneca _excerpt contr_ VI 2.

[928] Seneca _contr_ II 1 § 5.

[929] Seneca _contr_ VII 6 § 18.

[930] Seneca _contr_ X 4 § 18 _solitudines suas isti beati ingenuorum ergastulis excolunt_. See above p 233 and below on Columella p 263.

[931] Seneca _contr_ VII 6 § 17, cf Plut _Cat mai_ 24.

[932] Val Max IV 4 § 6.

[933] Val Max IV 3 § 5, cf 4 § 7, 8 § 1.

[934] Val Max VII 5 § 2.

[935] Phaedr IV 5, II 8.

[936] Such as Polybius the influential freedman of Claudius, to whom Seneca addressed a _consolatio_.

[937] _Epist_ 77 § 7 is a notable passage.

[938] Cf _de benef_ III 26.

[939] As by the younger Pliny _paneg_ 42 on Trajan.

[940] _de benef_ V 18 § 2, 19 § 1, VII 4 § 4.

[941] _de clement_ I 18, _nat quaest_ I 16 § 1.

[942] _de benef_ III 22 § 1, cf Athenaeus 276 b.

[943] _de benef_ V 19 § 9, _epist_ 12 § 3.

[944] _de constant_ (ad Serenum) 5 § 1.

[945] _epist_ 47 § 14.

[946] _epist_ 90 § 27, _artificem vides vitae_ etc.

[947] _epist_ 65 § 6.

[948] _epist_ 88 § 21. The contrast of _liberalis_ and _sordidus_ often occurs.

[949] _epist_ 90 § 15.

[950] _epist_ 44 § 3 _aquam traxit et rigando horto locavit manus_.

[951] _epist_ 114 § 26 _quot millia colonorum arent fodiant_ ... etc.

[952] _epist_ 123 § 2 _non habet panem meus pistor: sed habet vilicus, sed habet atriensis, sed habet colonus_. _atriensis_ = head of domestics, porter or butler.

[953] _de benef_ VI 4 § 4 _colonum suum non tenet, quamvis tabellis manentibus, qui segetem eius proculcavit, qui succidit arbusta, non quia recepit quod pepigerat sed quia ne reciperet effecit. Sic debitori suo creditor saepe damnatur, ubi plus ex alia causa abstulit quam ex crediti petit._

[954] The _pactum_ implied in _pepigerat_.

[955] _de benef_ VII 5 §§ 2, 3, _conduxi domum a te; in hac aliquid tuum est, aliquid meum; res tua est, usus rei tuae meus est. itaque nec fructus tanges colono tuo prohibente, quamvis in tua possessione nascantur ... nec conductum meum, quamquam sis dominus, intrabis, nec servum tuum, mercennarium meum, abduces_ ... etc. See the chapter on the Jurists of the Digest.

[956] _epist_ 90 § 39 _licet itaque nunc conetur reparare quod perdidit, licet agros agris adiciat vicinum vel pretio pellens vel iniuria, licet in provinciarum spatium rura dilatet et possessionem vocet per sua longam peregrinationem_ ... etc. For _iniuria_ cf Columella I 3 §§ 6, 7. The violent expulsion of poor farmers by the rich is an old topic. Cf Sallust _Iug_ 41 § 8, Appian _civ_ I 7 § 5 and see index.

[957] _epist_ 87 § 7 _quia in omnibus provinciis arat ... quia tantum suburbani agri possidet quantum invidiose in desertis Apuliae possideret_.

[958] _de ira_ III 29 § 1.

[959] Lucan VII 387-439.

[960] _vincto fossore coluntur Hesperiae vegetes._

[961] I 158-82.

[962] _longa sub ignotis extendere rura colonis._ Cf Seneca _de vita beata_ 17 § 2 _cur trans mare possides? cur plura quam nosti?_ and Petron 37.

[963] VI 152 _o famuli turpes, servum pecus_.

[964] Calpurn _ecl_ IV 118.

[965] Petron § 37 _fundos habet qua milvi volant_. A proverbial phrase, cf Persius IV 26 _dives arat ... quantum non milvus oberret_, Juvenal IX 55.

