Chapter 49: , labelled Βάρωνος, asserts the necessity of keeping such (3)

[1182] _holitores_ as in Horace _epist_ I 18 36. Later called _hortulani_ as in Apuleius _metam_ IX 31-2, 39-42. Girard, _textes_ part III ch 4 § 1 e, gives an interesting case of a _colonus hortorum olitoriorum_ between Rome and Ostia, belonging to a _collegium_. The man is probably a freedman.

[1183] _de aquis_ 112-5.

[1184] _de aquis_ 11, cf also 92.

[1185] Wilmanns _exempla_ 2844-8.

[1186] _Hermes_ XIX pp 393-416.

[1187] Plin _epist_ VII 18.

[1188] Mommsen _op cit_ p 410. See index under _instrumentum_.

[1189] Whether we have in Columella a direct reference to this method is a question I have discussed in the chapter on that author. However answered, it does not affect the present passage. See the chapter on the African inscriptions.

[1190] See the case cited in the chapter on Pliny the younger.

[1191] By H Blümner in Müller’s _Handbuch_ ed 3, IV ii 2 p 544.

[1192] Mommsen _op cit_ p 416. See the chapter on evidence from the Digest.

[1193] Mommsen _op cit_ p 412.

[1194] Digest XXXIII 7 § 20¹ _non fide dominica sed mercede_. _ibid_ § 12³ _qui quasi colonus in agro erat_.

[1195] Dig XXXIII 7 § 20³ _praedia ut instructa sunt cum dotibus et reliquis colonorum et vilicorum et mancipiis et pecore omni legavit et peculiis et cum actore_. Cf also XL 7 § 40⁵.

[1196] Dig XXXIII 7 § 20⁴.

[1197] But that _uxor_ was sometimes loosely used of a slave’s _contubernalis_ is true. Wallon II 207, cf Paulus _Sent_ III 6 §§ 38, 40, Dig XXXIII 7 § 12⁷,³³.

[1198] Mommsen _op cit_ p 409.

[1199] Columella I 9 § 4.

[1200] Plut _de defectu oraculorum_ 8.

[1201] oratio VII, _Euboicus seu venator_.

[1202] A contemporary of the younger Pliny, flourished about 100 AD.

[1203] I think Nero is meant here.

[1204] Mahaffy, _Silver Age_ p 329, thinks Carystos is meant, though it might be Chalcis.

[1205] ἀφορμῆς. This passage seems openly to recognize the ruinous competition of slave labour under capitalists, which the single artisan was unable to face. The admission is so far as I know very rare in ancient writers. That Dion’s mind was greatly exercised on the subject of slavery in general, is shewn by Orations X, XIV, XV, and many scattered references elsewhere.

[1206] See the chapter on Musonius.

[1207] As in Archbishop Trench’s charming _Lectures on Plutarch_ pp 10, 77 foll.

[1208] Matt 21 §§ 28-30. I cannot feel sure of this general inference.

[1209] Matt 21 §§ 33-41, Mar 12 §§ 1-9, Luk 20 §§ 9-16.

[1210] I Cor 9 §§ 7-10, I Tim 5 § 18, II Tim 2 § 6.

[1211] Luk 12 §§ 16-9, etc.

[1212] οἰκονόμος, Luk 12 §§ 42-8, 16 §§ 1-12, I Cor 4 § 2.

[1213] [Aristotle] _Econ_ 1 5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή.

[1214] James 5 § 4.

[1215] Rom 4 § 4.

[1216] Matt 20 §§ 1-16. Abp Trench, _Notes on the Parables_, has cleared away a mass of perverse interpretations.

[1217] Matt 6 § 12, Luk 7 § 41, 16 § 5.

[1218] Matt 25 §§ 14-30, Luk 19 §§ 12-26.

[1219] Acts 1 § 18, 4 §§ 34-7.

[1220] Often referred to. See Friedländer’s index under _Nomentanus_, and cf VIII 61, IX 18, 97.

[1221] I 55, X 48.

[1222] III 47 etc. Cf VII 31, XII 72.

[1223] II 11 _nihil colonus vilicusque decoxit_. This may imply that the _vilicus_ was a _servus quasi colonus_ liable to a rent and in arrears. See notes pp 299, 311. But I do not venture to draw this inference.

[1224] VII 31.

[1225] X 87. Cf Juv IV 25-6, Digest XXXII § 99, XXXIII 7 § 12¹²,¹³, etc.

[1226] XII 59.

[1227] IV 66.

[1228] VI 73, X 92.

[1229] IX 2 _haud sua desertus rura sodalis arat_.

[1230] XII 57.

[1231] V 35, X 14, etc.

[1232] Plin _NH_ XVIII § 35.

[1233] IX 35.

[1234] See Juv XIV 267-302 on the risks faced by speculators in sea-borne commerce.

[1235] III 58.

[1236] III 47.

[1237] _dona matrum_ ‘presents from their mothers.’ Eggs, I think. Cf VII 31 and Juv XI 70-1. The conjecture _ova matrum_ (Paley) is good.

[1238] The story of the Usipian deserters who found their way back into Roman hands by way of the slave-market is a curious episode of 83 AD. Tac _Agr_ 28. See the chapter on Tacitus.

[1239] VII 80.

[1240] X 30, of a charming seaside _villa_ at Formiae. _o ianitores vilicique felices, dominis parantur ista, serviunt vobis._ In Dig XXXIII 7 § 15² we hear of _mulier villae custos perpetua_.

[1241] The note of Mommsen, _Hermes_ XIX 412, deals with the case of _servi quasi coloni_ farming parcels of land, recognized in the writings of jurists. It seems that they farmed either at their own risk or for owner’s account [_fide dominica_]. In the former case they could have a tenant’s agreement like the free _coloni_. In the latter they were only _vilici_ and therefore part of the _instrumentum_. Here I think we may see beginnings of the unfree colonate. But Mommsen does not touch the point of manumission. It seems to me that an agreement with a slave must at first have been revocable at the pleasure of the _dominus_, and its growth into a binding lease was probably connected in many instances with manumission.

[1242] I 55 _hoc petit, esse sui nec magni ruris arator, sordidaque in parvis otia rebus amat_. And often.

[1243] VII 36, XI 34.

[1244] I 85, X 85. Cf Pliny _epist_ VIII 17.

[1245] X 61, XI 48. The title _de sepulchro violato_, Dig XLVII 12, will illustrate this.

[1246] The form HNS (_heredem non sequitur_) is common in sepulchral inscriptions.

[1247] X 92.

[1248] Juv XIV 161-71.

[1249] XI 86-9.

[1250] XIV 179-81.

[1251] XIV 159-63.

[1252] II 73-4.

[1253] XIV 70-2.

[1254] VIII 245 foll. For the error in this tradition see Madvig, _kleine philologische Schriften_ No 10.

[1255] III 223-9.

[1256] VI 287-95, cf XI 77-131.

[1257] XVI 32-4. See Hardy on Plin _epist_ X 86 B, Shuckburgh on Sueton _Aug_ 27, Tac _hist_ III 24 _vos, nisi vincitis, pagani_. This use is common in the Digest.

[1258] VI 1-18, XV 147-58.

[1259] X 356-66.

[1260] VII 188-9, IX 54-5, etc.

[1261] IX 59-62.

[1262] VII 188-9, case of Quintilian.

[1263] XIV 86-95, 140 foll, 274-5. Cf X 225-6 etc.

[1264] XIV 140-55, XVI 36-9. Cf Seneca _epist_ 90 § 39.

[1265] XI 151 foll.

[1266] VI 149-52, IX 59-62.

[1267] I 107-8.

[1268] X 356.

[1269] III 223-9, _bidentis amans_.

[1270] Mart XIV 49 _exercet melius vinea fossa viros_.

[1271] See his use of _ingenuus_ = not fit for hard work, III 46, X 47, following Ovid, and cf the lines to a slave IX 92.

