Chapter VI: DOMESTIC LIFE—continued (1)

Quitting the lower apartments, where we have been long detained, I must enter upon a more presumptuous office than I have yet undertaken, which is that of a guide to the “Hareem:”[274] but first I must give some account of marriage, and the marriage-ceremonies.

To abstain from marrying when a man has attained a sufficient age, and when there is no just impediment, is esteemed, by the Egyptians, improper, and even disreputable. For being myself guilty of this fault (to use no harsher term), I have suffered much inconvenience and discomfort during my stay in this country, and endured many reproaches. During my former visit to Egypt, having occasion to remove from a house which I had occupied for some months in a great thoroughfare-street in Cairo, I engaged another house, in a neighbouring quarter: the lease was written, and some money paid in advance; but a day or two after, the agent of the owner came to inform me that the inhabitants of the quarter, who were mostly “shereefs” (or descendants of the Prophet), objected to my living among them, because I was not married. He added, however, that they would gladly admit me if I would even purchase a female slave, which would exempt me from the opprobrium cast upon me by the want of a wife. I replied, that, being merely a sojourner in Egypt, I did not like to take either a wife or female slave, whom I must soon abandon: the money that I had paid was, therefore, returned to me. In another quarter, I was less unfortunate; such heavy objections on account of my being unmarried were not raised: I was only required to promise that no persons wearing hats should come into the quarter to visit me; yet, after I had established myself in my new residence, the sheykh (or chief) of the quarter often endeavoured to persuade me to marry. All my arguments against doing so he deemed of no weight. “You tell me,” said he, “that in a year or two you mean to leave this country: now, there is a young widow, who, I am told, is handsome, living within a few doors of you, who will be glad to become your wife, even with the express understanding that you shall divorce her when you quit this place; though, of course, you may do so before, if she should not please you.” This young damsel had several times contrived to let me catch a glimpse of a pretty face, as I passed the house in which she and her parents lived. What answer could I return? I replied, that I had actually, by accident, seen her face, and that she was the last woman I should wish to marry, under such circumstances: for I was sure that I could never make up my mind to part with her. But I found it rather difficult to silence my officious friend.—It has been mentioned before, in the Introduction, that an unmarried man, or one who has not a female slave, is usually obliged to dwell in a wekáleh, unless he has some near relation with whom to reside; but that Franks are now exempted from this restriction.

The Egyptian females arrive at puberty much earlier than the natives of colder climates. Many marry at the age of twelve or thirteen years; and some remarkably precocious girls are married at the age of _ten_:[275] but such occurrences are not common. Few remain unmarried after sixteen years of age. An Egyptian girl at the age of thirteen, or even earlier, may be a mother. The women of Egypt are generally very prolific; but females of other countries residing here are often childless; and the children of foreigners, born in Egypt, seldom live to a mature age, even when the mother is a native. It was on this account that the emancipated Memlooks (or military slaves) usually adopted Memlooks.

It is very common among the Arabs of Egypt and of other countries, but less so in Cairo than in other parts of Egypt, for a man to marry his first cousin. In this case, the husband and wife continue to call each other “cousin;” because the tie of blood is indissoluble; but that of matrimony very precarious. A union of this kind is generally lasting, on account of this tie of blood; and because mutual intercourse may have formed an attachment between the parties in tender age; though, if they be of the higher or middle classes, the young man is seldom allowed to see the face of his female cousin, or even to meet and converse with her, after she has arrived at or near the age of puberty, until she has become his wife.

Marriages in Cairo are generally conducted, in the case of a virgin, in the following manner; but in that of a widow, or a divorced woman, with little ceremony. Most commonly, the mother, or some other near female relation, of the youth or man who is desirous of obtaining a wife, describes to him the personal and other qualifications of the young woman with whom she is acquainted, and directs his choice:[276] or he employs a “khát’beh,” or “khátibeh;” a woman whose regular business it is to assist men in such cases. Sometimes two or more women of this profession are employed. A khát’beh gives her report confidentially, describing one girl as being like a gazelle, pretty and elegant and young; and another, as not pretty, but rich, and so forth. If the man have a mother and other near female relations, two or three of these usually go with a khát’beh to pay visits to several hareems, to which she has access in her professional character of a matchmaker; for she is employed as much by the women as by the men. She sometimes also exercises the trade of a “delláleh” (or broker) for the sale of ornaments, clothing, etc., which procures her admission into almost every hareem. The women who accompany her in search of a wife for their relation are introduced to the different hareems merely as ordinary visitors; and as such, if disappointed, they soon take their leave, though the object of their visit is of course understood by the other party: but if they find among the females of a family (and they are sure to see all who are marriageable) a girl or young woman having the necessary personal qualifications, they state the motive of their visit, and ask, if the proposed match be not at once disapproved of, what property, ornaments, etc., the object of their wishes may possess. If the father of the intended bride be dead, she may perhaps possess one or more houses, shops, etc.; and in almost every case, a marriageable girl of the middle or higher ranks has a set of ornaments of gold and jewels. The women-visitors, having asked these and other questions, bring their report to the expectant youth or man. If satisfied with their report, he gives a present to the khát’beh, and sends her again to the family of his intended wife, to make known to them his wishes. She generally gives an exaggerated description of his personal attractions, wealth, etc. For instance, she will say, of a very ordinary young man, of scarcely any property, and of whose disposition she knows nothing, “My daughter, the youth who wishes to marry you is young, graceful, elegant, beardless, has plenty of money, dresses handsomely, is fond of delicacies, but cannot enjoy his luxuries alone; he wants you as his companion; he will give you everything that money can procure; he is a stayer-at-home, and will spend his whole time with you, caressing and fondling you.”

