Chapter XXIX: Part III: Selections for Reading (1)

PROSE.

INTRODUCTORY.

I. #The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.#

This famous work, a series of progressive annals by unknown hands, embraces a period extending from Cæsar's invasion of England to 1154. It is not known when or where these annals began to be recorded in English.

"The annals from the year 866--that of Ethelred's ascent of the throne--to the year 887 seem to be the work of one mind. Not a single year is passed over, and to several is granted considerable space, especially to the years 871, 878, and 885. The whole has gained a certain roundness and fulness, because the events--nearly all of them episodes in the ever-recurring conflict with the Danes--are taken in their connection, and the thread dropped in one year is resumed in the next. Not only is the style in itself concise; it has a sort of nervous severity and pithy rigor. The construction is often antiquated, and suggests at times the freedom of poetry; though this purely historical prose is far removed from poetry in profusion of language." (Ten Brink, _Early Eng. Lit._, I.)

II. #The Translations of Alfred.#

Alfred's reign (871-901) may be divided into four periods. The _first_, the period of Danish invasion, extends from 871 to 881; the _second_, the period of comparative quiet, from 881 to 893; the _third_, the period of renewed strife (beginning with the incursions of Hasting), from 893 to 897; the _fourth_, the period of peace, from 897 to 901. His literary work probably falls in the second period.[A]

The works translated by Alfred from Latin into the vernacular were (1) _Consolation of Philosophy_ (_De Consolatione Philosophiae_) by Boëthius (475-525), (2) _Compendious History of the World_ (_Historiarum Libri VII_) by Orosius (c. 418), (3) _Ecclesiastical History of the English_ (_Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum_) by Bede (672-735), and (4) _Pastoral Care_ (_De Cura Pastorali_) by Pope Gregory the Great (540-604).

The chronological sequence of these works is wholly unknown. That
given is supported by Turner, Arend, Morley, Grein, and Pauli.
Wülker argues for an exact reversal of this order. According to
Ten Brink, the order was more probably (1) _Orosius_, (2) _Bede_,
(3) _Boëthius_, and (4) _Pastoral Care_. The most recent
contribution to the subject is from Wülfing, who contends for
(1) _Bede_, (2) _Orosius_, (3) _Pastoral Care_, and (4) _Boëthius_.

[Footnote A: There is something inexpressibly touching in this
clause from the great king's pen: gif wê ðâ stilnesse habbað. He
is speaking of how much he hopes to do, by his translations, for
the enlightenment of his people.]

I. THE BATTLE OF ASHDOWN.

[From the _Chronicle_, Parker MS. The event and date are
significant. The Danes had for the first time invaded Wessex.
Alfred's older brother, Ethelred, was king; but to Alfred belongs
the glory of the victory at Ashdown (Berkshire). Asser (_Life of
Alfred_) tells us that for a long time Ethelred remained praying
in his tent, while Alfred and his followers went forth "like a
wild boar against the hounds."]

[[page 99]]

1 871. Hêr cuôm[1] sê here tô Rêadingum on Westseaxe,
2 ond þæs ymb iii niht ridon ii eorlas ûp. Þa gemêtte hîe

[[page 100]]

1 Æþelwulf aldorman[2] on Englafelda, ond him þæ:r wiþ gefeaht,
2 ond sige nam. Þæs ymb iiii niht Æþered cyning
3 ond Ælfred his brôþur[3] þæ:r micle fierd tô Rêadingum
4 gelæ:ddon, ond wiþ þone here gefuhton; ond þæ:r wæs
5 micel wæl geslægen on gehwæþre hond, ond Æþelwulf
6 aldormon wearþ ofslægen; ond þa Deniscan âhton wælstôwe
7 gewald.

8 Ond þæs ymb iiii niht gefeaht Æþered cyning ond
9 Ælfred his brôþur wiþ alne[4] þone here on Æscesdûne.
10 Ond hîe wæ:run[5] on twæ:m gefylcum: on ôþrum wæs
11 Bâchsecg ond Halfdene þâ hæ:þnan cyningas, ond on
12 ôþrum wæ:ron þâ eorlas. Ond þâ gefeaht sê cyning
13 Æþered wiþ þâra cyninga getruman, ond þæ:r wearþ sê
14 cyning Bâgsecg ofslægen; ond Ælfred his brôþur wiþ
15 þâra eorla getruman, ond þæ:r wearþ Sidroc eorl ofslægen
16 sê alda,[6] ond Sidroc eorl sê gioncga,[7] ond Ôsbearn eorl,
17 ond Fræ:na eorl, ond Hareld eorl; ond þâ hergas[8] bêgen
18 geflîemde, ond fela þûsenda ofslægenra, ond onfeohtende
19 wæ:ron oþ niht.

20 Ond þæs ymb xiiii niht gefeaht Æþered cyning ond
21 Ælfred his brôður wiþ þone here æt Basengum, ond þæ:r
22 þa Deniscan sige nâmon.

23 Ond þæs ymb ii mônaþ gefeaht Æþered cyning ond
24 Ælfred his brôþur wiþ þone here æt Meretûne, ond hîe
25 wæ:run on tuæ:m[9] gefylcium, ond hîe bûtû geflîemdon, ond
26 longe on dæg sige âhton; ond þæ:r wearþ micel wælsliht
27 on gehwæþere hond; ond þâ Deniscan âhton wælstôwe

[[page 101]]

1 gewald; ond þær wearþ Hêahmund bisceop ofslægen,
2 ond fela gôdra monna. Ond æfter þissum gefeohte cuôm[1]
3 micel sumorlida.

4 Ond þæs ofer Êastron gefôr Æþered cyning; ond hê
5 rîcsode v gêar; ond his lîc lîþ æt Wînburnan.

6 Þâ fêng Ælfred Æþelwulfing his brôþur tô Wesseaxna
7 rîce. Ond þæs ymb ânne mônaþ gefeaht Ælfred cyning
8 wiþ alne[4] þone here ly:tle werede[10] æt Wiltûne, ond hine
9 longe on dæg geflîemde, ond þâ Deniscan âhton wælstôwe
10 gewald.