[1272] Juv XI 77-81.

[1273] See _epist_ IV 10, VII 16, 32, VIII 16.

[1274] Cf Martial I 101, VI 29.

[1275] An important limitation, on which see Wallon III 55.

[1276] VII 11, 14.

[1277] VI 3.

[1278] VI 19.

[1279] _si paenitet te Italicorum praediorum._

[1280] III 19.

[1281] _sub eodem procuratore ac paene isdem actoribus habere._ The _actores_ seem to be = _vilici_, under the newer name. _procurator_ a much more important person. See _paneg_ 36 for the two as grades in the imperial private service. Cf chapter on Columella p 264.

[1282] _atriensium, topiariorum, fabrorum, atque etiam venatorii instrumenti._

[1283] _sed haec felicitas terrae inbecillis cultoribus fatigatur._ No doubt lack of sufficient capital is meant.

[1284] See Digest XX 2 §§ 4, 7, for _pignora_ on farms.

[1285] _reliqua colonorum._

[1286] _sunt ergo instruendi eo pluris quod frugi mancipiis: nam nec ipse usquam vinctos habeo nec ibi quisquam._ I take _instruendi_ as referring to _agri_ just above. The slaves are a normal part of _instrumentum fundi_.

[1287] _hac paenuria colonorum._ Not the tenants’ poverty. Cf VII 30 § 3.

[1288] _sum quidem prope totus in praediis._

[1289] Daubeny, _Lectures_ p 147, regards this great variation as normal in modern experience, and vineyards as the least lucrative kind of husbandry.

[1290] VIII 15, IX 28, IV 6, X 8 § 5.

[1291] II 4 § 3.

[1292] _querellae rusticorum_, V 14 § 8, VII 30 § 3, IX 36 § 6.

[1293] _remissiones_, IX 37 § 2, X 8 § 5.

[1294] As de Coulanges remarks pp 17-8, Pliny does not propose to get rid of them, but to keep them as partiary tenants. They would be in his debt. He uses the expression _aeris alieni_ IX 37 § 2. He would have to find _instrumentum_ for them.

[1295] IX 20 § 2.

[1296] IX 16.

[1297] IX 20 § 2 _obrepere urbanis qui nunc rusticis praesunt_.

[1298] IX 37.

[1299] _necessitas locandorum praediorum plures annos ordinatura._

[1300] _priore lustro._ The _lustrum_ or _quinquennium_ was the common term of leases, and recognized in law books. Cf Digest XII 1 § 4¹, XIX 2 § 24, etc.

[1301] _ut qui iam putent se non sibi parcere._

[1302] _si non nummo sed partibus locem, ac deinde ex meis aliquos operis exactores custodes fructibus ponam._ His new tenants would be _coloni partiarii_.

[1303] VIII 2.

[1304] V 6 § 12.

[1305] VIII 17.

[1306] VI 25.

[1307] _interceptusne sit a suis an cum suis dubium._

[1308] Cf Juvenal X 19-22.

[1309] Fronto, when appointed to govern Asia, one of the most peaceful Provinces, at once looked out for a military officer to deal with _latrones_. Fronto p 169 Naber.

[1310] Paul _Ephes_ 6 §§ 5 foll, _Coloss_ 3 §§ 22 foll, I Pet 2 §§ 18 foll.

[1311] X 29, 30, with Hardy’s notes.

[1312] The first reference to a practice that was common later.

[1313] _cum haberent condicionis suae conscientiam._

[1314] On the other hand we hear of free citizens trying to shirk army service earlier than this. Cf Sueton _Aug_ 24, _Tib_ 8.

[1315] Capitolinus _Marcus_ 21 §§ 6, 7.

[1316] VII 18.

[1317] _actori publico mancipavi._ See chapter on the _alimenta_ of Trajan’s time. References to municipal benefactions are very numerous in the Digest.

[1318] As we have seen above, the tenant _coloni_ employed slave labour. Whether they worked with their own hands, or confined themselves to direction, probably varied in various cases.

[1319] Sueton _Julius_ 26, 28.

[1320] _Aug_ 21 _sub lege ... ne in vicina regione servirent neve intra tricesimum annum liberarentur_. See Shuckburgh’s note.

[1321] _Aug_ 32, _Tiber_ 8.

[1322] _Aug_ 16.

[1323] _Aug_ 24.

[1324] _Aug_ 42 _quod earum [frumentationum] fiducia cultura agrorum cessaret_.

[1325] _Aug_ 41 _usum eius (pecuniae) gratuitum iis qui cavere in duplum possent_.

[1326] _Claud_ 25.

[1327] _Nero_ 31.

[1328] _Vesp_ 1.

[1329] _mancipem operarum quae ex Umbria in Sabinos ad culturam agrorum quotannis commeare soleant._

[1330] _Vesp_ 4 _ad mangonicos quaestus_. Hence his nickname _mulio_, for which as a sign of indigence cf Gellius XV 4.

[1331] _Domit_ 7, 9. See p 272.

[1332] Fronto p 144 Naber, cf Seneca _epist_ 44 § 3.

[1333] Sueton _fragm_ p 24 Reifferscheid, Gellius III 3.

[1334] Gellius V 3.

[1335] Gellius II 18.

[1336] Madaura was in the Numidian part of the Province, near the Gaetulian border. See the _Apologia_ 24. Oea, referred to below, was in the eastern strip, on the coast.

[1337] Juvenal VII 148-9 _nutricula causidicorum Africa_.

[1338] F Norden _Apuleius von Madaura und das Römische Privatrecht_ (Teubner 1912).

[1339] _Metamorphoses_ VIII 24. See Norden’s remarks pp 83-4.

[1340] See for instance _Metam_ IV 9, VI 31, VII 4, 9.

[1341] _Metam_ IX 39-42.

[1342] It seems certain that the convenience of humble rustics was little regarded by the upper classes. Even Marcus Aurelius (in Fronto p 35 Naber) confesses to the reckless scattering of a flock of sheep and to having been taken for a mounted brigand.

[1343] _Metam_ IX 35-8. This is a case of _periculum mortis ab hominis potentis crudelitate aut odio_, referred to Digest XXXIX 6 § 3 [Paulus] as a risk like that of war or brigandage.

[1344] _cuncta facile faciens in civitate._

[1345] Norden pp 161-3.

[1346] _cum alioquin pauperes etiam liberali legum praesidio de insolentia locupletium consueverint vindicari._

[1347] Fierce dogs seem to have been a marked feature of country life. See VIII 17, IX 2.

[1348] _hortulanus_, see IV 3, IX 31-2, 39-42.

[1349] See V 17, VII 15, VIII 17, 29, 31. Cf Norden pp 88-9.

[1350] IX 32. Cf the case of small farmers in Africa, _Apol_ 17, 23.

[1351] See IV 30, VIII 26. Cf Norden p 89, and pp 84-5 on metaphorical use of the legal term _postliminium_, which occurs also in Rutilius _de reditu_ I 214.

[1352] Norden pp 26-7.

[1353] _Apologia_ 17.

[1354] _an ipse mutuarias operas cum vicinis tuis cambies._

[1355] Because of the strict rules of the laws passed to check manumission. Gaius I §§ 42-7. Norden p 86.

[1356] _Apol_ 23.

[1357] _triduo exarabas_, to mark the smallness of the _agellus_.

[1358] _Apol_ 93.

[1359] _Apol_ 47 XV _liberi homines populus est, totidem servi familia, totidem vincti ergastulum_. See Norden p 87. _ergastulum_ = the inmates of a lock-up, regarded as a body. See quotations from Columella p 263 and Pliny p 285, Mayor on Juvenal XIV 24, and cf Lucan II 95. So _operae_ is used = ‘hands.’

[1360] _viliconum_, _Apol_ 87. Cf _Metam_ VIII 22.