The parents may betroth their daughter to whom they please, and marry her to him without her consent, if she be not arrived at the age of puberty; but after she has attained that age, she may choose a husband for herself, and appoint any man to arrange and effect her marriage. In the former case, however, the khát’beh and the relations of a girl sought in marriage usually endeavour to obtain her consent to the proposed union. Very often, a father objects to giving a daughter in marriage to a man who is not of the same profession or trade as himself; and to marrying a younger daughter before an elder.[277] The bridegroom can scarcely ever obtain even a surreptitious glance at the features of his bride, until he finds her in his absolute possession, unless she belong to the lower classes of society; in which case, it is easy enough for him to see her face.

When a female is about to marry, she should have a “wekeel” (or deputy) to settle the compact, and conclude the contract, for her, with her proposed husband. If she be under the age of puberty, this is absolutely necessary; and in this case, her father, if living, or (if he be dead) her nearest adult male relation, or a guardian appointed by will, or by the Kádee, performs the office of wekeel: but if she be of age, she appoints her own wekeel, or may even make the contract herself; though this is seldom done.

After a youth or man has made choice of a female to demand in marriage, on the report of his female relations, or that of the khát’beh, and, by proxy, made the preliminary arrangements before described with her and her relations in the hareem, he repairs with two or three of his friends to her wekeel. Having obtained the wekeel’s consent to the union, if the intended bride be under age, he asks what is the amount of the required “mahr” (or dowry).

The giving of a dowry is indispensable, as I have mentioned in a former chapter. It is generally calculated in “riyáls,” of ninety faddahs (now equivalent to five pence and two-fifths) each. The riyál is an imaginary money, not a coin. The usual amount of the dowry, if the parties be in possession of a moderately good income, is about a thousand riyáls (or twenty-two pounds ten shillings); or, sometimes, not more than half that sum. The wealthy calculate the dowry in purses, of five hundred piasters (now, five pounds sterling) each; and fix its amount at ten purses, or more. It must be borne in mind that we are considering the case of a virgin-bride; the dowry of a widow or a divorced woman is much less. In settling the amount of the dowry, as in other pecuniary transactions, a little haggling frequently takes place: if a thousand riyáls be demanded through the wekeel, the party of the intended bridegroom will probably make an offer of six hundred: the former party then gradually lowering the demand, and the other increasing the offer, they at length agree to fix it at eight hundred. It is generally stipulated that two-thirds of the dowry shall be paid immediately before the marriage contract is made; and the remaining third held in reserve, to be paid to the wife in case of divorcing her against her own consent, or in case of the husband’s death.

This affair being settled, and confirmed by all persons present reciting the opening chapter of the Kur-án (the Fát’hah), an early day (perhaps the day next following) is appointed for paying the money, and performing the ceremony of the marriage-contract, which is properly called “’akd ennikáh.”[278] The making this contract is commonly called “ketb el-kitáb” (or the writing of the writ); but it is very seldom the case that any document is written to confirm the marriage, unless the bridegroom is about to travel to another place, and fears that he may have occasion to prove his marriage where witnesses of the contract cannot be procured. Sometimes the marriage-contract is concluded immediately after the arrangement respecting the dowry, but more generally a day or two after. On the day appointed for this ceremony, the bridegroom, again accompanied by two or three of his friends, goes to the house of the bride, usually about noon, taking with him that portion of the dowry which he has promised to pay on this occasion. He and his companions are received by the bride’s wekeel; and two or more friends of the latter are usually present. It is necessary that there be two witnesses (and those must be Muslims) to the marriage-contract, unless in a situation where witnesses cannot be procured. All persons present recite the Fát’hah; and the bridegroom then pays the money. After this, the marriage-contract is performed. It is very simple. The bridegroom and the bride’s wekeel sit upon the ground, face to face, with one knee upon the ground, and grasp each other’s right hand, raising the thumbs, and pressing them against each other. A fikee[279] is generally employed to instruct them what they are to say. Having placed a handkerchief over their joined hands, he usually prefaces the words of the contract with a “khutbeh,” consisting of a few words of exhortation and prayer, with quotations from the Kur-án and Traditions, on the excellency and advantages of marriage. He then desires the bride’s wekeel to say, “I betroth [or marry], to thee, my daughter [or the female who has appointed me her wekeel], such a one [naming the bride], the virgin[280] [or the adult virgin], for a dowry of such an amount.” (The words “for a dowry,” etc., are sometimes omitted.) The bride’s wekeel having said this, the bridegroom, prompted in the same manner by the fikee, says, “I accept from thee her betrothal [or marriage] to myself, and take her under my care, and bind myself to afford her my protection; and ye who are present bear witness of this.” The wekeel addresses the bridegroom in the same manner a second and a third time; and each time, the latter replies as before. They then generally add, “And blessing be on the Apostles, and praise be to God, the Lord of all creatures: amen:” after which, all present again repeat the Fát’hah. It is not always the same form of “khutbeh” that is recited on these occasions: any form may be used; and it may be repeated by any person: it is not even necessary; and is often altogether omitted. The contract concluded, the bridegroom sometimes (but seldom unless he be a person of the lower orders) kisses the hands of his friends and others there present; and they are presented with sherbet, and generally remain to dinner. Each of them receives an embroidered handkerchief, provided by the family of the bride; excepting the fikee, who receives a similar handkerchief, with a small gold coin tied up in it, from the bridegroom. Before the persons assembled on this occasion disperse, they settle when the “leylet ed-dukhleh” is to be: this is the night when the bride is brought to the house of the bridegroom, and the latter, for the first time, visits her.