11 Ond þæs gêares wurdon viiii folcgefeoht gefohten wiþ
12 þone here on þy: cynerîce be sûþan Temese, bûtan þâm þe
13 him Ælfred þæs cyninges brôþur ond ânlîpig aldormon[2] ond
14 cyninges þegnas oft râde onridon þe mon nâ ne rîmde;
15 ond þæs gêares wæ:run[5] ofslægene viiii eorlas ond ân cyning.
16 Ond þy: gêare nâmon Westseaxe friþ wiþ þone here.

CONSULT GLOSSARY AND PARADIGMS UNDER FORMS GIVEN BELOW.

No note is made of such variants as y (y:) or i (î) for ie (îe). See Glossary under ie (îe); occurrences, also, of #and# for #ond#, #land# for #lond#, are found on almost every page of Early West Saxon. Such words should be sought for under the more common forms, #ond#, #lond#.

[1] = cwôm.
[2] = ealdormon.
[3] = brôþor.
[4] = ealne.
[5] = wæ:ron.
[6] = ealda.
[7] = geonga.
[8] = heras.
[9] = twæ:m.
[10] = werode.

[Linenotes:

100.8. #gefeaht#. Notice that the singular is used. This is the
more common construction in O.E. when a compound subject,
composed of singular members, follows its predicate. Cf. _For
thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory_. See also
p. 107, note on #wæs#.] [[Linenote 107.14-15]]

100.18. #ond fela þûsenda ofslægenra#, _and there were many
thousands of slain_ (§ 91).

101.12: #bûtan þâm þe#, etc., _besides which, Alfred ... made
raids against them_ (#him#), _which were not counted_. See § 70,
Note.]

II. A PRAYER OF KING ALFRED.

[With this characteristic prayer, Alfred concludes his translation
of Boëthius's _Consolation of Philosophy_. Unfortunately, the only
extant MS. (Bodleian 180) is Late West Saxon. I follow, therefore,
Prof. A. S. Cook's normalization on an Early West Saxon basis. See
Cook's _First Book in Old English_, p. 163.]

[[page 102]]

1 Dryhten, ælmihtiga God, Wyrhta and Wealdend ealra
2 gesceafta, ic bidde ðê for ðînre miclan mildheortnesse,
3 and for ðæ:re hâlgan rôde tâcne, and for Sanctæ Marian
4 mægðhâde, and for Sancti Michaeles gehîersumnesse, and
5 for ealra ðînra hâlgena lufan and hîera earnungum, ðæt
6 ðû mê gewissie bet ðonne ic âworhte tô ðê; and gewissa
7 mê tô ðînum willan, and tô mînre sâwle ðearfe, bet ðonne
8 ic self cunne; and gestaðela mîn môd tô ðinum willan and
9 tô mînre sâwle ðearfe; and gestranga mê wið ðæs dêofles
10 costnungum; and âfierr fram mê ðâ fûlan gâlnesse and
11 æ:lce unrihtwîsnesse; and gescield mê wið mînum wiðerwinnum,
12 gesewenlîcum and ungesewenlîcum; and tæ:c mê
13 ðînne willan tô wyrceanne; ðæt ic mæge ðê inweardlîce
14 lufian tôforan eallum ðingum, mid clæ:num geðance and
15 mid clæ:num lîchaman. For ðon ðe ðû eart mîn Scieppend,
16 and mîn Alîesend, mîn Fultum, mîn Frôfor, mîn Trêownes,
17 and mîn Tôhopa. Sîe ðê lof and wuldor nû and
18 â â â, tô worulde bûtan æ:ghwilcum ende. Amen.

[Linenotes:

3-4: #Marian ... Michaeles#. O.E. is inconsistent in the
treatment of foreign names. They are sometimes naturalized, and
sometimes retain in part their original inflections. #Marian#,
an original accusative, is here used as a genitive; while
#Michaeles# has the O.E. genitive ending.

17: #Sîe ðê lof#. See § 105, 1.]

III. THE VOYAGES OF OHTHERE AND WULFSTAN.

[Lauderdale and Cottonian MSS. These voyages are an original
insertion by Alfred into his translation of Orosius's _Compendious
History of the World_.

"They consist," says Ten Brink, "of a complete description of all
the countries in which the Teutonic tongue prevailed at Alfred's
time, and a full narrative of the travels of two voyagers, which
the king wrote down from their own lips. One of these, a Norwegian
named Ohthere, had quite circumnavigated the coast of Scandinavia
in his travels, and had even penetrated to the White Sea; the
other, named Wulfstan, had sailed from Schleswig to Frische Haff.
The geographical and ethnographical details of both accounts are
exceedingly interesting, and their style is attractive, clear, and
concrete."

Ohthere made two voyages. Sailing first northward along the
western coast of Norway, he rounded the North Cape, passed into
the White Sea, and entered the Dwina River (#ân micel êa#). On his
second voyage he sailed southward along the western coast of
Norway, entered the Skager Rack (#wîdsæ:#), passed through the
Cattegat, and anchored at the Danish port of Haddeby (#æt Hæ:þum#),
modern Schleswig.

Wulfstan sailed only in the Baltic Sea. His voyage of seven days
from Schleswig brought him to Drausen (#Trûsô#) on the shore of
the Drausensea.]

