Chapter VI: DOMESTIC LIFE—continued (2)
In illustration of this subject, I may mention a case in which an acquaintance of mine was concerned as a witness of the sentence of divorce. He was sitting in a coffee-shop with two other men, one of whom had just been irritated by something that his wife had said or done. After a short conversation upon this affair, the angry husband sent for his wife, and as soon as she came, said to her, “Thou art trebly divorced;” then addressing his two companions, he added, “You, my brothers, are witnesses.” Shortly after, however, he repented of this act, and wished to take back his divorced wife; but she refused to return to him, and appealed to the “Shara Allah” (or Law of God). The case was tried at the Mahkem′eh. The woman, who was the plaintiff, stated that the defendant was her husband; that he had pronounced against her the sentence of a triple divorce; and that he now wished her to return to him, and live with him as his wife, contrary to the law, and consequently in a state of sin. The defendant denied that he had divorced her. “Have you witnesses?” said the judge to the plaintiff. She answered, “I have here two witnesses.” These were the men who were present in the coffee-shop when the sentence of divorce was pronounced. They were desired to give their evidence, and they stated that the defendant divorced his wife by a triple sentence, in their presence. The defendant averred that she whom he had divorced in the coffee-shop was another wife of his. The plaintiff declared that he had no other wife: but the judge observed to her that it was impossible she could know that; and asked the witnesses what was the name of the woman whom the defendant divorced in their presence? They answered that they were ignorant of her name. They were then asked if they could swear that the plaintiff was the woman who was divorced before them? Their reply was, that they could not swear to a woman whom they had never seen unveiled. Under these circumstances, the judge thought it advisable to dismiss the case, and the woman was obliged to return to her husband. She might have demanded that he should produce the woman whom he professed to have divorced in the coffee-shop, but he would easily have found a woman to play the part he required, as it would not have been necessary for her to show a marriage certificate; marriages being almost always performed in Egypt without any written contract, and sometimes even without witnesses.
It not unfrequently happens that, when a man who has divorced his wife the third time wishes to take her again (she herself consenting to their reunion, and there being no witnesses to the sentence of divorce), he does so without conforming with the offensive law before mentioned. It is also a common custom for a man under similar circumstances to employ a person to marry the divorced woman on the condition of his resigning her, the day after their union, to him, her former husband, whose wife she again becomes, by a second contract; though this is plainly contrary to the spirit of the law. The wife, however, can withhold her consent, unless she is not of age; in which case, her father, or other lawful guardian, may marry her to whom he pleases. A poor man (generally a very ugly person, and often one who is blind) is usually chosen to perform this office. He is termed a “Mustahall,” or “Mustahill,” or a “Mohallil.” It is often the case that the man thus employed is so pleased with the beauty of the woman to whom he is introduced on these terms, or with her riches, that he refuses to give her up; and the law cannot compel him to divorce her, unless he act unjustly towards her as her husband; which of course he takes good care not to do. But a person may employ a mustahall without running this risk. It is the custom of many wealthy Turks, and of some of the people of Egypt, to make use of a slave, generally a black, their own property, to officiate in this character. Sometimes, a slave is purchased for this purpose; or if the person who requires him for such a service be acquainted with a slave-dealer, he asks from the latter a present of a slave, signifying that he will give him back again. The uglier the slave, the better. The Turks generally choose one not arrived at puberty, which the tenets of their sect allow. As soon as the woman has accomplished her “’eddeh” (or the period during which she is obliged to wait before she can marry again), the husband who divorced her, having previously obtained her consent to what he is about to do, introduces the slave to her, and asks her if she will be married to him. She replies that she will. She is accordingly wedded to the slave, in the presence of witnesses, and a dowry is given to her, to make the marriage perfectly legal. The slave consummates the marriage, and thus becomes the woman’s legitimate husband. Immediately after, or on the following morning, her former husband presents this slave to her as her own property, and the moment that she accepts him, her marriage with him becomes dissolved; for it is unlawful for a woman to be the wife of her own slave: though she may emancipate a slave, and _then_ marry him. As soon as her marriage is dissolved by her accepting the gift of the slave, she may give back this slave to her husband: but it seldom happens that the latter will allow a person who has been a mustahall for him to remain in his house. The wife, after this proceeding, may, as soon as she has again accomplished her ’eddeh, become reunited to her former husband, after having been separated from him, by the necessity of her fulfilling two ’eddehs, about half a year, or perhaps more.