In general, the bridegroom waits for his bride about eight or ten days after the conclusion of the contract. Meanwhile, he sends to her, two or three or more times, some fruit, sweetmeats, etc.; and perhaps makes her a present of a shawl, or some other article of value. The bride’s family are at the same time occupied in preparing for her a stock of household furniture (as deewáns, matting, carpets, bedding, kitchen-utensils, etc.) and dress. The portion of the dowry which has been paid by the bridegroom, and generally a much larger sum (the additional money, which is often more than the dowry itself, being supplied by the bride’s family), is expended in purchasing the articles of furniture, dress, and ornaments, for the bride. These articles, which are called “gaház,” are the property of the bride; and if she be divorced, she takes them away with her. She cannot, therefore, with truth, be said to be _purchased_.[281] The furniture is sent, commonly borne by a train of camels, to the bridegroom’s house. Often, among the articles of the gaház is a chair for the turban or head-dress, alluded to in a former page. It is of a large size, but slight make; the bottom and back generally of cane-work; sometimes with a canopy. It is never used to sit upon. The turban, when placed upon it, is covered with a kerchief of thick silk stuff, usually ornamented with gold thread. There are sometimes sent two of these chairs; one for the husband and the other for the wife.

The bridegroom should receive his bride on the eve of Friday, or that of Monday;[282] but the former is generally esteemed the more fortunate period. Let us say, for instance, that the bride is to be conducted to him on the eve of Friday. During two or three or more preceding nights, the street or quarter in which the bridegroom lives is illuminated with chandeliers and lanterns, or with lanterns and small lamps, some suspended from cords drawn across from the bridegroom’s and several other houses on each side to the houses opposite; and several small silk flags, each of two colours, generally red and green, are attached to these or other cords.[283] An entertainment is also given on each of these nights, particularly on the _last_ night before that on which the wedding is concluded, at the bridegroom’s house. On these occasions, it is customary for the persons invited, and for all intimate friends, to send presents to his house, a day or two before the feast which they purpose or expect to attend; they generally send sugar, coffee, rice, wax-candles, or a lamb: the former articles are usually placed upon a tray of copper or wood, and covered with a silk or embroidered kerchief. The guests are entertained on these occasions by musicians and male or female singers, by dancing girls, or by the performance of a “khatmeh” or a “zikr.”[284]

In the houses of the wealthy, the khát’beh or khat’behs, together with the “dáyeh” (or midwife) of the family, the “belláneh” (or female attendant of the bath), and the nurse of the bride, are each presented, a day or two after the conclusion of the contract, with a piece of gold stuff, a Kashmeer shawl, or a piece of striped silk, such as yeleks and shintiyáns are made of; and, placing these over the left shoulder, and attaching the edges together on the right side, go upon asses, with two or more men before them beating kettle-drums or tabours, to the houses of all the friends of the bride, to invite the females to accompany her to and from the bath, and to partake of an entertainment given on that occasion. At every house where they call, they are treated with a repast, having sent notice the day before of their intended visit. They are called “mudnát.”[285] I have sometimes seen them walking, and without the drums before them; but making up for the want of these instruments by shrill, quavering cries of joy called “zagháreet.”[286]