[1361] Norden p 81.

[1362] _Metam_ IX 12.

[1363] Herodian II 4 § 6.

[1364] δεσπότης.

[1365] Vopisc _Aurel_ 48 § 2.

[1366] Vopisc _Probus_ 16 § 6.

[1367] Trebell _Claud_ 9 §§ 4, 5. _Scythicis_ is an emendation. _senibus_ MSS.

[1368] _familias captivas._

[1369] Vopisc _Aurel_ 39 § 7.

[1370] Lamprid _Alex_ 55 §§ 2, 3, cf Trebell _Gallien_ 9 § 5.

[1371] Vopisc _Probus_ 18 §§ 1, 2. See Zosimus I 71 and No V of the _Panegyrici_ cap 18 for other versions, in which the raiders are called Franks.

[1372] Even the extreme license of the soldiery, in deposing and murdering their own nominee, occurs repeatedly, and was no doubt one of the chief evils that prompted the reforms of Diocletian.

[1373] O Seeck, _Untergang der antiken Welt_ book II ch 6.

[1374] See index under the word.

[1375] See chapter on evidence of the Digest.

[1376] See chapter on the African inscriptions.

[1377] This matter is ably treated at length by Seeck _op cit_ vol I pp 578-83. That they were distinct from _coloni_ and _servi_ is clear from the later constitutions in Cod Theod V 17, 18 (9, 10), XII 19, and Cod Just XI 48 § 13.

[1378] We shall find some reference to them later in the Codes.

[1379] Herodian VII 4 §§ 3-6.

[1380] τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν οἰκέτας.

[1381] πεισθέντες κελεύουσι τοῖς δεσπόταις.

[1382] φύσει γὰρ πολυάνθρωπος οὖσα ἡ Λιβύη πολλοὺς εἶχε τοὺς τὴν γῆν γεωργοῦντας.

[1383] ὑπερμαχόμενοι τῶν δεσποτῶν.

[1384] Capitolinus _Maximin_ 13 § 4, 14 § 1.

[1385] _per rusticanam plebem deinde et quosdam milites interemptus est._

[1386] Frontin gromat p 53.

[1387] _non exiguum populum plebeium._

[1388] _legere tironem ex vico._

[1389] This evidence has come to hand since Heisterbergk wrote (1876) _Die Entstehung des Colonats_.

[1390] _op cit_ pp 116-8.

[1391] Dion Cass _epit_ LXXVI 10. For this story Dion is a contemporary witness.

[1392] The special treatises on these documents are fully mentioned in Girard’s _Textes de droit Romain_, ed 4, 1913. An essay on the _Colons du saltus Burunitanus_ in Esmein’s _Mélanges_ (1886) is still of great value.

[1393] Text in Girard’s _Textes de droit Romain_ part III chapter 6.

[1394] We seem to have the names of two former owners, Varianus and Mancia. For the retention of names of former owners see Dittenberger in _Orientis Graeci inscriptiones selectae_ No 669 note 18. Rostowzew _Gesch des Röm colonates_ ch 4 rejects this view and makes the _lex Manciana_ an imperial law.

[1395] Pliny _epist_ III 19 § 7. Digest XIX 2 § 19², XXXII § 91¹, XXXIII 7 _passim_.

[1396] Dig XIX 2 § 3, and Monro’s note.

[1397] So Cuq, Seeck, Schulten, rightly I think. But in practice I believe the chance seldom occurred.

[1398] Text in Girard, part I chapter 4 § 10.

[1399] This significant hint seems to have been almost normal in such petitions. A good instance is the petition of Scaptoparene (see index, _Inscriptions_).

[1400] It is perhaps worth noting that under Commodus the transport of corn from Africa was specially provided for by the creation of a _classis Africana_ for that purpose. See Lamprid _Commodus_ 17 §§ 7, 8.

[1401] De Coulanges pp 10 foll deals with this point at length, but I think he pushes his conclusions too far.

[1402] Cf the Aragueni (see index, _Inscriptions_) παροίκων καὶ γεωργῶν τῶν ὑμετέρων.

[1403] Dig I 19 § 3¹ is of a later date, but refers to a protective rescript of Antoninus Pius. Cf XLIX 14 § 47¹, L 6 § 6¹¹. See Schulten in _Hermes_ XLI pp 11-16.

[1404] CIL VIII 14428.

[1405] _[domum rev]ertamur ubi libere morari possimus._

[1406] Seneca _ad Helviam_ 7 § 7 _ubicumque vicit Romanus habitat_.

[1407] Text in Girard, part III chapter 6.

[1408] From comparing the remains of the next inscription (5) it appears that the emperor is Hadrian.

[1409] Cf _agrum rudem provincialem_ in Hyginus, Gromat I 203. In the later empire we find legislation to promote such cultivation. See cod Th V 11 § 8 (365 AD), § 12 (388-392), 14 § 30 (386).

[1410] Dig XLI 3 § 33¹. Of course the _dominus_ could possess _per colonum_. See Buckland, _Elementary Principles_ § 38 p 77.

[1411] _quae venibunt a possessoribus._

[1412] For _aridi fructus_ cf Digest XLIX 14 § 50.

[1413] _in cuius conductione agrum occupaverit._

[1414] _rationi_ (_bus fisci_) gives the sense. But _rationi_ simply may be correct, cf Digest II 14 § 42, etc.

[1415] Girard cites Rostowzew’s opinion that the right to occupy abandoned land as well as old wastes was an extension of the _lex Manciana_ by the _lex Hadriana_.

[1416] See Dig XIX 2 §§ 15³, 24², 25³, 51ᵖʳ, 54¹.

[1417] Later legislation to prevent this neglect of poorer land. Cod Th V 14 § 34 (394 AD), X 3 § 4 (383), XI 1 § 4 (337), etc.

[1418] Prof Buckland writes to me that he believes these squatters were to be owners, not _coloni_, owners in the only sense possible in non-Italic soil, paying _tributum_. The words _frui possidere_ used to describe their right are the technical words for provincial ownership. Cf Gaius II 7.

[1419] In _Hermes_ XXIX pp 215, 224.

[1420] Girard, part III chapter 6.

[1421] _lege Manciana condicione saltus Neroniani vicini nobis._

[1422] It is tempting to identify these with the six mentioned in Nos (2) and (4) above.

[1423] For the vast extent of imperial estates, particularly in Africa, see Hirschfeld, _der Grundbesitz der Römischen Kaiser_, in his _Kleine Schriften_.

[1424] De Coulanges seems hardly to recognize how small was the amount of _operae_, a few days in the year. But in his tenth chapter he shews how vastly the system was extended (so many days a week) in the early Middle Age.

[1425] Mommsen in _Hermes_ XV pp 391-6.

[1426] Such as the _lex coloniae Genetivae Iuliae_ of 44 BC, and the _leges_ of Salpensa and Malaca of 81-4 AD. Girard, and Bruns’ _Fontes_.

[1427] Esmein p 309 well refers to the passages in Lachmann’s _Feldmesser_, Frontinus p 53 and Siculus Flaccus p 164. Cf Hirschfeld l.c. p 558.

[1428] Colum I 6 §§ 7, 8.

[1429] Colum I 7.

[1430] _conductor_ and _coloni_ are both bound by the statute for the _fundus_ or _saltus_. In theory both are tenants of the emperor, in practice the _conductor_ has the upper hand, as Cuq points out.

[1431] Compare Dig XIX 2 § 15⁴ with § 25⁶.

[1432] _quasi societatis iure._ Of course not a real _socius_. See Index, _colonia partiaria_, and Vinogradoff, _Growth of the Manor_ note 91 on p 109.

[1433] See Dig I 19 § 3¹, an opinion of Callistratus, a jurist of the time of Severus. That in some sense or other the _coloni_ were tenants of the emperor seems certain. See CIL VIII 8425 (Pertinax), 8426 (Caracalla), also 8702, 8777. And Esmein pp 313-5.