[[page 103]]

#Ohthere's First Voyage.#

1 Ôthere sæ:de his hlâforde, Ælfrede cyninge, þæt hê
2 ealra Norðmonna norþmest bûde. Hê cwæð þæt hê bûde
3 on þæ:m lande norþweardum wiþ þâ Westsæ. Hê sæ:de
4 þêah þæt þæt land sîe swîþe lang norþ þonan; ac hit is
5 eal wêste, bûton on fêawum stôwum styccemælum wîciað
6 Finnas, on huntoðe on wintra, ond on sumera on fiscaþe
7 be þæ:re sæ:. Hê sæ:de þæt hê æt sumum cirre wolde
8 fandian hû longe þæt land norþryhte læ:ge, oþþe hwæðer
9 æ:nig mon be norðan þæ:m wêstenne bûde. Þâ fôr hê
10 norþryhte be þæ:m lande: lêt him ealne weg þæt wêste
11 land on ðæt stêorbord, ond þâ wîdsæ: on ðæt bæcbord þrîe
12 dagas. Þâ wæs hê swâ feor norþ swâ þâ hwælhuntan
13 firrest faraþ. Þâ fôr hê þâ gîet norþryhte swâ feor swâ
14 hê meahte on þæ:m ôþrum þrîm dagum gesiglan. Þâ bêag
15 þæt land þæ:r êastryhte, oþþe sêo sæ: in on ðæt lond, hê
16 nysse hwæðer, bûton hê wisse ðæt hê ðæ:r bâd westanwindes
17 ond hwôn norþan, ond siglde ðâ êast be lande
18 swâ swâ hê meahte on fêower dagum gesiglan. Þâ
19 sceolde hê ðæ:r bîdan ryhtnorþanwindes, for ðæ:m þæt
20 land bêag þæ:r sûþryhte, oþþe sêo sæ: in on ðæt land, hê
21 nysse hwæþer. Þâ siglde hê þonan sûðryhte be lande

[[page 104]]

1 swâ swâ hê mehte[1] on fîf dagum gesiglan. Ðâ læg þæ:r
2 ân micel êa ûp in on þæt land. Þâ cirdon hîe ûp in on
3 ðâ êa, for þæ:m hîe ne dorston forþ bî þæ:re êa siglan for
4 unfriþe; for þæ:m ðæt land wæs eall gebûn on ôþre healfe
5 þæ:re êas. Ne mêtte hê æ:r nân gebûn land, siþþan hê
6 from his âgnum hâm fôr; ac him wæs ealne weg wêste
7 land on þæt stêorbord, bûtan fiscerum ond fugelerum ônd
8 huntum, ond þæt wæ:ron eall Finnas; ond him wæs â
9 wîdsæ: on ðæt bæcbord. Þâ Beormas hæfdon swîþe wel
10 gebûd hira land: ac hîe ne dorston þæ:r on cuman. Ac
11 þâra Terfinna land wæs eal wêste, bûton ðæ:r huntan
12 gewîcodon, oþþe fisceras, oþþe fugeleras.

[1] = meahte, mihte.

[Linenotes:

104.6: #from his âgnum hâm#. An adverbial dative singular
without an inflectional ending is found with #hâm#, #dæg#,
#morgen#, and #æ:fen#.

104.8: #ond þæt wæ:ron#. See § 40, Note 3.]

13 Fela spella him sæ:don þâ Beormas æ:gþer ge of hiera
14 âgnum lande ge of þæ:m landum þe ymb hîe ûtan wæ:ron;
15 ac hê nyste hwæt þæs sôþes wæs, for þæ:m hê hit self ne
16 geseah. Þâ Finnas, him þûhte, ond þâ Beormas spræ:con
17 nêah ân geþêode. Swîþost hê fôr ðider, tô êacan þæs
18 landes scêawunge, for þæ:m horshwælum, for ðæ:m hîe
19 habbað swîþe æþele bân on hiora[2] tôþum--þâ têð hîe brôhton
20 sume þæ:m cyninge--ond hiora hy:d bið swîðe gôd tô
21 sciprâpum. Sê hwæl bið micle læ:ssa þonne ôðre hwalas:
22 ne bið hê lengra ðonne syfan[3] elna lang; ac on his âgnum
23 lande is sê betsta hwælhuntað: þâ bêoð eahta and fêowertiges
24 elna lange, and þâ mæ:stan fîftiges elna lange;
25 þâra hê sæ:de þæt hê syxa sum ofslôge syxtig on twâm
26 dagum.

[2] = hiera.
[3] = seofon.

[Linenotes:

104.15: #hwæt þæs sôþes wæs#. Sweet errs in explaining #sôþes#
as attracted into the genitive by #þæs#. It is not a predicate
adjective, but a partitive genitive after #hwæt#.

104.25: #syxa sum#. See § 91, Note 2.]

[[page 105]]

1 Hê wæs swy:ðe spêdig man on þæ:m æ:htum þe heora[2]
2 spêda on bêoð, þæt is, on wildrum. Hê hæfde þâ gy:t, ðâ
3 hê þone cyningc[5] sôhte, tamra dêora unbebohtra syx hund.
4 Þâ dêor hî hâtað 'hrânas'; þâra wæ:ron syx stælhrânas;
5 ðâ bêoð swy:ðe dy:re mid Finnum, for ðæ:m hy: fôð þâ
6 wildan hrânas mid. Hê wæs mid þæ:m fyrstum mannum
7 on þæ:m lande: næfde hê þêah mâ ðonne twêntig hry:ðera,
8 and twêntig scêapa, and twêntig swy:na; and þæt ly:tle
9 þæt hê erede, hê erede mid horsan.[4] Ac hyra âr is mæ:st
10 on þæ:m gafole þe ðâ Finnas him gyldað. Þæt gafol bið
11 on dêora fellum, and on fugela feðerum, and hwales bâne,
12 and on þæ:m sciprâpum þe bêoð of hwæles hy:de geworht
13 and of sêoles. Æ:ghwilc gylt be hys gebyrdum. Sê byrdesta
14 sceall gyldan fîfty:ne mearðes fell, and fîf hrânes,
15 and ân beren fel, and ty:n ambra feðra, and berenne kyrtel
16 oððe yterenne, and twêgen sciprâpas; æ:gþer sy: syxtig
17 elna lang, ôþer sy: of hwæles hy:de geworht, ôþer of sîoles.[6]

[2] = hiera.
[4] = horsum.
[5] = cyning.
[6] = sêoles.

[Linenote:

105.2: #on bêoð#. See § 94, (5).]