On the preceding Wednesday (or on the Saturday if the wedding be to conclude on the eve of Monday), at about the hour of noon, or a little later, the bride goes in state to the bath.[287] The procession to the bath is called “Zeffet el-Hammám.” It is headed by a party of musicians with a hautboy, or two, and drums of different kinds.[288] Frequently, as I have mentioned in a former chapter, some person avails himself of this opportunity to parade his young son previously to circumcision; the child, and his attendants, in this case, follow next after the musicians, in the manner already described. Sometimes, at the head of the bride’s party are two men who carry the utensils and linen used in the bath, upon two round trays, each of which is covered with an embroidered or a plain silk kerchief; also a sakka, who gives water to any of the passengers, if asked; and two other persons, one of whom bears a “kumkum,” or bottle of plain or gilt silver, or of china, containing rose-water, or orange-flower-water, which he occasionally sprinkles on the passengers; and the other, a “mibkhar’ah” (or perfuming-vessel) of silver, with aloes-wood, or some other odoriferous substance, burning in it: but it is seldom that the procession is thus attended. In general, the first persons among the bride’s party are several of her married female relations and friends, walking in pairs; and next, a number of young virgins. The former are dressed in the usual manner, covered with the black silk habarah: the latter have white silk habarahs, or shawls. Then follows the bride, walking under a canopy of silk, of some gay colour, as pink, rose-colour, or yellow, or of two colours composing wide stripes, often rose-colour and yellow. It is carried by four men, by means of a pole at each corner, and is open only in front; and at the top of each of the four poles is attached an embroidered handkerchief. The dress of the bride, during this procession, entirely conceals her person. She is generally covered, from head to foot, with a red Kashmeer shawl; or with a white or yellow shawl, though rarely. Upon her head is placed a small pasteboard cap, or crown. The shawl is placed over this, and conceals from the view of the public the richer articles of her dress, her face, and her jewels, etc., excepting one or two “kussahs”[289] (and sometimes other ornaments), generally of diamonds and emeralds, attached to that part of the shawl which covers her forehead. She is accompanied by two or three of her female relations within the canopy; and often, when in hot weather, a woman, walking backwards before her, is constantly employed in fanning her, with a large fan of black ostrich-feathers, the lower part of the front of which is usually ornamented with a piece of looking-glass. Sometimes one zeffeh, with a single canopy, serves for two brides, who walk side by side. The procession moves very slowly, and generally pursues a circuitous route, for the sake of greater display. On leaving the house, it turns to the right. It is closed by a second party of musicians, similar to the first, or by two or three drummers.

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In the bridal processions of the lower orders, which are often conducted in the same manner as that above described, the women of the party frequently utter, at intervals, those shrill cries of joy called zagháreet, which I have before had occasion to mention; and females of the poorer classes, when merely spectators of a zeffeh, often do the same.

The whole bath is sometimes hired for the bride and her party exclusively. They pass several hours, or seldom less than two, occupied in washing, sporting, and feasting; and frequently “’A′l’mehs” (or female singers) are hired to amuse them in the bath: they then return in the same order in which they came. The expense of the zeffeh falls on the relations of the bride; but the feast is supplied by the bridegroom.

Having returned from the bath to the house of her family, the bride and her companions sup together. If ’A′l’mehs have contributed to the festivity in the bath, they also return with the bride, to renew their concert. Their songs are always on the subject of love, and of the joyous event which occasions their presence. After the company have been thus entertained, a large quantity of henna having been prepared, mixed into a paste, the bride takes a lump of it in her hand, and receives contributions (called “nukoot”) from her guests: each of them sticks a coin (usually of gold) in the henna which she holds upon her hand; and when the lump is closely stuck with these coins, she scrapes it off her hand upon the edge of a basin of water. Having collected in this manner from all her guests, some more henna is applied to her hands and feet, which are then bound with pieces of linen; and in this state they remain until the next morning, when they are found to be sufficiently dyed with its deep orange-red tint. Her guests make use of the remainder of the dye for their own hands. This night is called “Leylet el-Henna,” or “the Night of the Henna.”

It is on this night, and sometimes also during the latter half of the preceding day, that the bridegroom gives his chief entertainment. “Mohabbazeen” (or low farce-players) often perform on this occasion before the house, or, if it be large enough, in the court. The other and more common performances by which the guests are amused have been before mentioned.

On the following day the bride goes in procession to the house of the bridegroom. The procession before described is called “the zeffeh of the bath,” to distinguish it from this, which is the more important, and which is therefore particularly called “Zeffet el-’Arooseh,” or “the Zeffeh of the Bride.” In some cases, to diminish the expenses of the marriage-ceremonies, the bride is conducted privately to the bath, and only honoured with a zeffeh to the bridegroom’s house. This procession is exactly similar to the former. The bride and her party, after breakfasting together, generally set out a little after mid-day. They proceed in the same order, and at the same slow pace, as in the zeffeh of the bath; and, if the house of the bridegroom be near, they follow a circuitous route, through several principal streets, for the sake of display. The ceremony usually occupies three or more hours.