[966] Petron § 53.

[967] _edicta aedilium._

[968] _saltuariorum testamenta._ They were evidently slaves and could only make wills by leave of their owner. See Dig XXXIII 7 § 12⁴.

[969] Many times referred to in the book.

[970] I 3 §§ 8-13.

[971] Cf Plin _epist_ III 19 § 2 _pulchritudo iungendi_, and Mayor’s note. Petron § 77.

[972] I 3 §§ 6, 7, where he even refers to a very disobliging neighbour of his own estate.

[973] I 1 § 20 _longinqua ne dicam transmarina rura_ ... etc.

[974] I _praef_ §§ 13-15, XII _praef_ §§ 8-10.

[975] I _praef_ § 12.

[976] I 7 _passim_.

[977] If we are to hold that _opus_ here refers only to work on the particular farm hired by the tenant, I presume it includes improvements, as in Digest XIX 2 § 24³.

[978] _remissionem petere non audet._

[979] _felicissimum fundum esse qui colonos indigenas haberet et tamquam in paterna possessione natos iam inde a cunabulis longa familiaritate retineret._

[980] _urbanum colonum, qui per familiam mavult agrum quam per se colere._

[981] _rusticos et eosdem adsiduos colonos._

[982] _in his regionibus quae gravitate caeli solique sterilitate vastantur._ Cf I 5 § 5, _gravibus_, and Varro I 17 § 2.

[983] By H. Blümner in Müller’s _Handbuch_. So also Gummerus in _Klio_ 1906 pp 85-6.

[984] _domini praesentia cariturum._

[985] Dig XXXIII 7 § 25¹, XIX 2 § 24, § 25³.

[986] M Weber _Röm Agrargeschichte_ p 244. Of course _opus_ is a general term, not technical as _operae_ (= labour units) often is. See Vinogradoff _Growth of the Manor_ note 94 on p 110. From Horace _epist_ I 1 21 _opus debentibus_ I can get no help.

[987] See below, in the chapter on the African inscriptions.

[988] Caesar _civ_ I 34, 56.

[989] Wallon, _Esclavage_ II 99, 100, refers to the long leasing of municipal estates, held in virtual perpetuity so long as the rent was paid. He cites Gaius III 145. So too estates of temples, and later of the _fiscus_.

[990] Wallon II 120, cf Digest XXXIII 7 § 19, an opinion of Paulus. It seems to be a sort of _métayer_ system. See index.

[991] But such as the _imbecilli cultores_ of Plin _epist_ III 19 § 6.

[992] See case referred to by Paulus in Digest XXXI § 86¹.

[993] I _praef_ § 12 _ex mercennariis aliquem_. In II 2 § 12 _operarum vilitas_, and IV 6 § 3 _operarum paenuria_, III 21 § 10 _plures operas quantocumque pretio conducere_, the hands hired may be slaves.

[994] Of course not necessarily agricultural, in fact generally not. See my article in _Journal of Roman Studies_ 1918, and Index under _Emigration_.

[995] Very different from the small farmers of old time, who were owners.

[996] See for instance Digest XXXIII 7 § 18⁴, and § 20¹, opinions of Scaevola.

[997] I 8 and XI 1.

[998] I 8 §§ 1-3, XI 1 §§ 3, 4, 7.

[999] I 8 §§ 3, 4, where he says that a man who learns how to do things _ab subiecto_ is not fitted _opus exigere_. XI 1 §§ 9-13 is not inconsistent with this, but lays more stress on the necessity of training the _vilicus_.

[1000] I 8 § 5 _contubernalis mulier_. She is to be _vilica_, cf XII 1 §§ 1, 2. Apuleius _met_ VIII 22.

[1001] _eidemque actori_ = him in his capacity of _actor_. Cf XI 1 §§ 13, 19. See Index, _actor_.

[1002] I 8 §§ 6, 7, XI 1 §§ 22-3.

[1003] _nisi ut addiscat aliquam culturam._ He is in a sense _colonus_, and hence his sphere of duty is called _colonia_ in XI 1 § 23. In I 4 §§ 4, 5 the value of experiments is recognized.