That the facility of divorce has depraving effects upon both sexes may be easily imagined. There are many men in this country who, in the course of ten years, have married as many as twenty, thirty, or more wives; and women not far advanced in age who have been wives to a dozen or more men successively. I have heard of men who have been in the habit of marrying a new wife almost every month. A person may do this although possessed of very little property: he may choose, from among the females of the lower orders in the streets of Cairo, a handsome young widow or divorced woman who will consent to become his wife for a dowry of about ten shillings; and when he divorces her, he need not give her more than double that sum to maintain her during her ensuing ’eddeh. It is but just, however, to add that such conduct is generally regarded as very disgraceful; and that few parents in the middle or higher classes will give a daughter in marriage to a man who has divorced many wives.
Polygamy, which is also attended with very injurious effects upon the morals of the husband and the wives, and only to be defended because it serves to prevent a greater immorality than it occasions, is more rare among the higher and middle classes than it is among the lower orders; and it is not very common among the latter. A poor man may indulge himself with two or more wives, each of whom may be able, by some art or occupation, nearly to provide her own subsistence; but most persons of the middle and higher orders are deterred from doing so by the consideration of the expense and discomfort which they would incur. A man having a wife who has the misfortune to be barren, and being too much attached to her to divorce her, is sometimes induced to take a second wife, merely in the hope of obtaining offspring; and from the same motive, he may take a third and a fourth; but fickle passion is the most evident and common motive both to polygamy and repeated divorces. They are comparatively very few who gratify this passion by the former practice. I believe that not more than one husband among twenty has two wives.
When there are two or more wives belonging to one man, the first (that is, the one first married) generally enjoys the highest rank; and is called “the great lady.” Hence it often happens that, when a man who has already one wife wishes to marry another girl or woman, the father of the latter, or the female herself who is sought in marriage, will not consent to the union unless the first wife be previously divorced. The women, of course, do not approve of a man’s marrying more than one wife. Most men of wealth, or of moderate circumstances, and even many men of the lower orders, if they have two or more wives, have, for each, a separate house. The wife has, or can oblige her husband to give her, a particular description of lodging, which is either a separate house, or a suite of apartments (consisting of a room in which to sleep and pass the day, a kitchen, and a latrina) that are, or may be made, separate and shut out from any other apartments in the same house. A fellow-wife is called “durrah.”[303] The quarrels of durrahs are often talked of: for it may be naturally inferred that, when two wives share the affection and attentions of the same man, they are not always on terms of amity with each other; and the same is generally the case with a wife and a concubine-slave living in the same house, and under similar circumstances.[304] If the chief lady be barren, and an inferior, either wife or slave, bear a child to her husband or master, it commonly results that the latter woman becomes a favourite of the man, and that the chief wife or mistress is “despised in her eyes,” as Abraham’s wife was in the eyes of Hagar on the same account.[305] It therefore not very unfrequently happens that the first wife loses her rank and privileges; another becomes the chief lady, and, being the favourite of her husband, is treated by her rival or rivals, and by all the members and visitors of the hareem, with the same degree of outward respect which the first wife previously enjoyed: but sometimes the poisoned cup is employed to remove her. A preference given to a second wife is often the cause of the first’s being registered as “náshizeh,”[306] either on her husband’s or her own application at the Mahkem′eh. Yet many instances are known of neglected wives behaving with exemplary and unfeigned submission to their husband, in such cases, and with amiable good nature towards the favourite.[307]
Some wives have female slaves who are their own property, generally purchased for them, or presented to them, before marriage. These cannot be the husband’s concubines without their mistress’s permission, which is sometimes granted (as it was in the case of Hagar, Sarah’s bondwoman); but very seldom. Often, the wife will not even allow her female slave or slaves to appear unveiled in the presence of her husband. Should such a slave, without the permission of her mistress, become the concubine of the husband, and bear him a child, the child is a slave, unless, prior to its birth, the mother be sold, or presented, to the father.