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Sometimes, before bridal processions of this kind, two swordsmen, clad in nothing but their drawers, engage each other in a mock combat; or two peasants cudgel each other with nebboots, or long staves. In the procession of a bride of a wealthy family, any person who has the art of performing some extraordinary feat to amuse the spectators is almost sure of being a welcome assistant, and of receiving a handsome present.[290] When the seyyid ’Omar, the Nakeeb el-Ashráf (or chief of the descendants of the Prophet), who was the main instrument of advancing Mohammad ’Alee to the dignity of Básha of Egypt, married a daughter, about twenty-seven years since, there walked before the procession a young man who had made an incision in his abdomen, and drawn out a large portion of his intestines, which he carried before him on a silver tray. After the procession he restored them to their proper place, and remained in bed many days before he recovered from the effects of this foolish and disgusting act. Another man, on the same occasion, ran a sword through his arm, before the crowding spectators, and then bound over the wound, without withdrawing the sword, several handkerchiefs, which were soaked with the blood. These facts were described to me by an eye-witness. A spectacle of a more singular and more disgusting nature used to be not uncommon on similar occasions, but is now very seldom witnessed.[291] Sometimes, also, “háwees” (or conjurors and sleight-of-hand performers) exhibit a variety of tricks on these occasions. But the most common of all the performances here mentioned are the mock fights. Similar exhibitions are also sometimes witnessed on the occasion of a circumcision.[292]

The bride and her party, having arrived at the bridegroom’s house, sit down to a repast. Her friends, shortly after, take their departure, leaving with her only her mother and sister, or other near female relations, and one or two other women, usually the belláneh. The ensuing night is called “Leylet ed-Dukhleh,” or “the Night of the Entrance.”

The bridegroom sits below. Before sunset, he goes to the bath, and there changes his clothes; or he merely does the latter at home, and, after having supped with a party of his friends, waits till a little before the “’eshë” (or time of the night-prayer), or until the third or fourth hour of the night, when, according to general custom, he should repair to some celebrated mosque, such as that of the Hasaneyn, and there say his prayers. If young, he is generally honoured with a zeffeh on this occasion: he goes to the mosque preceded by musicians with drums and one or more hautboys, and accompanied by a number of friends, and by several men bearing “mesh’als.” The mesh’al is a staff with a cylindrical frame of iron at the top filled with flaming wood, or having two, three, four, or five of these receptacles for fire. The party usually proceeds to the mosque with a quick pace, and without much order. A second group of musicians, with the same instruments, or with drums only, closes the procession. The bridegroom is generally dressed in a kuftán with red stripes, and a red gibbeh, with a Kashmeer shawl of the same colour for his turban; and walks between two friends similarly dressed. The prayers are commonly performed merely as a matter of ceremony; and it is frequently the case that the bridegroom does not pray at all, or prays without having previously performed the wudoó, like memlooks who say their prayers only because they fear their master.[293] The procession returns from the mosque with more order and display, and very slowly; perhaps because it would be considered unbecoming in the bridegroom to hasten home to take possession of his bride. It is headed, as before, by musicians, and two or more bearers of mesh’als. These are generally followed by two men, bearing, by means of a pole resting horizontally upon their shoulders, a hanging frame, to which are attached about sixty or more small lamps, in four circles, one above another, the uppermost of which circles is made to revolve, being turned round occasionally by one of the two bearers. These numerous lamps, and several mesh’als beside those before mentioned, brilliantly illumine the streets through which the procession passes, and produce a remarkably picturesque effect. The bridegroom and his friends and other attendants follow, advancing in the form of an oblong ring, all facing the interior of the ring, and each bearing in his hand one or more wax candles, and sometimes a sprig of henna or some other flower, excepting the bridegroom and the friend on either side of him. These three form the latter part of the ring, which generally consists of twenty or more persons. At frequent intervals the party stops for a few minutes; and during each of these pauses, a boy or man, one of the persons who compose the ring, sings a few words of an epithalamium. The sounds of the drums, and the shrill notes of the hautboy (which the bride hears half an hour or more before the procession arrives at the house), cease during these songs. The train is closed, as in the former case, by a second group of musicians.

In the manner above described, the bridegroom’s zeffeh is most commonly conducted; but there is another mode, that is more respectable, called “zeffeh sádátee,” which signifies “the gentlemen’s zeffeh.” In this, the bridegroom is accompanied by his friends in the same manner as before related, and attended and preceded by men bearing mesh’als, but not by musicians: in the place of these are about six or eight men, who, from their being employed as singers on occasions of this kind, are called “wilád el-läyálee,” or “sons of the nights.” Thus attended, he goes to the mosque; and while he returns slowly thence to his house, the singers above mentioned chant, or rather sing, “muweshshahs” (or lyric odes) in praise of the Prophet. Having returned to the house, these same persons chant portions of the Kur-án, one after another, for the amusement of the guests; then, all together, recite the opening chapter (the Fát’hah); after which one of them sings a “kaseedeh” (or short poem) in praise of the Prophet: lastly, all of them again sing muweshshahs. After having thus performed, they receive “nukoot” (or contributions of money) from the bridegroom and his friends.