[1434] This becomes an important subject of legislation in the Theodosian code. See Cod Th V 11 § 8, 14 § 30.

[1435] See de Coulanges pp 140-4, where this view is more strongly expressed.

[1436] _Die Entstehung des Colonats_ pp 70 foll, citing especially Frontinus Gromat I p 35 and Columella III 3 § 11.

[1437] This is very nearly the view of Wallon III 264 ‘le Colonat à l’origine ne fut pas un droit mais un fait.’ Ib 266.

[1438] I have made some reference to it below in the chapter on the _Digest_.

[1439] This is fully treated by Seeck, bk III c 5.

[1440] In the Ain el Djemala inscription we have them used indifferently. It is not clear that the usage in various provinces was identical. See Vinogradoff _Growth of the Manor_ pp 69, 70.

[1441] Given in a long note, vol I pp 578-83.

[1442] Marcian in Dig XXX § 112ᵖʳ. Cf L 15 § 4⁸ (Title _de censibus_) _si quis inquilinum vel colonum non fuerit professus_ etc, where the mention of _colonum_ is suspected of interpolation by Seeck.

[1443] Dig XXX § 112ᵖʳ _si quis inquilinos sine praediis quibus adhaerent legaverit, inutile est legatum_ (Marcian). Esmein p 313 takes them to be really slaves, but I cannot follow him.

[1444] This conclusion, I am pleased to find, had been forestalled by Esmein p 307.

[1445] _Le Colonat Romain_ pp 125, 132.

[1446] In fact, as we say, _edited_.

[1447] Of this Title there is a useful little edition by the late C H Monro.

[1448] XIX 2 § 15², 25⁶, also § 15¹,⁸.

[1449] XIX 2 § 15²,⁵.

[1450] XIX 2 §§ 15³, 24², 25³, 51ᵖʳ, 54¹.

[1451] XVII 2 § 46, XLIV 7 § 34², XLVII 2 § 68⁵.

[1452] XIX 2 § 54ᵖʳ, XX 6 § 14, etc.

[1453] XX 1 § 21ᵖʳ, XLIII 32, 33, XLVII 2 § 62³.

[1454] XIX 2 §§ 9²,³, 23, 51ᵖʳ, XLV 1 § 89.

[1455] XIX 2 § 52, cf XLIX 14 § 50.

[1456] XIX 2 § 25⁶ (Gaius?).

[1457] IX 2 § 27¹⁴, XLVII 2 § 83¹, § 10 § 5⁴. Compare also XIX 2 § 60⁵, XLVII 2 § 52⁸. I cannot deal with the difficult legal questions involved here. See Buckland’s _Elementary principles_ § 135.

[1458] XIX 2 §§ 15⁸, 24⁴, 25¹, XXXIII 4 § 1¹⁵.

[1459] VII 8 §§ 10⁴, 11. Having nothing to do with the _fructus_, the usuary cannot interfere with the _colonus_.

[1460] XIX 2 § 54¹.

[1461] XIX 2 §§ 13¹¹, 14. The normal term of a lease was 5 years (_lustrum, quinquennium_).

[1462] XIX 2 § 24¹, XLI 2 § 30⁶, XLIII 16 § 20. So in law of 224 AD, cod Iust IV 65 § 6.

[1463] XII 2 § 28⁶.

[1464] XIX 2 § 25³, XL 7 § 40⁵. Compare the language of XXXIV 3 § 16 with § 18.

[1465] XIX 2 §§ 3, 54².

[1466] XIX 2 § 19², XXXII §§ 91¹, 93², 101¹, XXXIII 7 _passim_, esp § 4. For the _vilicus_, XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹. A woman caretaker, _ibid_ § 15².

[1467] XXXIII 7 § 24.

[1468] XIX 2 §§ 19³, 25⁶.

[1469] XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹, XLVII 2 § 26¹. I note that de Coulanges p 14 holds that the contract rested solely on the basis of a fixed money rent, citing (p 12) Gaius III 142, Dig XIX 2 § 2ᵖʳ (Gaius). But I am not satisfied that cases of rent in kind were not subject to legal remedy. See Monro on Dig XIX 2 § 19³, and Pliny _epist_ IX 37 § 3. And Vinogradoff, _Growth of the Manor_ note 91 on p 109.

[1470] See XIX 2 § 15.

[1471] XIII 7 § 25, XXXI § 86¹.

[1472] VII 1 § 41, XXVII 9 § 13ᵖʳ.

[1473] VII 1 § 13⁴.

[1474] VII 4 §§ 8, 10.

[1475] XXXII § 91¹, L 16 § 198. Cf Juvenal I 75, Suet _Aug_ 72, _Gaius_ 37, Palladius I 8, 11, 24, 33.

[1476] VII 1 § 13, XII 2 § 28⁶, XIX 2 §§ 25⁵, 29, XLVII 2 §§ 26¹, 62⁸, 7 § 9.

[1477] XIX 2 §§ 55¹, 61ᵖʳ.

[1478] XLIII 24 § 13⁶.

[1479] XXXIX 3 §§ 4²,³, 5.

[1480] Alternative, XX 1 § 32.

[1481] A curious case is the putting in an _imaginarius colonus_ [of course at a high nominal rent] in order to raise the selling price of a farm. XIX 1 § 49 (jurist of 4th cent), earlier in Fr Vat § 13.

[1482] See XXXII § 41⁵, XXXIV 4 § 31ᵖʳ.

[1483] XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹, XL 7 § 40⁵.

[1484] XX 3 § 16, XXXIII 7 § 12³, 8 § 23³.

[1485] _servus actor_, his _rationes_, XL 7 § 40ᵖʳ,⁴,⁵.

[1486] His _reliqua_, XXXII §§ 91ᵖʳ, 97.

[1487] XXXIV 1 § 18³, 3 § 12, XL 7 § 40 _passim_.

[1488] XXXII §§ 41², 91ᵖʳ, XXXIII 7 §§ 12³⁸, 20³,⁴, 22¹. These refer to _legata_, in which particular intention could be expressed, cf XXXII § 91¹.

[1489] IX 2 § 27⁹,¹¹, XIX 2 § 30⁴.

[1490] XXI 1 § 32, XXVIII 5 § 35³, XXXII §§ 60³, 68³, XXXIII 7 § 20.

[1491] See above on Martial pp 307-10.

[1492] XXXII § 99, XXXIII 7 _passim_, esp § 25¹. Buckland, _Slavery_ p 6.

[1493] Alfenus Varus in Dig XV 3 § 16.

[1494] Hence the frequent references to _peculia_. See XXXIII 8 _de peculio legato_, where from §§ 6ᵖʳ, 8ᵖʳ, it appears that his _peculium_ might include land and houses. Cf de Coulanges pp 55-6, 66-7, 135-6.

[1495] XXXII § 97 etc.

[1496] XXXIII 7 § 12³ etc.

[1497] VII 7 § 3 _in hominis usu fructu operae sunt et ob operas mercedes_ (Gaius), XII 6 § 55.

[1498] VII 1 §§ 25, 26, XIX 2 § 60⁷ (Labeo, time of Augustus, cited by Javolenus).

[1499] XL 7 § 14ᵖʳ _mercedem referre pro operis suis_ (Alfenus), cf XLV 3 § 18³.

[1500] XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹. _mercede_ or _pensionis certa quantitate_ as opposed to _fide dominica_.

[1501] VIII 6 § 20, XLIII 16 § 1²⁰, 24 § 3ᵖʳ.

[1502] XLIII 24 § 5¹¹.

[1503] XLI 1 § 44.

[1504] XLVII 14, cf XLVIII 19 § 16⁷, XLIX 16 § 5².