18 Hê sæ:de ðæt Norðmanna land wæ:re swy:þe lang and
19 swy:ðe smæl. Eal þæt his man âðer oððe ettan oððe erian
20 mæg, þæt lîð wið ðâ sæ:; and þæt is þêah on sumum
21 stôwum swy:ðe clûdig; and licgað wilde môras wið êastan
22 and wið ûpp on emnlange þæ:m by:num lande. On þæ:m
23 môrum eardiað Finnas. And þæt by:ne land is êasteweard
24 brâdost, and symle swâ norðor swâ smælre. Êastewerd[7]
25 hit mæg bîon[8] syxtig mîla brâd, oþþe hwêne bræ:dre;
26 and middeweard þrîtig oððe brâdre; and norðeweard hê
27 cwæð, þæ:r hit smalost wæ:re, þæt hit mihte bêon þrêora
28 mîla brâd tô þæ:m môre; and sê môr syðþan,[9] on sumum

[[page 106]]

1 stôwum, swâ brâd swâ man mæg on twâm wucum oferfêran;
2 and on sumum stôwum swâ brâd swâ man mæg
3 on syx dagum oferfêran.

[7] = -weard.
[8] = bêon.
[9] = siððan.

[Linenote:

105.19: #Eal þæt his man#. Pronominal genitives are not always
possessive in O.E.; #his# is here the partitive genitive of
#hit#, the succeeding relative pronoun being omitted: _All that
(portion) of it that may, either-of-the-two, either be grazed or
plowed_, etc. (§ 70, Note).]

4 Ðonne is tôemnes þæ:m lande sûðeweardum, on ôðre
5 healfe þæs môres, Swêoland, oþ þæt land norðeweard;
6 and tôemnes þæ:m lande norðeweardum, Cwêna land. Þâ
7 Cwênas hergiað hwîlum on ðâ Norðmen ofer ðone môr,
8 hwîlum þâ Norðmen on hy:. And þæ:r sint swîðe micle
9 meras fersce geond þâ môras; and berað þâ Cwênas hyra
10 scypu ofer land on ðâ meras, and þanon hergiað on ðâ
11 Norðmen; hy: habbað swy:ðe ly:tle scypa and swy:ðe
12 leohte.

[Linenote:

106.11-12: #scypa ... leohte#. These words exhibit inflections
more frequent in Late than in Early West Saxon. The normal forms
would be #scypu#, #leoht#; but in Late West Saxon the -u of
short-stemmed neuters is generally replaced by -a; and the
nominative accusative plural neuter of adjectives takes, by
analogy, the masculine endings; #hwate#, #gôde#, #hâlge#,
instead of #hwatu#, #gôd#, #hâlgu#.]

#Ohthere's Second Voyage.#

13 Ôhthere sæ:de þæt sîo[1] scîr hâtte Hâlgoland, þe hê on
14 bûde. Hê cwæð þæt nân man ne bûde be norðan him.
15 Þonne is ân port on sûðeweardum þæ:m lande, þone man
16 hæ:t Sciringeshêal. Þyder hê cwæð þæt man ne mihte
17 geseglian on ânum mônðe, gyf man on niht wîcode, and
18 æ:lce dæge hæfde ambyrne wind; and ealle ðâ hwîle hê
19 sceal seglian be lande. And on þæt stêorbord him bið
20 æ:rest Îraland, and þonne ðâ îgland þe synd betux Îralande
21 and þissum lande. Þonne is þis land, oð hê cymð
22 tô Scirincgeshêale, and ealne weg on þæt bæcbord Norðweg.

[[page 107]]

1 Wið sûðan þone Sciringeshêal fylð swy:ðe mycel
2 sæ: ûp in on ðæt land; sêo is brâdre þonne æ:nig man ofer
3 sêon mæge. And is Gotland on ôðre healfe ongêan, and
4 siððan Sillende. Sêo sæ: lîð mænig[2] hund mîla ûp in on
5 þæt land.

[1] = sêo.
[2] = monig.

6 And of Sciringeshêale hê cwæð ðæt hê seglode on fîf
7 dagan[3] tô þæ:m porte þe mon hæ:t æt Hæ:þum; sê stent
8 betuh Winedum, and Seaxum, and Angle, and hy:rð in
9 on Dene. Ðâ hê þiderweard seglode fram Sciringeshêale,
10 þâ wæs him on þæt bæcbord Denamearc and on
11 þæt stêorbord wîdsæ: þry: dagas; and þâ, twêgen dagas æ:r
12 hê tô Hæ:þum côme, him wæs on þæt stêorbord Gotland,
13 and Sillende, and îglanda fela. On þæ:m landum eardodon
14 Engle, æ:r hî hider on land côman.[4] And hym wæs
15 ðâ twêgen dagas on ðæt bæcbord þâ îgland þe in on
16 Denemearce hy:rað.

[3] = dagum.
[4] = cômen.

[Linenotes:

107.7: #æt Hæ:þum#. "This pleonastic use of _æt_ with names of
places occurs elsewhere in the older writings, as in the
Chronicle (552), 'in þæ:re stôwe þe is genemned æt Searobyrg,'
where the _æt_ has been erased by some later hand, showing that
the idiom had become obsolete. _Cp._ the German 'Gasthaus zur
Krone,' Stamboul = _es tân pólin_." (Sweet.) See, also,
_Atterbury_, § 28, Note 3.

107.14-15: #wæs ... þâ îgland#. The singular predicate is due
again to inversion (p. 100, note on #gefeaht# [[linenote
100.8]]). The construction is comparatively rare in O.E., but
frequent in Shakespeare and in the popular speech of to-day. Cf.
_There is_, _Here is_, _There has been_, etc., with a (single)
plural subject following.]