[1004] I 8 § 8, XI 1 §§ 20-1.

[1005] I 8 § 9, XI 1 § 21.

[1006] I 8 § 10 _animi, quantum servile patitur ingenium, virtutibus instructus_.

[1007] I 8 § 10, XI 1 § 25.

[1008] I 8 § 11 _operis exactio, ut iusta reddantur, ut vilicus semper se repraesentet_, XI 1 §§ 25-6.

[1009] _magistri singulorum officiorum_, XI 1 § 27.

[1010] I 8 § 12, XI 1 § 23.

[1011] I 8 § 13, XI 1 § 24.

[1012] I 8 §§ 13-4, XI 1 §§ 27-30.

[1013] In XI 1 §§ 4 foll this notion is, with citation of Xenophon, repudiated, and the need of training a steward emphasized.

[1014] In XI 1 § 4 he cites a saying of Cato, _male agitur cum domino quem vilicus docet_.

[1015] I 8 § 15.

[1016] I 8 § 16 _ut ergastuli mancipia recognoscant_ ... etc. In XI 1 § 22 this appears as part of the steward’s daily duty.

[1017] I 8 §§ 17-8 _quanto et pluribus subiecti, ut vilicis ut operum magistris ut ergastulariis, magis obnoxii perpetiendis iniuriis, et rursus saevitia atque avaritia laesi magis timendi sunt_.

[1018] _an ex sua constitutione iusta percipiant._ _sua_ = the scale allowed by himself as _dominus_.

[1019] I 8 § 19.

[1020] _multum confert augendo patrimonio._

[1021] I 9 §§ 1-6. Cf XI 1 §§ 8, 9.

[1022] _mediastinus._

[1023] Cf Dig XXXIII 7 § 8 pr.

[1024] _vineta plurimum per alligatos excoluntur._

[1025] _ne confundantur opera familiae, sic ut omnes omnia exequantur._

[1026] I 9 §§ 7, 8.

[1027] VI 2 § 15 _pecoris operarii_ (the very word also used = labourer), 3 § 3 _iumentis iusta operum reddentibus_.

[1028] XI 1 § 18 _more optimi pastoris ... idem quod ille diligens opilio_.

[1029] _valetudinarium_ XI 1 § 18, XII 1 § 6, 3 §§ 7, 8.

[1030] IV 3 § 1 _quosdam emacitas in armentis, quosdam exercet in comparandis mancipiis; de tuendis nulla cura tangit_. Cf I 4 § 7.

[1031] XII 3 especially §§ 1, 8, cf _praef_ § 9. He refers to Xenophon.

[1032] VIII 11 § 2 _tamquam servitio liberatae_, also 12 and 15 § 7 _parere cunctantur in servitute_.

[1033] I 6 § 3 _vinctis quam saluberrimum subterraneum ergastulum, plurimis idque angustis illustratum fenestris atque a terra sic editis ne manu contingi possint_. Cf XI 1 §§ 22.

[1034] I 6 § 19 _rusticis balneis_.

[1035] I 3 § 12 [our land-grabbers scorn moderation and buy up _fines gentium_ so vast that they cannot even ride round them] _sed proculcandos pecudibus et vastandos feris derelinquunt, aut occupatos nexu civium et ergastulis tenent_. Schneider explains _nexu_ etc as = _civibus ob aes alienum nexis_. Surely at this date it cannot be used in the strictly technical sense. See p 269.

[1036] Like the _obaerarii_ or _obaerati_ of Varro I 17 § 2. See on that passage p 180.

[1037] _suppressio._ See Index.

[1038] VIII 2 § 7 _anus sedula_ may serve as _custos vagantium_.

[1039] VI _praef_ § 4.

[1040] I 8 § 5, 7 § 7, but in XII 3 § 6 for instance _actores_ are not = _vilici_. Schneider.

[1041] See Cic _de oratore_ I § 249, _pro Tullio_ § 17.

[1042] I 6 § 23.

[1043] I 6 § 7 _procuratori supra ianuam ob easdem causas: et is tamen vilicum observet ex vicino_. Cf Plin _epist_ III 19 § 2.