[1505] In XIX 2 § 25⁴ (Gaius?) the tenant is held to blame for wilful damage done by a neighbour with whom he has a quarrel.

[1506] XVIII 1 § 35⁸.

[1507] XLVII 21 § 2.

[1508] XLIII 16, _de vi et de vi armata_.

[1509] XLI 3 § 33¹ etc.

[1510] XLI 2 §§ 3⁸,¹², 25¹, etc.

[1511] VIII 3 _de servitutibus praediorum rusticorum_. Specimens of inscribed notices of servitudes, Girard _textes_ part III ch 3 § 1.

[1512] VII 1 § 27³, XIX 2 § 15² (Ulpian). The abuse of the quartering of troops was no new evil in the Provinces. We hear of it from Cicero. In the third century AD we have the notable petitions from Scaptoparene in Thrace (238) text in Mommsen _ges Schr_ II 174-6, and from the Aragueni in Asia Minor (244-7), text in Dittenberger _Or Graec inscr_ No 519. For Italy in 5th century see on Symmachus.

[1513] XIX 2 §§ 9³, 15.

[1514] XLI 1 § 7¹⁻⁶, etc.

[1515] XI 4 § 1¹, cf Paulus _sent_ I 6 _a_ § 5.

[1516] Dealt with later in the Codes as a frequent evil. For early medieval laws on the point see de Coulanges p 152.

[1517] XLVII 9 §§ 3³, 16, Paulus _sent_ V 3 § 4.

[1518] XIII 4 § 3.

[1519] Callistratus in L 11 § 2, quoting Plato _rep_ 371 _a-c_.

[1520] XLVII 11 § 9.

[1521] XLVII 11 § 10, cf cod Th IX 32 § 1, cod Just IX 38.

[1522] _agri vectigales_ or (as the title calls them by a later name) _emphyteuticarii_. VI 3 §§ 1, 2, XIX 1 § 13⁶, XLIII 9 § 1, L 16 § 219. Large blocks were also hired by middlemen (_mancipes_) and sublet in parcels to _coloni_, XIX 2 § 53.

[1523] VI 3 §§ 1, 3.

[1524] L 8 § 2¹.

[1525] _subiectis aliorum nominibus._

[1526] XXXIX 4 § 11¹, _auctoritate principali_.

[1527] Gaius III 145 concludes that the contract in these leases is one of letting and hiring, not of purchase and sale. That is, it includes everything save the bare _dominium_, notably _possessio_, and, as Prof Buckland points out to me, covenants usual in such cases could be enforced by the _actio ex locato_.

[1528] XXXIX 4 § 11⁵.

[1529] XLIX 14 § 3⁶.

[1530] _principalibus rescriptis._ From the text I infer that these are later than Hadrian.

[1531] XXX § 39¹⁰, XIX 2 § 49.

[1532] XLIX 14 § 47¹ (Paulus).

[1533] XLIII 8 § 2⁴ (Ulpian), a very important passage.

[1534] Papirius Justus in L 1 § 38¹, _muneribus fungi sine damno fisci oportere_.

[1535] Callistratus in L 6 § 6¹¹, _ut idoniores praediis fiscalibus habeantur_.

[1536] References are endless. Most significant is L 4 § 4 (Ulpian) _honores qui indicuntur_.

[1537] Title XLIX 14 _de iure fisci_.

[1538] II 14 § 42 (Papinian).

[1539] XLIX 14 § 3¹⁰.

[1540] XLVIII 22 § 1, cf XLIX 14 §§ 47, 50, (Paulus).

[1541] That they did sometimes suffer may be inferred from the case of the Aragueni (p 374) who describe themselves as πάροικοι and γεωργοὶ (= _inquilini_ and _coloni_) of the emperor.

[1542] L 5 §§ 10, 11, etc.

[1543] See Spartian _Hadrian_ 7 § 5, Capitolinus _Anton_ 12 § 3, Spartian _Severus_ 14 § 2.

[1544] De Coulanges makes it his main thesis that the later colonate was a creation of custom, at length recognized by law. My conclusions here were reached before reading his fine treatise.

[1545] _attributi_ or _contributi_. See Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_ III, _die attribuirten Orte_.

[1546] Cf Dig XXXIII 2 § 28 _indictiones temporariae_ [Paulus], XIX 1 § 13⁶ [Ulpian].

[1547] Pliny _paneg_ 29 (of imperial subjects) _nec novis indictionibus pressi ad vetera tributa deficiunt_.

[1548] Hence cod Theod has a title _de superindictionibus_.

[1549] The rising of the Bagaudae in Gaul, at least partly due to agricultural distress, had been put down by Maximian in 285-6. See Schiller III pp 124-6.

[1550] It is true that the _colonus_ was guaranteed against disturbance, but I think de Coulanges pp 114-7, 123 makes too much of this.

[1551] There were in the latter half of the third century some signs of the coming reconstruction. But they came to no effect.

[1552] Cod Th V 17 (9) § 1 _apud quemcumque colonus iuris alieni fuerit inventus, is non solum, eundem origini suae restituat verum super eodem capitationem temporis agnoscat_ ... etc. Runaway _coloni_ are to be chained like slaves, _iuris alieni_ = the control of someone other than the person harbouring him. The _colonus_ is legally dependent, though nominally free.

[1553] See Weber, _Agrargeschichte_ pp 256 foll.

[1554] See Seeck II 320 foll, 330 foll.

[1555] Cod Just XI 59 § 1, in which Constantine, finding the _civitatum ordines_ unequal to this burden, extends the liability to other landlords also.

[1556] See Seeck II 214 foll, 223, 249, IV 88.

[1557] Seeck II 249, 284. See Cod Th XI 2 §§ 1-5 (dates 365-389), not in Cod Just.

[1558] Heisterbergk p 59 with references. Seeck, _Schatzungsordnung_ pp 302-5.

[1559] The details of this system are fully discussed in Seeck’s great article, _die Schatzungsordnung Diocletians_, in the Ztschr für social und Wirthschaftsgeschichte 1896.

[1560] Digest I 5 § 17, Dion Cass LXXVII 9 § 5. Schiller _Geschichte_ I pp 750-1 thinks that military motives had much to do with it, as adding to the citizen troops. What is supposed to be a copy of the edict itself has been found in a papyrus, see Girard, _textes_ part I ch 4 § 12. The text is in the Giessen papyri No 40. It seems certain that the lowest class of _peregrini_ (the _dediticii_) were not included in the grant.

[1561] See Seeck II 323. Cf Lactant _mort pers_ 23 § 5, Victor _Caes_ 39 § 31.

[1562] Through the _ius commercii_.

[1563] Seeck, _Schatzungsordnung_, cited above.

[1564] A long title in cod Th is devoted to remissions, XI 28, consisting of temporary laws. And these deal chiefly with Italian and African Provinces, notably §§ 7, 12, with Campania. They date from 395 to 436.

[1565] In the panegyric (No VIII cap 11) on Constantine we have mention of a reduction of 7000 _capita_ for relief of a district in Gaul.

[1566] Cod Th XI 1 § 14. Cf. Seeck, _Schatzungsordnung_ pp 315-6.

[1567] Compare the conduct of the magistrates of Antioch in the evidence of Libanius cited below.

[1568] See for instance cod Th XIII 10 § 1.

[1569] See below, in section on Salvian.

[1570] See Ammianus XIX 11 § 3, Victor _Caesares_ 13 §§ 5, 6. A long title cod Th VIII 5 is devoted to the _cursus_, containing 66 laws from 315 to 407, and other references abound.

[1571] Cf cod Th XI 16 § 3 (324), § 4 (328).

[1572] Cf Cic II _in Verr_ III § 190, Tac _Agr_ 19. Cf cod Th XI 1 § 22 (386), with Godefroi’s notes, also §§ 11 (365) and 21 (385), XIV 4 § 4 (367).