The white female slaves are mostly in the possession of wealthy Turks. The concubine-slaves[308] in the houses of Egyptians of the higher and middle classes are, generally, Abyssinians, of a deep brown or bronze complexion. In their features, as well as their complexions, they appear an intermediate race between the negroes and white people: but the difference between them and either of the above-mentioned races is considerable. They themselves, however, think that they differ so little from the white people, that they cannot be persuaded to act as servants, with due obedience, to their master’s wives; and the black (or negro) slave-girl feels exactly in the same manner towards the Abyssinian; but is perfectly willing to serve the white ladies. I should here mention, that the slaves who are termed Abyssinians are not from the country properly called Abyssinia, but from the neighbouring territories of the Gallas. Most of them are handsome. The average price of one of these girls is from ten to fifteen pounds sterling, if moderately handsome; but this is only about half the sum that used to be given for one a few years ago. They are much esteemed by the voluptuaries of Egypt; but are of delicate constitution: many of them die, in this country, of consumption. The price of a white slave-girl is usually from treble to tenfold that of an Abyssinian; and the price of a black girl, about half or two-thirds, or considerably more if well instructed in the art of cookery. The black slaves are generally employed as menials.[309]
Almost all of the slaves become converts to the faith of El-Islám; but, in general, they are little instructed in the rites of their new religion; and still less in its doctrines. Most of the white female slaves who were in Egypt during my former visit to this country were Greeks; vast numbers of that unfortunate people having been made prisoners by the Turkish and Egyptian army under Ibráheem Básha; and many of them, males and females, including even infants scarcely able to walk, sent to Egypt to be sold. Latterly, from the impoverishment of the higher classes in this country, the demand for white slaves has been small. A few, some of whom undergo a kind of preparatory education (being instructed in music or other accomplishments, at Constantinople), are brought from Circassia and Georgia. The white slaves, being often the only female companions, and sometimes the wives, of the Turkish grandees, and being generally preferred by them before the free ladies of Egypt, hold a higher rank than the latter in common opinion. They are richly dressed, presented with valuable ornaments, indulged, frequently, with almost every luxury that can be procured, and, when it is not their lot to wait upon others, may, in some cases, be happy: as lately has been proved, since the termination of the war in Greece, by many females of that country, captives in Egyptian hareems, refusing their offered liberty, which all of these cannot be supposed to have done from ignorance of the state of their parents and other relations, or the fear of exposing themselves to poverty. But, though some of them are undoubtedly happy, at least for a time, their number is comparatively small: most are fated to wait upon more favoured fellow-prisoners, or upon Turkish ladies, or to receive the unwelcome caresses of a wealthy dotard, or of a man who has impaired his body and mind by excesses of every kind; and, when their master or mistress becomes tired of them, or dies, are sold again (if they have not borne children), or emancipated, and married to some person in humble life, who can afford them but few of the comforts to which they have been accustomed. The female slaves in the houses of persons of the middle classes in Egypt are generally more comfortably circumstanced than those in the hareems of the wealthy: if concubines, they are, in most cases, without rivals to disturb their peace; and if menials, their service is light, and they are under less restraint. Often, indeed, if mutual attachment subsist between her and her master, the situation of a concubine-slave is more fortunate than that of a wife: for the latter may be cast off by her husband in a moment of anger, by an irrevocable sentence of divorce, and reduced to a state of poverty; whereas a man very seldom dismisses a female slave without providing for her in such a manner that, if she have not been used to luxuries, she suffers but little, if at all, by the change: this he generally does by emancipating her, giving her a dowry, and marrying her to some person of honest reputation; or by presenting her to a friend. I have