#Wulfstan's Voyage.#

17 Wulfstân sæ:de þæt hê gefôre of Hæ:ðum, þæt hê wæ:re
18 on Trûsô on syfan dagum and nihtum, þæt þæt scip wæs
19 ealne weg yrnende under segle. Weonoðland him wæs

[[page 108]]

1 on stêorbord, and on bæcbord him wæs Langaland, and
2 Læ:land, and Falster, and Scônêg; and þâs land eall
3 hy:rað tô Denemearcan. And þonne Burgenda land wæs
4 ûs on bæcbord, and þâ habbað him sylfe[1] cyning. Þonne
5 æfter Burgenda lande wæ:ron ûs þâs land, þâ synd hâtene
6 æ:rest Blêcinga-êg, and Mêore, and Êowland, and Gotland
7 on bæcbord; and þâs land hy:rað tô Swêom. And Weonodland
8 wæs ûs ealne weg on stêorbord oð Wîslemûðan.
9 Sêo Wîsle is swy:ðe mycel êa, and hîo[2] tôlîð Wîtland and
10 Weonodland; and þæt Wîtland belimpeð tô Estum; and
11 sêo Wîsle lîð ût of Weonodlande, and lîð in Estmere;
12 and sê Estmere is hûru fîftêne[3] mîla brâd. Þonne cymeð
13 Ilfing êastan in Estmere of ðâm mere, ðe Trûsô standeð
14 in stæðe; and cumað ût samod in Estmere, Ilfing êastan
15 of Estlande, and Wîsle sûðan of Winodlande. And
16 þonne benimð Wîsle Ilfing hire naman, and ligeð of þæ:m
17 mere west and norð on sæ:; for ðy: hit man hæ:t
18 Wîslemûða.

[1] = selfe.
[2] = hêo.
[3] = fîftîene.

[Linenote:

108.1-4: #him ... ûs#. Note the characteristic change of person,
the transition from _indirect_ to _direct discourse_.]

19 Þæt Estland is swy:ðe mycel, and þæ:r bið swy:ðe manig
20 burh, and on æ:lcere byrig bið cyning. And þæ:r bið
21 swy:ðe mycel hunig, and fiscnað; and sê cyning and þâ
22 rîcostan men drincað my:ran meolc, and þâ unspêdigan
23 and þâ þêowan drincað medo.[4] Þæ:r bið swy:ðe mycel
24 gewinn betwêonan him. And ne bið ðæ:r næ:nig ealo[5]
25 gebrowen mid Estum, ac þæ:r bið medo genôh. And þæ:r
26 is mid Estum ðêaw, þonne þæ:r bið man dêad, þæt hê lîð
27 inne unforbærned mid his mâgum and frêondum mônað,
28 ge hwîlum twêgen; and þâ cyningas, and þâ ôðre hêahðungene
29 men, swâ micle lencg[6] swâ hî mâran spêda
30 habbað, hwîlum healf gêar þæt hî bêoð unforbærned, and

[[page 109]]

1 licgað bufan eorðan on hyra hûsum. And ealle þâ hwîle
2 þe þæt lîc bið inne, þæ:r sceal bêon gedrync and plega,
3 oð ðone dæg þe hî hine forbærnað. Þonne þy: ylcan dæge
4 þe hî hine tô þæ:m âde beran wyllað, þonne tôdæ:lað hî
5 his feoh, þæt þæ:r tô lâfe bið æfter þæ:m gedrynce and þæ:m
6 plegan, on fîf oððe syx, hwy:lum on mâ, swâ swâ þæs fêos
7 andêfn bið. Âlecgað hit ðonne forhwæga on ânre mîle
8 þone mæ:stan dæ:l fram þæ:m tûne, þonne ôðerne, ðonne
9 þone þriddan, oþ þe hyt eall âlêd bið on þæ:re ânre mîle;
10 and sceall bêon sê læ:sta dæ:l ny:hst þæ:m tûne ðe sê dêada
11 man on lið. Ðonne sceolon[7] bêon gesamnode ealle ðâ
12 menn ðe swyftoste hors habbað on þæ:m lande, forhwæga
13 on fîf mîlum oððe on syx mîlum fram þæ:m fêo. Þonne
14 ærnað hy: ealle tôweard þæ:m fêo: ðonne cymeð sê man
15 sê þæt swiftoste hors hafað tô þæ:m æ:restan dæ:le and tô
16 þæ:m mæ:stan, and swâ æ:lc æfter ôðrum, oþ hit bið eall
17 genumen; and sê nimð þone læ:stan dæ:l sê ny:hst þæ:m
18 tûne þæt feoh geærneð. And þonne rîdeð æ:lc hys weges
19 mid ðæ:m fêo, and hyt môtan[8] habban eall; and for ðy:
20 þæ:r bêoð þâ swiftan hors ungefôge dy:re. And þonne his
21 gestrêon bêoð þus eall âspended, þonne byrð man hine ût,
22 and forbærneð mid his wæ:pnum and hrægle; and swîðost

[[page 110]]

1 ealle hys spêda hy: forspendað mid þæ:m langan legere
2 þæs dêadan mannes inne, and þæs þe hy: be þæ:m wegum
3 âlecgað, þe ðâ fremdan tô ærnað, and nimað. And þæt
4 is mid Estum þêaw þæt þæ:r sceal æ:lces geðêodes man
5 bêon forbærned; and gyf þâr[9] man ân bân findeð unforbærned,
6 hî hit sceolan[7] miclum gebêtan. And þæ:r is mid
7 Estum ân mæ:gð þæt hî magon cyle gewyrcan; and þy:
8 þæ:r licgað þâ dêadan men swâ lange, and ne fûliað, þæt
9 hy: wyrcað þone cyle him on. And þêah man âsette
10 twêgen fæ:tels full ealað oððe wæteres, hy: gedôð þæt
11 æ:gþer bið oferfroren, sam hit sy: sumor sam winter.

[4] = medu.
[5] = ealu.
[6] = leng.
[7] = sculon.
[8] = môton.
[9] = ðæ:r.

[Linenotes:

109.2: #sceal#. See § 137, Note 2 (2).

109.7: #Âlecgað hit#. Bosworth illustrates thus:

vi v iv iii ii i 1 2 3 4 5 6
| | | | | | X
| | | | | | XX X X
| | | | | | XXX XX XX X X
------------------------------- XXXX XXX XXX XX XX X
_e_ _d_ _c_ _b_ _a_
Where the horsemen The six parts of the property
assemble. placed within one mile.

"The horsemen assemble five or six miles from the property, at
_d_ or _e_, and run towards _c_; the man who has the swiftest
horse, coming first to 1 or _c_, takes the first and largest
part. The man who has the horse coming second takes part 2 or
_b_, and so, in succession, till the least part, 6 or _a_, is
taken."