[1044] In Columella’s time. At a later date this could hardly be said, as the position of _coloni_ became worse.

[1045] III 13 §§ 12, 13. Cf Dig XLIII 24 § 15¹.

[1046] A good instance in Pliny _NH_ XIV 49, 50.

[1047] III 21 § 10 (of hurry resulting from want of forethought) _cogitque plures operas quantocumque pretio conducere_.

[1048] III 3 § 8.

[1049] I _praef_ §§ 1, 2, II 1. Cf III 3 § 4 with Varro I 44 § 1.

[1050] I 3 § 9 _nec dubium quin mimis reddat laxus ager non recte cultus quam angustus eximie_, IV 3 § 6.

[1051] For milk-delivery see Calpurnius _ecl_ IV 25-6 _et lac venale per urbem non tacitus porta_. For cheese Verg _G_ III 402.

[1052] VI _praef_ §§ 3-5.

[1053] Also bee-keeping.

[1054] VIII 10 §§ 3, 4.

[1055] _quia nec parvo conducuntur qui mandant_ ... etc.

[1056] II 9 §§ 14, 16.

[1057] _siligo_, II 6 § 2, 9 § 13.

[1058] I 6 §§ 9-17.

[1059] II 20 § 6 _frumenta, si in annos reconduntur, ... sin protinus usui destinantur_ ... etc.

[1060] I 2 § 3.

[1061] As Plutarch _C Gracc_ 7 says εὐθεῖαι γὰρ ἤγοντο διὰ τῶν χωρίων ἀτρεμεῖs.

[1062] I 5 §§ 6, 7.

[1063] I 3 §§ 3, 4.

[1064] II 13 § 7 _consummatio operarum_.

[1065] II 21 § 10.

[1066] I _praef_ § 12, XI 1 § 12.

[1067] I _praef_ § 17 (of the non-urban population in old times) _qui rura colerent administrarentve opera colonorum_. The last three words are not in some MSS.

[1068] I 4 § 4, Verg _G_ I 51-3.

[1069] So the Greeks often refer to Homer as The Poet.

[1070] _verissimo vati velut oraculo._

[1071] Verg _G_ IV 116 foll.

[1072] Quintil X 1 §§ 46-131, especially §§ 85-6.

[1073] See Tacitus _Germ_ 41 on the exceptionally favourable treatment of the Hermunduri, with Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes.

[1074] Seneca _ad Helviam_ 7 § 7 refers to the colonies sent out to the provinces in earlier times, and is rhetorically exaggerated.

[1075] Cf Nissen _Italische Landeskunde_ vol II pp 128-30.

[1076] A notable utterance on this topic is Seneca _ad Helviam_ 6 §§ 2, 3. See Mayor’s notes on Juvenal III 58 foll.

[1077] See Tacitus _Germ_ 29 for interesting matter bearing on these points.

[1078] The numerous references need not be given here. They can be found in H. Schiller’s _Geschichte der Römischen Kaiserzeit_.

[1079] Schiller I 515, 534. See Hyginus gromat I p 133, Frontinus _ibid_ pp 53-4, and the rescript of Domitian in Girard, _textes_ part I ch 4 § 5. Suetonius _Dom_ 9.

[1080] Domitian also made ordinances forbidding new vineyards in Italy and enjoining the destruction of those in the Provinces. But these were not carried out. Schiller I 533. Suet _Dom_ 7, 14, Stat _silv_ IV 3 11-12.

[1081] Schiller I 540.

[1082] Plin _paneg_ 26-8.

[1083] Schiller I 566, 623, 630, 656.

[1084] Schiller I 566.

[1085] Capitolinus _M Aurel_ II § 7. The text is in some doubt.

[1086] Schiller I 651.

[1087] Schiller I 566. Plin _epist_ VI 19 depicts the situation fully. The aim was to make them feel Italy their _patria_. See the jealousy of rich Provincials shewn by senators, Tac _Ann_ XI 23.

[1088] Schiller I 656.

[1089] The remarkable community of Lamasba is referred to below in a note after chapter XXXVII.