already mentioned, that a master cannot sell nor give away a slave who has borne him a child, if he acknowledge it to be his own; and that she is entitled to her freedom on his death. It often happens that such a slave, immediately after the birth of her child, is emancipated, and becomes her master’s wife: when she has become free, she can no longer lawfully supply the place of a wife unless he marry her. Many persons consider it disgraceful even to sell a female slave who has been long in their service. Most of the Abyssinian and black slave-girls are abominably corrupted by the Gellábs, or slave-traders, of Upper Egypt and Nubia, by whom they are brought from their native countries: there are very few of the age of eight or nine years who have not suffered brutal violence; and so severely do these children, particularly the Abyssinians, and boys as well as girls, feel the treatment which they endure from the Gellábs, that many instances occur of their drowning themselves during the voyage down the Nile.[310] The female slaves of every class are somewhat dearer than the males of the same age. Those who have not had the small-pox are usually sold for less than the others. Three days’ trial is generally allowed to the purchaser; during which time, the girl remains in his, or some friend’s, hareem; and the women make their report to him. Snoring, grinding the teeth, or talking during sleep, are commonly considered sufficient reasons for returning her to the dealer.—The dresses of the female slaves are similar to those of the Egyptian women.
The female servants, who are Egyptian girls or women, are those to whom the lowest occupations are allotted. They generally veil their faces in the presence of their masters, with the head-veil; drawing a part of this before the face, so that they leave only one eye and one hand at liberty to see and perform what they have to do. When a male visitor is received by the master of a house in an apartment of the hareem (the females of the family having been sent into another apartment on the occasion), he is usually, or often, waited upon by a female servant, who is always veiled.
Such are the relative conditions of the various classes in the hareem. A short account of their usual habits and employments must be added.
The wives, as well as the female slaves, are not only often debarred from the privilege of eating with the master of the family, but also required to wait upon him when he dines or sups, or even takes his pipe and coffee in the hareem. They frequently serve him as menials; fill and light his pipe, make coffee for him, and prepare his food, or, at least, certain dainty dishes; and if I might judge from my own experience, I should say that most of them are excellent cooks; for, when a dish has been recommended to me because made by the wife of my host, I have generally found it especially good. The wives of men of the higher and middle classes make a great study of pleasing and fascinating their husbands by unremitted attentions, and by various arts. Their coquetry is exhibited, even in their ordinary gait, when they go abroad, by a peculiar twisting of the body.[311] In the presence of the husband, they are usually under more or less restraint; and hence they are better pleased when his visits, during the day, are not very frequent or long: in his absence, they often indulge in noisy merriment.
The diet of the women is similar to that of the men, but more frugal; and their manner of eating is the same. Many of them are allowed to enjoy the luxury of smoking; for this habit is not considered unbecoming in a female, however high her rank; the odour of the finer kinds of the tobacco used in Egypt being very delicate. Their pipes are generally more slender than those of the men, and more ornamented; and the mouth-piece is sometimes partly composed of coral, in the place of amber. They generally make use of perfumes, such as musk, civet, etc., and often, also, of cosmetics, and particularly of several preparations which they eat or drink with the view of acquiring what they esteem a proper degree of plumpness:[312] one of these preparations is extremely disgusting; being chiefly composed of mashed beetles.[313] Many of them also have a habit of chewing frankincense, and labdanum, which impart a perfume to the breath. The habit of frequent ablutions renders them cleanly in person. They spend but little time in the operations of the toilet; and, after having dressed themselves in the morning, seldom change their clothes during the day. Their hair is generally braided in the bath; and not undone afterwards for several days.