110.5-6: #man ... hî#. Here the plural #hî# refers to the
singular #man#. _Cf._ p. 109, ll. 18-19, #æ:lc ... môtan#. In
_Exodus_ xxxii, 24, we find "_Whosoever_ hath any gold, let
_them_ break it off"; and Addison writes, "I do not mean that I
think _anyone_ to blame for taking due care of _their_ health."
The construction, though outlawed now, has been common in all
periods of our language. Paul remarks (_Prinzipien der
Sprachgeschichte_, 3d ed., § 186) that "When a word is used as
an indefinite [one, man, somebody, etc.] it is, strictly
speaking, incapable of any distinction of number. Since,
however, in respect of the external form, a particular number
has to be chosen, it is a matter of indifference which this
is.... Hence a change of numbers is common in the different
languages." Paul fails to observe that the change is always from
singular to plural, not from plural to singular. See _Note on
the Concord of Collectives and Indefinites_ (Anglia XI, 1901).
See p. 119, note on ll. 19-21.]

IV. THE STORY OF CÆDMON.

[From the so-called Alfredian version of Bede's _Ecclesiastical
History_. The text generally followed is that of MS. Bodley,
Tanner 10. Miller (_Early English Text Society_, No. 95,
_Introd._) argues, chiefly from the use of the prepositions, that
the original O.E. MS. was Mercian, composed possibly in Lichfield
(Staffordshire). At any rate, O.E. idiom is frequently sacrificed
to the Latin original.

"Cædmon, as he is called, is the first Englishman whose name we
know who wrote poetry in our island of England; and the first to
embody in verse the new passions and ideas which Christianity had
brought into England.... Undisturbed by any previous making of
lighter poetry, he came fresh to the work of Christianising
English song. It was a great step to make. He built the chariot in
which all the new religious emotions of England could now drive
along." (Brooke, _The History of Early English Literature_,
cap. XV.) There is no reason to doubt the historical existence of
Cædmon; for Bede, who relates the story, lived near Whitby, and
was seven years old when Cædmon died (A.D. 680)].

[[page 111]]

1 In ðysse abbudissan mynstre wæs sum brôðor syndriglîce
2 mid godcundre gife gemæ:red ond geweorðad, for þon
3 he gewunade gerisenlîce lêoð wyrcan, þâ ðe tô æ:festnisse[1]
4 ond tô ârfæstnisse belumpon; swâ ðætte swâ hwæt swâ
5 hê of godcundum stafum þurh bôceras geleornode, þæt hê
6 æfter medmiclum fæce in scopgereorde mid þâ mæ:stan
7 swêtnisse ond inbryrdnisse geglengde, ond in Engliscgereorde
8 wel geworht forþ brôhte. Ond for his lêoþsongum

[[page 112]]

1 monigra monna môd oft to worulde forhogdnisse ond tô
2 geþêodnisse þæs heofonlîcan lîfes onbærnde wæ:ron. Ond
3 êac swelce[2] monige ôðre æfter him in Ongelþêode ongunnon
4 æ:feste lêoð wyrcan, ac næ:nig hwæðre him þæt gelîce
5 dôn ne meahte; for þon hê nâlæs from monnum nê ðurh
6 mon gelæ:red wæs þæt hê ðone lêoðcræft leornade, ac hê
7 wæs godcundlîce gefultumod, ond þurh Godes gife þone
8 songcræft onfêng; ond hê for ðon næ:fre nôht lêasunge,
9 nê îdles lêoþes wyrcan ne meahte, ac efne þâ ân ðâ ðê tô
10 æ:festnisse[1] belumpon ond his þâ æ:festan tungan gedafenode
11 singan.

[1] = æ:fæstnesse.
[2] = swilce.

[Linenotes:

111.1: #ðysse abbudissan.# The abbess referred to is the famous
Hild, or Hilda, then living in the monastery at Streones-halh,
which, according to Bede, means "Bay of the Beacon." The Danes
afterward gave it the name Whitby, or "White Town." The
surroundings were eminently fitted to nurture England's first
poet. "The natural scenery which surrounded him, the valley of
the Esk, on whose sides he probably lived, the great cliffs, the
billowy sea, the vast sky seen from the heights over the ocean,
played incessantly upon him." (Brooke.)

Note, also, in this connection, the numerous Latin words that
the introduction of Christianity (A.D. 597) brought into the
vocabulary of O.E.: #abbudisse#, #mynster#, #bisceop#, #Læ:den#,
#prêost#, #æstel#, #mancus#.

112.4-5: The more usual order of words would be #ac næ:nig,
hwæðre, ne meahte ðæt dôn gelîce him#.

112.10-11: #ond his ... singan#, _and which it became his (the)
pious tongue to sing_.]

12 Wæs hê, sê mon, in weoruldhâde[3] geseted oð þâ tîde þe
13 hê wæs gely:fdre ylde, ond næ:fre næ:nig lêoð geleornade.
14 Ond hê for þon oft in gebêorscipe, þonne þæ:r wæs blisse
15 intinga gedêmed, þæt hêo[4] ealle sceolden þurh endebyrdnesse
16 be hearpan singan, þonne hê geseah þâ hearpan him
17 nêalêcan, þonne ârâs hê for scome from þæ:m symble,
18 ond hâm êode tô his hûse. Þâ hê þæt þâ sumre tîde
19 dyde, þæt hê forlêt þæt hûs þæs gebêorscipes, ond ût wæs

[[page 113]]

1 gongende tô nêata scipene, þâra heord him wæs þæ:re
2 nihte beboden; þâ hê ðâ þæ:r on gelimplîcre tîde his
3 leomu[5] on reste gesette ond onslêpte, þa stôd him sum
4 mon æt þurh swefn, ond hine hâlette ond grêtte, ond hine
5 be his noman nemnde: "Cædmon, sing mê hwæthwugu."
6 Þâ ondswarede hê, ond cwæð: "Ne con ic nôht singan;
7 ond ic for þon of þyssum gebêorscipe ût êode ond hider
8 gewât, for þon ic nâht singan ne cûðe." Eft hê cwæð sê ðe
9 wið hine sprecende wæs: "Hwæðre þû meaht mê singan."
10 Þâ cwæð hê: "Hwæt sceal ic singan?" Cwæð hê: "Sing
11 mê frumsceaft." Þâ hê ðâ þâs andsware onfêng, þâ
12 ongon hê sôna singan, in herenesse Godes Scyppendes,
13 þâ fers ond þâ word þe hê næ:fre ne gehy:rde, þâra endebyrdnes
14 þis is:

[3] = woruldhâde.
[4] = hîe.
[5] = limu.