Soon after his return from the mosque, the bridegroom leaves his friends in a lower apartment, enjoying their pipes and coffee and sherbet. The bride’s mother and sister, or whatever other female relations were left with her, are above; and the bride herself, and the belláneh, in a separate apartment.[294] If the bridegroom be a youth or young man, it is considered proper that he, as well as the bride, should exhibit some degree of bashfulness: one of his friends, therefore, carries him a part of the way up to the hareem. On entering the bride’s apartment, he gives a present to the belláneh, and she retires. The bride has a shawl thrown over her head; and the bridegroom must give her a present of money, which is called “the price of the uncovering of the face,” before he attempts to remove this, which she does not allow him to do without some apparent reluctance, if not violent resistance, in order to show her maiden modesty. On removing the covering, he says, “In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful;” and then greets her with this compliment: “The night be blessed,” or “—is blessed:” to which she replies, if timidity do not choke her utterance, “God bless thee.” The bridegroom now sees the face of his bride for the first time, and generally finds her nearly what he has been led to expect. He remains with her but a few minutes longer:[295] having satisfied his curiosity respecting her personal charms, he calls to the women (who generally collect at the door, where they wait in anxious suspense) to raise their cries of joy, or zagháreet: and the shrill sounds acquaint the persons below and in the neighbourhood, and often, responded by other women, spread still further the news, that he has acknowledged himself satisfied with his bride: he soon afterwards descends to rejoin his friends, and remains with them an hour, or more, before he returns to his wife. It very seldom happens that the husband, if disappointed in his bride, immediately disgraces and divorces her; in general, he retains her, in this case, a week or more.

Having now described the most usual manner in which the marriages of virgin-brides are conducted in Cairo, I may add a few words on some of the ceremonies observed in other cases of matrimony, both of virgins and of widows or divorced women.

The daughters of the great, generally having baths in their own houses, seldom go to the public bath previously to marriage. A bride of a wealthy family, and her female relations and friends, if there be not a bath in her house, go to the public bath, which is hired for them exclusively, and to the bridegroom’s house, without music or canopy, mounted on asses: the bride herself generally wearing a Kashmeer shawl, in the manner of a habarah.

If the bridegroom or the bride’s family have eunuchs, these ride before the bride; and sometimes a man runs at the head of the procession, crying, “Bless ye the Prophet!” This man, on entering the house, throws down upon the threshold some leaves of the white beet (“salk”), over which the ladies ride. The object of this act is to propitiate fortune. The same man then exclaims, “Assistance from God, and a speedy victory!”[296]

Marriages, among the Egyptians, are sometimes conducted without any pomp or ceremony, even in the case of virgins, by mutual consent of the bridegroom and the bride’s family, or the bride herself; and widows and divorced women are never honoured with a zeffeh on marrying again. The mere sentence, “I give myself up to thee,” uttered by a female to a man who proposes to become her husband (even without the presence of witnesses, if none can easily be procured), renders her his legal wife, if arrived at puberty; and marriages with widows and divorced women, among the Muslims of Egypt, and other Arabs, are sometimes concluded in this simple manner. The dowry of such women is generally one quarter or third or half the amount of that of a virgin.

In Cairo, among persons not of the lowest order, though in very humble life, the marriage ceremonies are conducted in the same manner as among the middle orders. But when the expenses of such zeffehs as I have described cannot by any means be paid, the bride is paraded in a very simple manner, covered with a shawl (generally red), and surrounded by a group of her female relations and friends, dressed in their best, or in borrowed, clothes, and enlivened by no other sounds of joy than their zagháreet, which they repeat at frequent intervals.

The general mode of zeffeh among the inhabitants of the villages is different from those above described. The bride, usually covered with a shawl, is seated on a camel, and so conveyed to the bridegroom’s dwelling. Sometimes four or five women or girls sit with her on the same camel, one on either side of her, and two or three others behind: the seat being made very wide, and usually covered with carpets or other drapery. She is followed by a group of women singing. In the evening of the wedding, and often during several previous evenings, in a village, the male and female friends of the two parties meet at the bridegroom’s house, and pass several hours of the night in the open air, amusing themselves with songs and a rude kind of dance, accompanied by the sounds of a tambourine or some kind of drum: both sexes sing; but only the women dance.—I have introduced here these few words on the marriage-ceremonies of the peasantry to avoid scattering notes on subjects of the same nature. I now revert to the customs of the people of Cairo.

On the morning after the marriage, “khäwals”[297] or “gházeeyehs” (dancing men or girls) perform in the street before the bridegroom’s house, or in the court.[298] On the same morning also, if the bridegroom be a young man, the person who carried him upstairs generally takes him and several friends to an entertainment in the country, where they spend the whole day. This ceremony is called “el-huroobeh,” or the flight. Sometimes the bridegroom himself makes the arrangements for it, and pays part of the expenses, if they exceed the amount of the contributions of his friends; for they give nukoot on this occasion. Musicians and dancing girls are often hired to attend the entertainment. If the bridegroom be a person of the lower orders, he is conducted back in procession, preceded by three or four musicians with drums and hautboys; his friends and other attendants carrying each a nosegay, as in the zeffeh of the preceding night; and if their return be after sunset, they are accompanied by men bearing mesh’als, lamps, etc.; and the friends of the bridegroom carry lighted wax candles, besides the nosegays.[299] Subsequent festivities occasioned by marriage will be described in a later chapter.