The care of their children is the primary occupation of the ladies of Egypt: they are also charged with the superintendence of domestic affairs; but, in most families, the husband alone attends to the household expenses. Their leisure-hours are mostly spent in working with the needle; particularly in embroidering handkerchiefs, head-veils, etc., upon a frame called “menseg,” with coloured silks and gold. Many women, even in the houses of the wealthy, replenish their private purses by ornamenting handkerchiefs and other things in this manner, and employing a “delláleh” (or female broker) to take them to the market, or to other hareems, for sale. The visit of one hareem to another often occupies nearly a whole day. Eating, smoking, drinking coffee and sherbet, gossiping, and displaying their finery, are sufficient amusements to the company. On such occasions, the master of the house is never allowed to enter the hareem, unless on some particular and unavoidable business; and in this case, he must give notice of his approach, and let the visitors have sufficient time to veil themselves, or to retire to an adjoining room. Being thus under no fear of his sudden intrusion, and being naturally of a lively and an unreserved disposition, they indulge in easy gaiety, and not unfrequently in youthful frolic. When their usual subjects of conversation are exhausted, sometimes one of the party entertains the rest with the recital of some wonderful or facetious tale. The Egyptian ladies are very seldom instructed either in music or dancing; but they take great delight in the performances of professional musicians and public dancers; and often amuse themselves and their guests, in the absence of better performers and better instruments, by beating the “darabukkeh” (which is a kind of drum) and the “tár” (or tambourine); though seldom in houses so situated that many passengers might hear the sounds of festivity. On the occasion of any great rejoicing among the women (such as takes place on account of the birth of a son, or the celebration of a circumcision, or a wedding, etc.), “’A′l’mehs” (or professional female singers) are often introduced; but not for the mere amusement of the women, on common occasions, in any respectable family; for this would be considered indecorous. The “Gházeeyehs” (or public dancing-girls), who exhibit in the streets with unveiled faces, are very seldom admitted into a hareem; but on such occasions as those above mentioned, they often perform in front of the house, or in the court; though, by many persons, even this is not deemed strictly proper. The “A′látees” (or male musicians) are never hired exclusively for the amusement of the women; but chiefly for that of the men: they always perform in the assembly of the latter: their concert, however, is distinctly heard by the inmates of the hareem.
When the women of the higher or middle classes go out to pay a visit, or for any other purpose, they generally ride upon asses. They sit astride, upon a very high and broad saddle, which is covered with a small carpet; and each is attended by a man on one or on each side. Generally, all the women of a hareem ride out together; one behind another. Mounted as above described, they present a very singular appearance. Being raised so high above the back of the “homár ’álee” (or the “high ass”—for so the animal which they ride, furnished with the high saddle, is commonly called[314]), they seem very insecurely seated; but I believe this is not really the case: the ass is well girthed, and sure-footed; and proceeds with a slow, ambling pace, and very easy motion. The ladies of the highest rank, as well as those of the middling classes, ride asses, thus equipped: they are very seldom seen upon mules or horses. The asses are generally hired. When a lady cannot procure a homár ’álee, she rides one of the asses equipped for the use of the men; but has a “seggádeh” (or prayer-carpet) placed over its saddle; and the inferior members of the hareem, and females of the middle orders, often do the same. Ladies never walk abroad, unless they have to go but a very short distance. They have a slow and shuffling gait, owing to the difficulty of retaining the slippers upon their feet; and, in walking, they always hold the front edges of the habarah in the manner represented in the engraving in page 38 in this volume. Whether walking or riding, they are regarded with much respect in public: no well-bred man stares at them; but rather directs his eyes another way. They are never seen abroad at night, if not compelled to go out or return at that time by some pressing and extraordinary necessity: it is their usual rule to return from paying a visit before sunset. The ladies of the higher orders never go to a shop, but send for whatever they want; and there are numerous dellálehs who have access to the hareems, and bring all kinds of ornaments, articles of female apparel, etc., for sale. Nor do these ladies, in general, visit the public bath, unless invited to accompany thither some of their friends; for most of them have baths in their own houses.
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Footnote 274:
The term “hareem” (which, as before mentioned, is applied both to the
females of a family and to the apartments which they occupy) signifies
_prohibited_, _sacred_, etc. The Turks, and many of the Arabs, use the
synonymous Arabic term “haram,” which the former pronounce “harem.”