[Linenotes:

112.14-15: #blisse intinga#, _for the sake of joy_; but the
translator has confused _laetitiae causâ_ (ablative) and
_laetitiae causa_ (nominative). The proper form would be #for
blisse# with omission of #intingan#, just as _for my sake_ is
usually #for mê#; _for his_ (_or their_) _sake_, #for him#. _Cf.
Mark_ vi, 26: "Yet _for his oath's sake, and for their sakes
which sat with him_, he would not reject her," #for ðæ:m âðe, ond
for ðæ:m þe him mid sæ:ton#. _For his sake_ is frequently #for his
ðingon# (#ðingum#), rarely #for his intingan#. #Þingon# is
regularly used when the preceding genitive is a noun denoting a
person: _for my wife's sake_, #for mînes wîfes ðingon#
(_Genesis_ xx, 11), etc.

112.18-19: #þæt ... þæt hê forlêt#. The substantival clause
introduced by the second #þæt# amplifies by apposition the first
#þæt#: _When he then, at a certain time_ (instrumental case,
§ 98, (2)), _did that, namely, when he left the house_. The
better Mn.E. would be _this ... that_: "Added yet _this_ above
all, _that_ he shut up John in prison" (_Luke_ iv, 20).

113.1-2: #þâra ... beboden#. This does not mean that Cædmon was
a herdsman, but that he served in turn as did the other secular
attendants at the monastery.

113.13-14: #þâra endebyrdnes þis is#. Bede writes _Hic est
sensus, non autem ordo ipse verborum_, and gives in Latin prose
a translation of the hymn from the Northumbrian dialect, in
which Cædmon wrote. The O.E. version given above is, of course,
not the Northumbrian original (which, however, with some
variations is preserved in several of the Latin MSS. of Bede's
_History_), but a West Saxon version made also from the
Northumbrian, not from the Latin.]

15 Nû sculon herigean[6] heofonrîces Weard,
16 Metodes meahte ond his môdgeþanc,
17 weorc Wuldorfæder, swâ hê wundra gehwæs,
18 êce Drihten ôr onstealde.

[[page 114]]

1 Hê æ:rest scêop eorðan bearnum
2 heofon tô hrôfe, hâlig Scyppend;
3 þâ middangeard monncynnes Weard,
4 êce Drihten, æfter têode
5 fîrum foldan, Frêa ælmihtig.

[6] = herian.

[Linenotes:

113.15: #Nû sculon herigean#, _Now ought we to praise_. The
subject #wê# is omitted in the best MSS. Note the characteristic
use of synonyms, or epithets, in this bit of O.E. poetry.
Observe that it is not the _thought_ that is repeated, but
rather the _idea_, the _concept_, God. See p. 124.
[[Poetry: Structure]]

113.17: #wundra gehwæs#. See p. 140, note on #cênra gehwylcum#
[[_Beowulf_ 769]].]

6 Þâ ârâs hê from þæ:m slæ:pe, ond eal þâ þe hê slæ:pende
7 song fæste in gemynde hæfde; ond þæ:m wordum sôna
8 monig word in þæt ilce gemet Gode wyrðes songes
9 tôgeþêodde. Þâ côm hê on morgenne tô þæ:m tûngerêfan,
10 sê þe his ealdormon wæs: sægde him hwylce gife hê
11 onfêng; ond hê hine sôna tô þæ:re abbudissan gelæ:dde,
12 ond hire þæt cy:ðde ond sægde. Þâ heht hêo gesomnian
13 ealle þâ gelæ:redestan men ond þâ leorneras, ond him
14 ondweardum hêt secgan þæt swefn, ond þæt lêoð singan,
15 þæt ealra heora[7] dôme gecoren wæ:re, hwæt oððe hwonan
16 þæt cumen wæ:re. Þâ wæs him eallum gesewen, swâ swâ
17 hit wæs, þæt him wæ:re from Drihtne sylfum heofonlîc

[[page 115]]

1 gifu forgifen. Þâ rehton heo[4] him ond sægdon sum hâlig
2 spell ond godcundre lâre word: bebudon him þâ, gif hê
3 meahte, þæt hê in swînsunge lêoþsonges þæt gehwyrfde.
4 Þâ hê ðâ hæfde þâ wîsan onfongne, þâ êode hê hâm tô
5 his hûse, ond cwôm eft on morgenne, ond þy: betstan
6 lêoðe geglenged him âsong ond âgeaf þæt him beboden
7 wæs.

[4] = hîe.
[7] = hiera.

[Linenotes:

114.7-9: #ond þæ:m wordum ... tôgeþêodde#, _and to those words he
soon joined, in the same meter, many (other) words of song
worthy of God_. But the translator has not only blundered over
Bede's Latin (_eis mox plura in eundem modum verba Deo digna
carminis adjunxit_), but sacrificed still more the idiom of
O.E. The predicate should not come at the end; #in# should be
followed by the dative; and for #Gode wyrðes songes# the better
O.E. would be #songes Godes wyrðes#. When used with the dative
#wyrð# (#weorð#) usually means _dear_ (= _of worth_) _to_.

114.16: #þâ ... gesewen#. We should expect #from him eallum#;
but the translator has again closely followed the Latin
(_visumque est omnibus_), as later (in the _Conversion of
Edwin_) he renders _Talis mihi videtur_ by #þyslîc mê is
gesewen#. _Talis_ (#þyslîc#) agreeing with a following _vita_
(#lîf#). Ælfric, however, with no Latin before him, writes that
John #wearð ðâ him# [= #from Drihtene#] #inweardlîce gelufod#.
It would seem that in proportion as a past participle has the
force of an adjective, the _to_ relation may supplant the _by_
relation; just as we say _unknown to_ instead of _unknown by_,
_unknown_ being more adjectival than participial. #Gesewen#,
therefore, may here be translated _visible_, _evident_, _patent_
(= #gesynelîc#, #sweotol#); and #gelufod#, _dear_ (= #weorð#,
#lêof#).