[1090] The _locus classicus_ on emigrant Romans is Cic _pro Fonteio_ §§ 11-13, which belongs to 69 BC. Cf Sallust _Iug_ 21, 26, 47.

[1091] That is, allottees of land distributed _viritim_.

[1092] Inscription, Dessau 1334, CIL VIII 15454.

[1093] Dessau 6790.

[1094] [Victor] _de viris illustribus_ 73 § 1, cf § 5.

[1095] Cf Appian _civ_ I 29 § 2.

[1096] _Bellum Afr_ 32, 35, 56, Dion Cass XLIII 4 § 2.

[1097] For details of his life see Mayor on Pliny _epp_ III 11. Cf Ritter and Preller _hist Philos_, Champagny _Les Césars_ IV 1 § 1.

[1098] Preserved by Stobaeus _flor_ LVI 18. It is in Greek, the classic language of Philosophy, as the _Meditations_ of Marcus Aurelius, etc.

[1099] πόρος, a means of livelihood.

[1100] ἢ δημοσίαν ἢ ἰδιωτικήν.

[1101] αὐτουργικοὶ καὶ φιλόπονοι ὄντες.

[1102] εἴ γε μὴν ἅμα φιλοσοφεῖ τις καὶ γεωργεῖ.

[1103] τοῦ καθῆσθαι ἐν πόλει τὸ ζῆν ἐν χωρίῳ.

[1104] σύν γε τῷ καλοκαγαθίας μὴ ὀλιγωρεῖν.

[1105] These are stock instances of happiness in rustic life. For references see notes in Frazer’s _Pausanias_ VIII 24 § 13, X 24 § 1.

[1106] σοφιστάς.

[1107] χαλεπώτατον.

[1108] He was in command of the fleet at Misenum in 79 AD when the great eruption of Vesuvius took place. He persisted in approaching it, and met his death. The family belonged to the colony of Novum Comum in Transpadane Gaul, now part of Italy.

[1109] _NH_ XVIII 1-5.

[1110] _NH_ XVIII 7, 18, 20.

[1111] _NH_ XVIII 19, 21, 36.

[1112] _NH_ XVIII 35.

[1113] _NH_ XVIII 27-8.

[1114] _NH_ XVIII 32.

[1115] _NH_ XVIII 35.

[1116] _NH_ VIII 180. In Aelian _var hist_ this is recorded (V 14) as an old rule in Attica.

[1117] _NH_ XVIII 36.

[1118] _NH_ XIX 60 _octo iugerum operis palari iustum est_ is a good instance. This verb _palare_ = to dig should be added to dictionaries.

[1119] _NH_ XVIII 37-8.

[1120] _agros ... coemendo colendoque in gloriam._

[1121] So Tiberius in Tac _ann_ III 54.

[1122] Tac _hist_ III 8 _Aegyptus, claustra annonae_.

[1123] _NH_ XVIII 15 foll.

[1124] _ibid_ 17 _nec e latifundiis singulorum contingebat arcentium vicinos_.

[1125] _NH_ XVIII 24.

[1126] _NH_ XIX 50-1.

[1127] _NH_ XVIII 12.

[1128] _NH_ XVIII 11, 26.

[1129] _NH_ XIV 49, 50.

[1130] _NH_ XIV 48.

[1131] Such as the _agricola strenuus_ depicted in the letter of Marcus to Fronto (p 29 Naber), who has _omnia ad usum magis quam ad voluptatem_.

[1132] _NH_ XVIII 273-4. Aristotle _Politics_ I 11.

[1133] _NH_ XVIII 174.

[1134] _NH_ XVIII 178 ... _transverso monte_.

[1135] _certe sine hoc animali montanae gentes sarculis arant._

[1136] _NH_ XXXIII 26-7.

[1137] _aliter apud antiquos singuli Marcipores Luciporesve dominorum gentiles omnem victum in promiscuo habebant._

[1138] _NH_ XVIII 36 _coli rura ab ergastulis pessimum est, et quicquid agitur a desperantibus_.

[1139] _NH_ XXXVII 201-3.