The husband, if he can conveniently so arrange, generally prefers that his mother should reside with him and his wife; that she may protect his wife’s honour, and consequently his own also. It is said that the mother-in-law is, for this reason, called “hamah.”[300] The women of Egypt are said to be generally prone to criminal intrigues; and I fear that, in this respect, they are not unjustly accused. Sometimes a husband keeps his wife in the house of her mother, and pays the daily expenses of both. This ought to make the mother very careful with regard to expenditure, and strict as to her daughter’s conduct, lest the latter should be divorced; but it is said that, in this case, she often acts as her daughter’s procuress, and teaches her innumerable tricks, by which to gain the upper hand over her husband, and to drain his purse. The influence of the wife’s mother is also scarcely less feared when she only enjoys occasional opportunities of seeing her daughter: hence it is held more prudent for a man to marry a female who has neither mother nor any near relations of her own sex; and some wives are even prohibited receiving any female friends but those who are relations of the husband: they are very few, however, upon whom such severe restrictions are imposed.

For a person who has become familiar with male Muslim society in Cairo, without marrying, it is not so difficult as might be imagined by a stranger to obtain, directly and indirectly, correct and ample information respecting the condition and habits of the women. Many husbands of the middle classes, and some of the higher orders, freely talk of the affairs of the hareem with one who professes to agree with them in their general moral sentiments, if they have not to converse through the medium of an interpreter.

Though the women have a particular portion of the house allotted to them, the _wives_, in general, are not to be regarded as prisoners; for they are usually at liberty to go out and pay visits, as well as to receive female visitors, almost as often as they please. The slaves, indeed, being subservient to the wives, as well as to their master, or, if subject to the master only, being under an authority almost unlimited, have not that liberty. One of the chief objects of the master in appropriating a distinct suite of apartments to his women, is to prevent their being seen by the male domestics and other men without being covered in the manner prescribed by their religion. The following words of the Kur-án show the necessity under which a Muslim’eh is placed of concealing whatever is attractive in her person or attire from all men, excepting certain relations and some other persons. “And speak unto the believing women, that they restrain their eyes, and preserve their modesty, and discover not their ornaments, except what [necessarily] appeareth thereof: and let them throw their veils over their bosoms, and not show their ornaments, unless to their husbands, or their fathers, or their husbands’ fathers, or their sons, or their husbands’ sons, or their brothers, or their brothers’ sons, or their sisters’ sons, or their women, or those [captives] which their right hands shall possess, or unto such men as attend [them] and have no need [of women], or unto children:” “and let them not make a noise with their feet, that their ornaments which they hide may [thereby] be discovered.”[301] The last passage alludes to the practice of knocking together the anklets which the Arab women in the time of the Prophet used to wear, and which are still worn by many women in Egypt.

I must here transcribe two notes of eminent commentators on the Kur-án, in illustration of the above extract, and inserted in Sale’s translation. This I do, because they would convey an erroneous idea of modern customs with regard to the admission, or non-admission, of certain persons into the hareem. The first is on the above words, “or their women,” which it thus explains:—“That is, such as are of the Mohammadan religion: it being reckoned by some unlawful, or, at least, indecent, for a woman who is a true believer to uncover herself before one who is an infidel; because the latter will hardly refrain from describing her to the men: but others suppose all women in general are here accepted; for, in this particular, doctors differ.” In Egypt, and, I believe, in every other Muslim country, it is not now considered improper for any woman, whether independent, or a servant, or a slave, a Christian, a Jewess, a Muslim’eh, or a pagan, to enter a Muslim’s hareem.—The second of the notes above alluded to is on the words “or those captives,” and is as follows:—“Slaves of either sex are included in this exception, and, as some think, domestic servants who are not slaves, as those of a different nation. It is related that Mohammad once made a present of a man-slave to his daughter Fátimeh; and when he brought him to her, she had on a garment which was so scanty, that she was obliged to leave either her head or her feet uncovered: and that the Prophet, seeing her in great confusion on that account, told her she need be under no concern, for that there was none present but her father and her slave.” Among the Arabs of the Desert, this may still be the case; but in Egypt I have never heard of an instance of an adult male slave being allowed to see the hareem of a respectable man, whether he belonged to that hareem or not, and am assured that it is never permitted. Perhaps the reason why the man-slave of a woman is allowed this privilege by the Kur-án is, because she cannot become his lawful wife as long as he continues her slave: but this is a poor reason for granting him access to the hareem, in such a state of society. It is remarkable that, in the verse of the Kur-án above quoted, uncles are not mentioned as privileged to see their nieces unveiled: some think that they are not admissible, and for this reason, lest they should describe the persons of their nieces to their sons; for it is regarded as highly improper for a man to describe the features or person of a female (as to say, that she has large eyes, a straight nose, small mouth, etc.) to one of his own sex, by whom it is unlawful for her to be seen, though it is not considered indecorous to describe her in general terms, as, for instance, to say, “She is a sweet girl, and set off with kohl and henna.”