[1573] See the title _de naviculariis_, cod Th XIII 5, including 38 laws.

[1574] Cod Th XIV 18 _de mendicantibus non invalidis_.

[1575] If I rightly interpret Dig L 5 § 1² (Ulpian) cases had occurred earlier of men liable to office even pretending to be mere _coloni_ in order to evade liability (_ad colonos praediorum se transtulerunt_. See Dirksen under _transferre_).

[1576] Very significant is the law cod Th XVI 5 § 48 (410) by which even heretics are held to curial duty.

[1577] See Seeck, _Schatzungsordnung_ pp 315-6, De Coulanges p 119.

[1578] See Weber, _Agrargeschichte_ pp 266-7.

[1579] Cf cod Th XI 16 _passim_.

[1580] A rule of 366, or later according to Mommsen, cod Th XI 1 § 14, cod Just XI 48 § 4.

[1581] Cf cod Th XIII 10 § 3, retained in cod Just XI 48 § 2, plainly recognizing this.

[1582] See the advantages of the colonate summed up in de Coulanges p 144, and cf _ibid_ p 139.

[1583] Lactantius _de mort pers_ 7 § 3.

[1584] _enormitate indictionum._

[1585] Cf Augustin _de civ Dei_ X 1 _coloni, qui condicionem debent genitali solo, propter agri culturam sub dominio possessorum_.

[1586] Cf cod Th V 17 (9) §§ 1, 2 (332), etc.

[1587] Cod Th XI 3 § 2.

[1588] The _capitatio_.

[1589] Cod Just XI 48 § 7.

[1590] _Schatzungsordnung_ pp 313-4.

[1591] Rostowzew _Geschichte des Röm Colonates_ pp 381-97 traces the abandonment of the policy of favouring _coloni_, and adoption of reliance on great possessors, as a result of the pressing difficulties of the collection of revenue.

[1592] Cod Just XI 50 § 1 (Constantine).

[1593] Cod Just XI 50 § 2.

[1594] Cod Th XI 1 § 12 (365).

[1595] Wallon, _Esclavage_ III 266, 282.

[1596] For instance cod Th XI 11 (date somewhere 368-373), IV 13 §§ 2, 3 (321). Also XI 7-10, 16 § 10, etc.

[1597] Seeck, _Schatzungsordnung_ pp 285-308, with an account of local variations. For instance, in Africa and Egypt there was no _capitatio_.

[1598] See cod Th VII 13 § 7, 8 (375, 380). Even the imperial estates made liable, ibid § 12 (397). Dill p 196. In 379 Theodosius had to raise recruits from γεωργοί, Libanius XXIV 16.

[1599] Cod Th VII 18 § 10, cf VIII 2 § 3 (380). See Seeck II 490-1.

[1600] Cod Th VIII 2 § 3. By long use the word had become quite official. Cf _inopes ac vagi_ in Tac _ann_ IV 4, etc.

[1601] Cod Just XII 33 § 6.

[1602] De Coulanges pp 168-9 points out that in the early Middle Age we find _ingenui_ = _coloni_.

[1603] _temonaria functio._ See Dirksen under _temo_. Cod Th XI 16 §§ 14, 15, 18, cf VII 13 § 7, VI 26 § 14.

[1604] Wallon III 149, 476.

[1605] Cod Th VII 13 § 7, where occur the words _cum corpora postulantur_ opposed to _aurum_. For the money-commutation (_adaeratio_) often accepted from the landlords see Mommsen _Ges Schr_ VI p 254 _Das Röm Militärwesen seit Diocletian_. Also Rostowzew in the _Journal of Roman Studies_ vol VIII on _Synteleia tironon_, and Wagner on Ammianus XIX 11 § 7.

[1606] Cf Vegetius _rei milit_ I 7, of the disasters caused by slovenly recruiting, _dum indicti possessoribus tirones per gratiam aut dissimulationem probantium tales sociantur armis quales domini habere fastidiunt_.

[1607] Cod Th IV 13 §§ 2, 3, kept with variants in cod Just IV 61 § 5.

[1608] Cod Th XI 8.

[1609] Cod Th XI 16 § 10, 17 §§ 2-4.

[1610] For the special position of imperial senators see Dill pp 126, 166, 196, 218 foll.

[1611] Cod Th XI 11, kept with some omissions in cod Just XI 55 § 2.

[1612] Cod Th XI 16 § 4, cod Just XI 48 § 1.

[1613] Seeck I, chapter on _die Ausrottung der Besten_.

[1614] Pliny _NH_ XVIII 296. Palladius VII 2.

[1615] _hoc compendio._ Pall.

[1616] _Orat_ 50. I take the date given by Förster.

[1617] For such properties see cod Th X 3.

[1618] φιλανθρωπότατε βασιλεῦ.

[1619] § 36 γράμμασι, which I take to be = _indictiones_.

[1620] In cod Th the title XI 24 is _de patrociniis vicorum_, and the laws range from 360 to 415. Cod Just XI 54 shews that the evil was still in existence in 468.

[1621] _Orat_ 47 §§ 8-10. Zulueta (see below) points out that the protection given by the patrons was exerted quite as much by improper influence on judges as by use of force.

[1622] § 6 τοῦτο καὶ λῃστὰς γεωργοὺς ἑποίησε.

[1623] § 11 ἀλλὰ καὶ οἷς εἷς ὁ δεσπότης.

[1624] §§ 19-21.

[1625] § 24 ὦν εἰσιν (οἱ γεωργοί).

[1626] §§ 17, 18.

[1627] § 34.

[1628] §§ 36-8 δὸς δὴ νεῦρα τῷ νόμῳ καὶ ποίησον αὐτὸν ὡς ἀληθῶς νόμον ἀντὶ ψιλῆς προσηγορίας ... etc.

[1629] Cod Th XI 24 § 2 (Valens).

[1630] Note that the law Cod Th XII 1 § 128, sternly forbidding _militares viri_ to interfere with _curiales_ or to use any violence to leading men in the municipalities, is dated 392 July 31. Also that it is retained in Cod Just X 32 § 42. Zulueta _de patrociniis vicorum_ pp 38-40 concludes that it is uncertain to what emperor Libanius is appealing, and places the date in 386-9 AD. He finds the reference in Cod Th V 17 § 2 (Theodosius), not in XI 24 § 2.

[1631] The leading authority on Symmachus is O Seeck. In particular the dating of many of the letters in his great edition (MGH, Berlin 1883) is often helpful.

[1632] See _epist_ II 6, 7, 52, IV 5 (4), 18, 21, IX 14, 114 (124), X 2, 21, _relat_ 3 §§ 15-18, 9 § 7, 18, 35, 37.

[1633] _epist_ III 55, 82, IV 54, 74, VII 38, 68, _relat_ 18.

[1634] _epist_ II 6, III 55, 82, IX 42, VII 68, _relat_ 9, 18, 37.

[1635] _epist_ VII 66, IX 10, _relat_ 18.

[1636] _epist_ II 55, IV 68.

[1637] _epist_ VI 15 (14).

[1638] _epist_ VI 15 (14), VII 18, 68. Seeck, V 284, 555.

[1639] _epist_ I 5 _ut rus quod solebat alere nunc alatur_. Cf cod Th XI 1 § 4.

[1640] _epist_ VI 82 (81).

[1641] _nihilque iam colonis superest facultatum quod aut rationi opituletur aut cultui._

[1642] _epist_ VII 56 _cum sit colonus agrorum meorum atque illi debita magis quam precaria cura praestetur_.

[1643] _epist_ IX 6. Cf IX 11.

[1644] _epist_ IX 47 (50).

[1645] _epist_ IX 140 (X 18).

[1646] _epist_ VIII 2. Plin _epist_ I 6, V 6 § 46.

[1647] Amm Marc XXVIII 4 § 18 _alienis laboribus venaturi_.

[1648] _epist_ II 22.