Footnote 275:
They are often betrothed two or three or more years earlier.
Footnote 276:
Abraham’s sending a messenger to his own country to seek a wife for
his son Isaac (see Genesis xxiv.) was just such a measure as most
modern Arabs would adopt under similar circumstances, if easily
practicable.
Footnote 277:
See Genesis xxix. 26.
Footnote 278:
It is a common belief in Egypt, that, if any one makes a
marriage-contract in the month of Moharram, the marriage will be
unhappy, and soon dissolved: wherefore, few persons do so. The most
propitious period is the month of Showwál.
Footnote 279:
This appellation is commonly given to a schoolmaster. See a note in
page 48.
Footnote 280:
If the bride be not a virgin, a word importing this is substituted;
namely, “seyyib,” or, more properly, “theyyib.”
Footnote 281:
Among the peasants, however, the father, or other lawful guardian of
the bride, receives the dowry, and gives nothing in return but the
girl, and sometimes a little corn, etc. The bridegroom, in this case,
supplies everything; even the dress of the bride.
Footnote 282:
Burckhardt has erred in stating that _Monday_ and Thursday are the
days on which the ceremonies _immediately previous_ to the
marriage-night are performed, he should have said _Sunday_ and
Thursday. He has also fallen into some other errors in the account
which he has given of the marriage ceremonies of the Egyptians, in the
illustrations of his “Arabic Proverbs” (pp. 112-118). To mention this
I feel to be a duty to myself; but one which I perform with
reluctance, and not without the fear that Burckhardt’s just reputation
for general accuracy may make my reader think that he is right in
these cases, and that I am wrong. I write these words in Cairo, with
his book before me, and after sufficient experience and inquiries.
Footnote 283:
The lantern here represented, which is constructed of wood, and
painted green, red, white, and blue, is called “tureiya” (the Arabic
name of the Pleiades), and, together with the frame above, from which
six lamps are suspended, and which is termed “khátim Suleymán” (or
Solomon’s seal), composes what is called a “heml kanádeel.”
Footnote 284:
These entertainments I do not here particularly describe, as it is my
intention to devote the whole of a subsequent chapter to the subject
of private festivities. The “khatmeh” is the recitation of the whole
of the Kur-án; and the “zikr,” the repetition of the name of God, or
of the profession of his unity, etc.; I shall have occasion to speak
of both more fully in another chapter, on the periodical public
festivals.
Footnote 285:
From the verb ‘adna,’ “he brought,” etc.
Footnote 286:
These cries of the women, which are heard on various occasions of
rejoicing in Egypt and other Eastern countries, are produced by a
sharp utterance of the voice, accompanied by a quick, tremulous motion
of the tongue.
Footnote 287:
I have once seen this “zeffeh,” or procession, and a second which will
be described hereafter, go forth much later, and return an hour after
sunset.
Footnote 288:
The music is generally of a very rude kind; and the airs usually
played are those of popular songs; specimens of which will be found in
this work.
Footnote 289:
For a description of these ornaments, see the Appendix.
Footnote 290:
One of the most common of the feats witnessed on such an occasion is
the performance of a laborious task by a water-carrier, termed a
“keiyim,” who, for the sake of a present, and this empty title,
carries a water-skin filled with sand and water, of greater weight,
and for a longer period, than any of his brethren will venture to do;
and this he must accomplish without ever sitting down, except in a
crouching position, to rest. In the case of a bridal procession which
I lately witnessed, the keiyim began to carry his burden, a skin of
sand and water weighing about two hundred pounds, at sunset of the
preceding day; bore it the whole night, and the ensuing day, before
and during the procession, and continued to do so till sunset.
Footnote 291:
A correct description of this is given in Burckhardt’s “Arabic
Proverbs,” pp. 115, 116.