It may be mentioned here, as a general rule, that a man is allowed to see unveiled only his own wives and female slaves, and those females whom he is prohibited by law from marrying, on account of their being within certain degrees of consanguinity or family connexion, or having given him suck, or being nearly related to his foster-mother.[302] The high antiquity of the veil has been alluded to in the first chapter of this work. It has also been mentioned that it is considered more necessary, in Egypt, for a woman to cover the upper and back part of her head than her face; and more requisite for her to conceal her face than most other parts of her person. For instance, a female who cannot be persuaded to unveil her face in the presence of men, will think it but little shame to display the whole of her bosom, or the greater part of her leg. There are, it is true, many women among the lower classes in this country who constantly appear in public with unveiled face; but they are almost constrained to do so by the want of a burko’ (or face-veil), and the difficulty of adjusting the tarhah (or head-veil), of which scarcely any woman is destitute, so as to supply the place of the former; particularly when both their hands are occupied in holding some burden which they are carrying upon the head. When a respectable woman is, by any chance, seen with her head or face uncovered by a man who is not entitled to enjoy that privilege, she quickly assumes or adjusts her tarhah, and often exclaims, “O my misfortune!” or “O my sorrow!” Motives of coquetry, however, frequently induce an Egyptian woman to expose her face before a man when she thinks that she may appear to do so unintentionally, or that she may be supposed not to see him. A man may also occasionally enjoy opportunities of seeing the face of an Egyptian lady when she really thinks herself unobserved; sometimes at an open lattice, and sometimes on a house-top. Many small houses in Cairo have no apartment on the ground-floor for the reception of male visitors, who therefore ascend to an upper room; but as they go upstairs they exclaim several times, “Destoor!” (“Permission!”), or “Yá Sátir!” (“O Protector!” that is, “O protecting God!”), or use some similar ejaculation, in order to warn any woman who may happen to be in the way, to retire, or to veil herself; which she does by drawing a part of her tarhah before her face, so as to leave, at most, only one eye visible. To such an absurd pitch do the Muslims carry their feeling of the sacredness of women, that entrance into the _tombs_ of some females is denied to men; as, for instance, the tombs of the Prophet’s wives and other females of his family, in the burial-ground of El-Medeeneh; into which women are freely admitted; and a man and woman they never bury in the same vault, unless a wall separate the bodies. Yet there are among the Egyptians a few persons who are much less particular in this respect: such is one of my Muslim friends here, who generally allows me to see his mother when I call upon him. She is a widow, of about fifty years of age; but, being very fat, and not looking so old, she calls herself forty. She usually comes to the door of the apartment of the hareem, in which I am received (there being no lower apartment in the house for male visitors), and sits there upon the floor, but will never enter the room. Occasionally, and as if by accident, she shows me the whole of her face, with plenty of kohl round her eyes; and does not attempt to conceal her diamonds, emeralds, and other ornaments, but rather the reverse. The wife, however, I am never permitted to see, though once I was allowed to talk to her, in the presence of her husband, round the corner of a passage at the top of the stairs.

I believe that in Egypt the women are generally under less restraint than in any other country of the Turkish empire; so that it is not uncommon to see females of the lower orders flirting and jesting with men in public, and men laying their hands upon them very freely. Still it might be imagined that the women of the higher and middle classes feel themselves severely oppressed, and are much discontented with the state of seclusion to which they are subjected; but this is not commonly the case. On the contrary, an Egyptian wife who is attached to her husband is apt to think, if he allows her unusual liberty, that he neglects her, and does not sufficiently love her; and to envy those wives who are kept and watched with greater strictness.

It is not very common for an Egyptian to have more than one wife, or a concubine-slave, though the law allows him _four_ wives (as I have before stated), and, according to common opinion, as many concubine-slaves as he may choose. But though a man restrict himself to a single wife, he may change as often as he desires; and there are certainly not many persons in Cairo who have not divorced one wife, if they have been long married. The husband may, whenever he pleases, say to his wife, “Thou art divorced;” if it be his wish, whether reasonable or not, she must return to her parents or friends. This liability to an unmerited divorcement is the source of more uneasiness to many wives than all the other troubles to which they are exposed; as they may thereby be reduced to a state of great destitution; but to others, who hope to better their condition, it is, of course, exactly the reverse. I have mentioned, in a former chapter, that a man may divorce his wife twice, and each time receive her again without any ceremony; but that he cannot legally take her again after a third divorce until she has been married and divorced by another man. The consequences of a triple divorce conveyed in one sentence are the same, unless the man and his wife agree to infringe the law, or the former deny his having pronounced the sentence; in which latter case the woman may have much difficulty to enforce his compliance with the law, if she be inclined to do so.