[1649] _epist_ V 18.

[1650] _epist_ II 52. Cf the cases contemplated in Dig XIX 2 §§ 13⁷, 15².

[1651] _epist_ VII 38.

[1652] _epist_ IX 45 (48).

[1653] _epist_ VI 11.

[1654] _epist_ IX 27 (30).

[1655] _epist_ VII 66, IX 49 (52). In the law of 414 Cod Th XVI 5 § 54 we have these _conductores privatorum opposed to conductores domus nostrae_ in Africa. See above, chapter on the African inscriptions.

[1656] _epist_ VI 12.

[1657] In _quality_ the Apulian wheat was thought excellent. Varro _RR_ I 2 § 6.

[1658] _epist_ IX 29.

[1659] _epist_ VII 126 _res ... non tam reditu ampla quam censu_.

[1660] _epist_ IX 11 _sed maior opitulatio ex tui arbitrii favore proveniet, cum causae eius etiam iustitia non desit_.

[1661] _epist_ IX 37 (40).

[1662] _ut perspiciatur in discretione iudicium._

[1663] _epist_ IX 47 (50).

[1664] _epist_ IX 10.

[1665] _epist_ VI 59 (58), 65 (64).

[1666] _epist_ IV 74.

[1667] _epist_ II 7.

[1668] _quanto nobis odio provinciarum constat illa securitas._

[1669] _relatio_ 40.

[1670] _quod nihil subsidii decreta dudum oppida conferebant._ This seems to imply a previous grant to Tarracina, levied on other towns. Cf _relat_ 37 _decretae provinciae_, referring to supply of Rome.

[1671] _Capuana legatio._ Meaning _Campanian_, I take it.

[1672] Neratius Cerealis, praef annonae 328, praef urbi 352-3, consul 358. Godefroi’s Prosopographia, Wilmanns inscr 1085, and cod Th XIV 24. The order is given thus, _eum frumenti numerum, quem Cerealis ex multis urbibus Romano populo vindicarat, restitui omnibus_.

[1673] _secretum._

[1674] XVI 5 §§ 14, 15.

[1675] Seeck, _Schatzungsordnung_ p 306, keeps the MS reading _capitulis_ here. See his remarks, and for the word _capitulum_ cf cod Th XI 16 § 15 (382) _capituli atque temonis necessitas_, ibid § 14 _capitulariae sive ... temonariae functionis_.

[1676] The title cod Th XI 28 is _de indulgentiis debitorum_.

[1677] _norat enim hoc facto se aliquid locupletibus additurum, cum constet ubique pauperes inter ipsa indictorum exordia solvere universa sine laxamento conpelli._ We shall return to this point in connexion with Salvian.

[1678] XVII 3.

[1679] _quicquid in capitatione deesset ex conquisitis se supplere._ _conquisita_ are the sums produced by a _superindictio_ raising the amount to be levied. Cf cod Th XI 1 § 36, and title XI 6 _de superindicto_.

[1680] Cf XXX 5 § 6 _provisorum_, cod Th XII 1 § 169 _tuae provisionis ... incrementis_.

[1681] _indictionale augmentum._

[1682] _sollemnia ... nedum incrementa._

[1683] XVIII 1.

[1684] _quorum patrimonia publicae clades augebant._

[1685] XVIII 2 § 2 and references in Wagner’s edition. Schiller, _Kaiserzeit_ II p 313.

[1686] XXIX 5 §§ 10-13.

[1687] _messes et condita hostium virtutis nostrorum horrea esse._

[1688] As when in Pannonia (373) they crossed the Danube and _occupatam circa messem agrestem adortae sunt plebem_, XXIX 6 § 6.

[1689] XXIX 5 § 13 _in modum urbis exstruxit_.

[1690] XXIX 5 § 25 _muro circumdatum valido_. In XXX 10 § 4 we find _Murocincta_ as the name of a _villa_ and _Triturrita_ in Rutilius _de reditu_ I 527, 615. Cf cases in Caesar’s time, _Bell Afr_ 9, 40, 65.

[1691] XXVIII 6 § 8.

[1692] XXX 2 § 10 _negotiis se ruralibus dedit_.

[1693] There was much jealousy on this score, and a powerful reaction, as after the death of Valentinian in 375, but even then the foreign element prevailed. Schiller II 389.

[1694] XXXI 4 §§ 4, 5.

[1695] _ex ultimis terris tot tirocinia._ Cf XIX 11 § 7.

[1696] _et pro militari supplemento, quod provinciatim annuum pendebatur, thesauris accederet auri cumulus magnus._ I hope I am right in referring this to the _temonaria functio_ or obligation of paying the _temo_ = the price of a recruit. Cod Th XI 16 §§ 14, 15.

[1697] XXXI 6 § 5.

[1698] _dudum a mercatoribus venundati, adiectis plurimis quos primo transgressu necati inedia vino exili vel panis frustris mutavere vilissimis._

[1699] XXXI 10 § 17, _inventute valida nostris tirociniis permiscenda_.

[1700] XXVIII 5 § 15 of Theodosius defeating Alamanni, _pluribus caesis, quoscumque cepit ad Italiam iussu principis misit, ubi fertilibus pagis acceptis iam tributarii circumcolunt Padum_. 370 AD. Cf XXXI 9 § 4, 377 AD, and XX 4 § 1, 360 AD.

[1701] For instance, _in Rufinum_ I 200-5, _de bello Gildon_ 105-12, _de IV cos Honor_ 412-8.

[1702] _in Rufin_ I 380-2.

[1703] _in Rufin_ I 189-92.

[1704] _metuenda colonis fertilitas._

[1705] _in Eutrop_ I 401-9.

[1706] _de bello Gildon_ 49-74.

[1707] See Bury, _Later Roman empire_ I 108-9, Seeck, _Untergang_ V 379-80, Dill, _Roman Society_ p 233, Wallon, _Esclavage_ III 276-7. The affair is referred to in cod Th X 10 § 25 (Dec 408).

[1708] _de cos Stilichonis_ II 204-7.

[1709] _in Eutrop_ II 194-210.

[1710] _bene rura Gruthungus excolet et certo disponet sidere vites._

[1711] _quem detinet aequi gloria concessoque cupit vixisse colonus quam dominus rapto._

[1712] _in Eutrop_ I 406 _Teutonicus vomer_.

[1713] _de bell Goth_ 450-68.

[1714] _non iam dilectus miseri nec falce per agros deposita iaculum vibrans ignobile messor ... sed vera inventus, verus ductor adest et vivida Martis imago._

[1715] Cf Vegetius _rei milit_ I 7, of disasters in recent times, _dum longa pax militem incuriosius legit_.

[1716] _in Eutrop_ II 370-5.

[1717] _de bell Goth_ 366-72.

[1718] _epitoma rei militaris_ I 3.

[1719] _rei milit_ I 5, _senos pedes vel certe quinos et denas uncias_ [has not _ad_ fallen out before _senos_?]. In a law of 367, cod Th VII 13 § 3 _in quinque pedibus et septem unciis_.

[1720] _tunc._ When? From I 28 it might be inferred that he looks back to the first Punic war. But I do not think so.

[1721] _necdum enim civilis pars florentiorem abduxerat iuventutem._ So I 7 _civilia sectantur officia_.

[1722] The assertion that _Martius calor_ has not subsided (I 28), accepted by Seeck I 413, seems to me rhetorical bravado. Much more likely is the view (_ib_ 414) that the improved standard of recruits in the fifth century was due to prevalence of barbarians.

[1723] Seeck II 88 foll. Hence army service was called _militia armata_.

[1724] _mulomed_ I 56 §§ 11-13.

[1725] _si saepius et cum moderatione animalia sedeantur._ For _sederi_ cf § 35 _sub honesto sessore_, Spart Hadr 22 § 6, cod Th IX 30 § 3.