Footnote 292:
Grand zeffehs are sometimes accompanied by a number of cars, each
bearing a group of persons of some manufacture or trade performing the
usual work of their craft; even such as builders, white-washers, etc.;
including members of all, or almost all, the arts and manufactures
practised in the metropolis.
Footnote 293:
Hence this kind of prayer is called “salah memáleekeeyeh,” or “the
prayer of memlooks.”
Footnote 294:
Sometimes, when the parties are persons of wealth, the bride is
displayed before the bridegroom in different dresses, to the number of
seven.
Footnote 295:
I beg to refer the reader, if he desire further details on this
subject, to page 117 of Burckhardt’s “Arabic Proverbs.” His account
might have been more complete; but he seems to have studied to be
particularly concise in this case.
Footnote 296:
Kur-án, chap. lxi., ver. 13.
Footnote 297:
A khäwal is also called “gháïsh”; plural, “gheeyásh.”
Footnote 298:
This performance is called the bride’s “sabáheeyeh.”
Footnote 299:
Among the peasants of Upper Egypt, the relations and acquaintances of
the bridegroom and bride meet together on the day after the marriage;
and while a number of the men clap their hands, as an accompaniment to
a tambourine or two, and any other instruments that can be procured,
the bride dances before them for a short time. She has a head-veil
reaching to her heels, and a printed cotton handkerchief completely
covering her face, and wears, externally, the most remarkable of her
bridal garments (mentioned by Burckhardt, in the place before referred
to, and, in some parts of Egypt, hung over the door of a peasant’s
house after marriage). Other women, similarly veiled, and dressed in
their best, or borrowed, clothes, continue the dance about two hours,
or more.
Footnote 300:
Thus commonly pronounced, for “hamáh,” a word derived from the verb
“hama,” “he protected, or guarded.”
Footnote 301:
Chap. xxiv. ver. 31.
Footnote 302:
See the chapter on Religion and Laws. Eunuchs are allowed to see the
face of any woman; so also are young boys.
Footnote 303:
Commonly thus pronounced (or rather “durrah,” with a soft _d_) for
“darrah”; originally, perhaps, by way of a pun; as “durrah” is a
common name for a _parrot_.
Footnote 304:
The law enjoins a husband who has two or more wives, to be strictly
impartial to them in every respect; but compliance with its dictates
in this matter is rare.
Footnote 305:
See Genesis xvi. 4.
Footnote 306:
This has been explained in the 3rd chapter, page 88.
Footnote 307:
In general, the most beautiful of a man’s wives or slaves is, of
course, for a time, his greatest favourite; but in many (if not most)
cases, the lasting favourite is not the most handsome. The love of a
Muslim, therefore, is not always merely sensual; nor does the relative
condition and comfort of his wife, or of each of his wives, invariably
depend so much on his caprice or her own personal charms, as on her
general conduct and disposition.
Footnote 308:
A Muslim cannot take as a concubine a slave who is an idolatress.
Footnote 309:
The white female slave is called “Gáriyeh Beyda;” the Abyssinian,
“Gáriyeh Habasheeyeh;” and the black, “Gáriyeh Sóda.”
Footnote 310:
The Gellábs generally convey their slaves partly over the desert and
partly down the river.
Footnote 311:
The motion here described they term “ghung.”
Footnote 312:
The Egyptians (unlike the Maghrab′ees, and some other people of Africa
and of the East) do not generally admire very fat women. In his
love-songs, the Egyptian commonly describes the object of his
affections as of slender figure and small waist.
Footnote 313:
I observed here,—“It would seem that these insects were eaten by the
Jews (see Leviticus xi. 22); but we cannot suppose that they derived
this custom from the Egyptians, who regarded the beetle as sacred.”—A
learned friend, however, has informed me, that the word rendered
“beetle” in our version of the passage of Scripture which occasioned
this remark properly signifies a kind of locust.
Footnote 314:
It is also called “homár mughattee” (covered ass).
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An account of the manners and customs of the modern EgyptiansChapter VI: DOMESTIC LIFE—continued (2)
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