[1140] _principatum naturae optinet ... viris feminis ducibus militibus servitiis_ ... etc.

[1141] _servorum exercitio._

[1142] _NH_ XVIII 11.

[1143] _NH_ VIII 180 _tamquam colono suo interempto_.

[1144] _NH_ XVIII 167 _coloni vice fungens_.

[1145] _NH_ XVIII 38 _praeterquam subole suo colono aut pascendis alioqui colente domino aliquas messis colligere non expedit, si computetur impendium operae_.

[1146] In _NH_ XVIII 120 he cites Vergil as giving a piece of advice based on the usage of the Po country. Pliny as a Transpadane may have been prejudiced in Vergil’s favour and possibly jealous of the Spanish Columella.

[1147] In _NH_ XVIII 170 he cites Verg _G_ I 53, calling it _oraculum illud_, but with a textual slip.

[1148] _NH_ XVIII 70.

[1149] The passing mention in _Annals_ XVI 13 of the great mortality among the _servitia_ and _ingenua plebes_ in the plague of 65 AD is a good specimen. The two classes are often thus spoken of together. Cf Sueton _Claud_ 22, _Nero_ 22.

[1150] _Annals_ III 54.

[1151] This policy bore fruit in the possibility of forming reserves in the next period. See Spart _Severus_ 8 § 5, 23 § 2.

[1152] _Annals_ IV 27.

[1153] _Annals_ IV 6 _infecunditati terrarum_.

[1154] _Annals_ VI 16, 17. Caesar’s law is described as _de modo credendi possidendique intra Italiam_. Nipperdey holds that it cannot be the law of BC 49, but must be an unknown law, not of temporary effect. See his note.

[1155] Nipperdey’s restoration of this sentence with the help of Suet _Tib_ 48 seems to me quite certain.

[1156] _si debitor populo in duplum praediis cavisset._ The precedent of Augustus is mentioned in Sueton _Aug_ 41.

[1157] See Cicero _in Catil_ II § 18.

[1158] See the case of Sittius in Cic _pro Sulla_ §§ 56-9. Such financial opportunities were evidently few in the later Empire.

[1159] _trepidique patres_ (_neque enim quisquam tali culpa vacuus_) ... etc.

[1160] _Germ_ 26.

[1161] See Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes, and cf the remarks of Caesar _BG_ IV 1, VI 22.

[1162] See Pliny _NH_ XVIII 259 and Conington’s notes on Verg _G_ I 71-83. Varro I 44 § 3.

[1163] _Germ_ 24.

[1164] _servos condicionis huius per commercia tradunt, ut se quoque pudore victoriae exsolvant._

[1165] _Germ_ 25 _frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono iniungit, et servus hactenus paret_. The _colonus_ here is clearly a tenant, his German analogue a serf.

[1166] _Agricola_ 28.

[1167] _per commercia venumdatos et in nostram usque ripam mutatione ementium adductos._

[1168] CIL VIII 18587, Ephem epigr VII 788, where it is annotated by Mommsen and others.

[1169] Mentioned in two routes of the _Itinerarium Antoninum_.

[1170] Cf Gaius II 7, 21, and below, note on p 351.

[1171] Cf Digest VIII 6 § 7, XLIII 20 §§ 2, 5.

[1172] See Marquardt _Stvw_ 1, index under _Lamasba_.

[1173] Were they perhaps _veterani_? That there were a number of these settled in Africa is attested by Cod Th XI 1 § 28 (400), cf XII 1 § 45 (358).

[1174] Written 97 AD, under Nerva.

[1175] _de aquis_ 75. Formerly this offence was punished by confiscating the land so watered, _ibid_ 97.

[1176] _de aquis_ 6.

[1177] _de aquis_ 9.

[1178] _de aquis_ 107-10. But according to Digest XLIII 20 § 1³⁹⁻⁴³ (Ulpian) the grant was sometimes not _personis_ but _praediis_, and so perpetual.

[1179] _de aquis_ 105, 116-8.

[1180] _de aquis_ 120, 124-8.

[1181] _impotentia possessorum._