[1726] _servorum impatientia._

[1727] _neque enim de damno domini cogitant, quod eidem contingere gratulantur._

[1728] Julian _orat_ VII p 232 a-b.

[1729] Above, p 393.

[1730] _de mortibus persecutorum_ 22-3.

[1731] For the _census_ under the new system, first in 297 and then every fifth year, see Seeck II pp 263 foll. It was only concerned with the land and taxation units liable to the levy of _annona_. De Coulanges pp 75-85 urges that the system already described by Ulpian in Dig L 15 §§ 3, 4, is much the same, and points out that monastic records shew it still surviving in the early Middle Age. But practice, rather than principle, is here in question.

[1732] _hominum capita._ In most provinces the taxable unit was fixed by taking account of the number of able-bodied on each estate as well as of the acreage. Seeck II 266 foll, also _Schatzung_ pp 285-7.

[1733] The urban taxation was conducted in each town by the local _decemprimi_, aldermen, and was quite distinct.

[1734] _adscribebantur quae non habebantur_ may mean ‘were put on the record as owning what they did not own.’

[1735] _pecuniae pro capitibus pendebantur._ The _capita_ here seem to have a double sense.

[1736] De Coulanges pp 75-6 treats it severely on the score of Christian prejudice.

[1737] Sulp Sev _dial_ II 3.

[1738] For instance cod Th VII 1 § 12, VIII 5, XI 10, 11.

[1739] Cod Th VII 20 § 7.

[1740] Sulp Sev _vita S Martini_ 2 § 5, and cf cod Th VII 22, also 1 § 8. See the note of Seeck II 490.

[1741] This view has been challenged by Dill, pp 118-9. But cf Sidonius _epist_ V 19, IX 6.

[1742] The earlier part of book V of the _de gubernatione Dei_, especially §§ 34-50. The rising of the Bagaudae (286) in Gaul is dealt with §§ 24 foll. See Schiller II pp 124-6.

[1743] _dediticios se divitum faciunt et quasi in ius eorum dicionemque trascendunt._

[1744] _addicunt_, a technical law term.

[1745] _possesio ... capitatio._

[1746] _pervasio_ = attack, encroachment. Cf cod Th II 4 §§ 5, 6.

[1747] _fundos maiorum expetunt et coloni divitum fiunt._

[1748] _iugo se inquilinae abiectionis addicunt._ See cod Th V 18 (10) _de inquilinis et colonis_, cod Just XI 48 § 13.

[1749] _fiunt praeiudicio habitationis indigenae._ That is, by prescription they acquire a new _origo_. See cod Th V 17 (9) §§ 1, 2, 18 (10), cod Just XI 64 § 2, 48 § 16.

[1750] _extraneos et alienos_; that is, belonging to someone else.

[1751] _et miramur si nos barbari capiunt, cum fratres nostros faciamus esse captivos?_

[1752] I think de Coulanges is too severe on the rhetoric of Salvian (pp 141-3). After all, the Codes do not give one a favourable picture of the later colonate, and the Empire did fall in the West.

[1753] This arrangement was especially frequent in the East. See on Libanius pp 400-1, and cod Th XI 24 _de patrociniis vicorum_, cf cod Just XI 54. But so far as individuals were concerned it was widespread.

[1754] Seeck cites cod Th III 1 § 2 [337], XI 1 § 26 [399], 3 §§ 1-5 [319-391], and for the legal tricks used to defeat the rule XI 3 § 3.

[1755] _de gub Dei_ V § 18 _quae enim sunt non modo urbes sed etiam municipia atque vici ubi non quot curiales fuerint tot tyranni sunt?_

[1756] From _adscribere_, to record the liability of the lord, his _coloni_ came to be called _adscripticii_. Weber _Agrargeschichte_ p 258.

[1757] Cod Th XI 1 § 26 [399] refers especially to Gaul. He is _servus terrae_ in fact, as Weber _Agrargeschichte_ p 258 remarks.

[1758] In Esmein’s _Mélanges_ [1886] there is an excellent essay on some of the letters of Sidonius discussed here, forestalling a number of my conclusions.

[1759] See Seeck II 175 foll.

[1760] Sidon _epist_ I 10.

[1761] See Dill, _Roman Society in the last century of the Western Empire_, p 179.

[1762] See _epist_ II 2, 9, 14, IV 24, VIII 4.

[1763] _epist_ VII 12 § 3.

[1764] _quia sic habenas Galliarum moderarere ut possessor exhaustus tributario iugo relevaretur._

[1765] Instances in _epist_ III 1, VI 10.

[1766] _epist_ III 5.

[1767] _suffragio vestro._

[1768] _epist_ VI 10.

[1769] _domesticis fidei_, already, it seems, a stereotyped phrase. See Ducange.

[1770] _debitum glaebae canonem._

[1771] _epist_ VI 12.

[1772] See Dill, book IV ch 3.

[1773] _aggeres publici_, cf _epist_ II 9 § 2, IV 24 § 2. It is an official expression, used by jurists.

[1774] No doubt some were castles, more or less defensible. The _burgus_ of Leontius by the Garonne was such, cf _carm_ XXII 121-5.

[1775] _epist_ I 6, VII 15, VIII 8.

[1776] _epist_ II 14.

[1777] _epist_ IV 9 § 1, VII 14 § 11. _liberti_ mentioned VII 16. See Dill p 178.

[1778] _epist_ VIII 4 § 1.

[1779] _epist_ II 2. Cf Dill pp 168-72.

[1780] In _epist_ III 9 is a curious case of a farmer who owned slaves and in his slack simplicity let them be enticed away to Britain.

[1781] Dill p 220, citing _epist_ IV 24. See Esmein pp 377-83 for the legal points of the case.

[1782] _centesima_, that is 1% _per mensem_, I suppose.

[1783] _epist_ IX 6. See Dill pp 174-5.

[1784] _epist_ V 19.

[1785] _sub condicione concedo, si stupratorem pro domino iam patronus originali solvas inquilinatu._

[1786] _mox cliens factus e tributario plebeiam potius incipiat habere personam quam colonariam._

[1787] He calls his solution _compositio seu satisfactio_. Esmein pp 364 foll shews that _compositio_ was now a regular expression for the practice of avoiding the strict Roman Law, under barbarian and ecclesiastical influences.

[1788] See Index, _inquilini_, and de Coulanges pp 65, 74, 85.

[1789] See de Coulanges pp 100-1.

[1790] See this question fully discussed by Esmein pp 370-5. Also the doubts of de Coulanges pp 101, 104.

[1791] For this point see Seeck, _Schatzungsordnung_ pp 314-5.

[1792] Cod Th V 18 [10] _si quis colonus originalis vel inquilinus_ ... etc. And below, _originarius_ [419]. Cod Just XI 48 § 13 _inquilinos colonosve, quorum quantum ad originem pertinet vindicandam indiscreta eademque paene videtur esse condicio, licet sit discrimen in nomine_, ... etc, and § 14 _causam originis et proprietatis_. The limiting word _paene_ may refer to difference in mode of payment of taxes. These laws, retained in cod Just, date from 400.

[1793] Seeck just cited. Weber, _Agrargeschichte_ p 257.

[1794] E Meyer _Kl Schr_ p 185 takes the words of Aristotle _Pol_ I 2 § 5 ὁ γὰρ βοῦς ἀντ’ οἰκέτου τοῖς πένησίν ἐστιν as proving that even in Ar’s time the small farmer had to do without a slave. I think they prove that if he could not afford a slave he must do with an ox only. For the additional protection of the ox see Index. Cf Maine, _Early Law and Custom_ pp 249-51.

[1795] E Meyer _Kl Schriften_ p 179 will only use the word _slaves_ of a part of these, but the distinction does not matter here.

[1796] See Dig XXXII § 99 (Paulus), and XXXIII 7 _passim_, especially § 25¹.