A survival of adjectival #gesewen# is found in Wycliffe's _New
Testament_ (1 _Cor._ xv, 5-8): "He was _seyn to_ Cephas, and
aftir these thingis _to_ enleuene; aftirward he was _seyn to_ mo
than fyue hundrid britheren togidere ... aftirward he was _seyn
to_ James, and aftirward _to_ alle the apostlis. And last of
alle he was _seyn to_ me, as _to_ a deed borun child." The
construction is frequent in Chaucer.]

8 Ðâ ongan sêo abbudisse clyppan ond lufigean[8] þâ Godes
9 gife in þæ:m men, ond hêo hine þâ monade ond læ:rde
10 þæt hê woruldhâd forlête ond munuchâd onfênge: ond
11 hê þæt wel þafode. Ond hêo hine in þæt mynster onfêng
12 mid his gôdum, ond hine geþêodde tô gesomnunge þâra
13 Godes þêowa, ond heht hine læ:ran þæt getæl þæs hâlgan
14 stæ:res ond spelles. Ond hê eal þâ hê in gehy:rnesse
15 geleornian meahte, mid hine gemyndgade, ond swâ swâ
16 clæ:ne nêten[9] eodorcende in þæt swêteste lêoð gehwyrfde.
17 Ond his song ond his lêoð wæ:ron swâ wynsumu tô gehy:ranne,
18 þætte þâ seolfan[10] his lârêowas æt his mûðe writon
19 ond leornodon. Song hê æ:rest be middangeardes gesceape,
20 ond bî fruman moncynnes, ond eal þæt stæ:r Genesis (þæt
21 is sêo æ:reste Moyses bôc); ond eft bî ûtgonge Israhêla
22 folces of Æ:gypta londe, ond bî ingonge þæs gehâtlandes;
23 ond bî ôðrum monegum spellum þæs hâlgan gewrites

[[page 116]]

1 canônes bôca; ond bî Crîstes menniscnesse, ond bî his
2 þrôwunge, ond bî his ûpâstîgnesse in heofonas; ond bî
3 þæs Hâlgan Gâstes cyme, ond þâra apostola lâre; ond eft
4 bî þæ:m dæge þæs tôweardan dômes, ond bî fyrhtu þæs
5 tintreglîcan wîtes, ond bî swêtnesse þæs heofonlîcan rîces,
6 hê monig lêoð geworhte; ond swelce[2] êac ôðer monig be
7 þæ:m godcundan fremsumnessum ond dômum hê geworhte.
8 In eallum þæ:m hê geornlîce gêmde[11] þæt hê men âtuge
9 from synna lufan ond mândæ:da, ond tô lufan ond tô
10 geornfulnesse âwehte gôdra dæ:da, for þon hê wæs, sê
11 mon, swîþe æ:fest ond regollîcum þêodscipum êaðmôdlîce
12 underþêoded; ond wið þæ:m þâ ðe in ôðre wîsan dôn woldon,
13 hê wæs mid welme[12] micelre ellenwôdnisse onbærned.
14 Ond hê for ðon fægre ende his lîf bety:nde ond geendade.

[2] = swilce.
[8] = lufian.
[9] = nîeten.
[10] = selfan.
[11] = gîemde.
[12] = wielme.

[Linenotes:

115.9-10: #ond hêo hine þâ monade ... munuchâd onfênge#. Hild's
advice has in it the suggestion of a personal experience, for
she herself had lived half of her life (thirty-three years)
"before," says Bede, "she dedicated the remaining half to our
Lord in a monastic life."

116.6: #hê monig lêoð geworhte#. The opinion is now gaining
ground that of these "many poems" only the short hymn, already
given, has come down to us. Of other poems claimed for Cædmon,
the strongest arguments are advanced in favor of a part of the
fragmentary poetical paraphrase of _Genesis_.]

V. ALFRED'S PREFACE TO THE PASTORAL CARE.

[Based on the Hatton MS. Of the year 597, the _Chronicle_ says:
"In this year, Gregory the Pope sent into Britain Augustine with
very many monks, who gospelled [preached] God's word to the
English folk." Gregory I, surnamed "The Great," has ever since
been considered the apostle of English Christianity, and his
_Pastoral Care_, which contains instruction in conduct and
doctrine for all bishops, was a work that Alfred could not afford
to leave untranslated. For this translation Alfred wrote a
_Preface_, the historical value of which it would be hard to
overrate. In it he describes vividly the intellectual ruin that
the Danes had wrought, and develops at the same time his plan for
repairing that ruin.

This _Preface_ and the _Battle of Ashdown_ (p. 99) show the great
king in his twofold character of warrior and statesman, and
justify the inscription on the base of the statue erected to him
in 1877, at Wantage (Berkshire), his birth-place: "Ælfred found
Learning dead, and he restored it; Education neglected, and he
revived it; the laws powerless, and he gave them force; the Church
debased, and he raised it; the Land ravaged by a fearful Enemy,
from which he delivered it. Ælfred's name will live as long as
mankind shall respect the Past."]

[[page 117]]

1 Ælfred kyning hâteð grêtan Wærferð biscep[1] his wordum
2 luflîce ond frêondlîce; ond ðê cy:ðan hâte ðæt mê côm
3 swîðe oft on gemynd, hwelce[2] witan îu[3] wæ:ron giond[4]
4 Angelcynn, æ:gðer ge godcundra hâda ge woruldcundra;
5 ond hû gesæ:liglîca tîda ðâ wæ:ron giond Angelcynn; ond
6 hû ðâ kyningas ðe ðone onwald hæfdon ðæs folces on
7 ðâm dagum Gode ond his æ:rendwrecum hêrsumedon[5];
8 ond hû hîe æ:gðer ge hiora sibbe ge hiora siodo[6] ge hiora
9 onweald innanbordes gehîoldon,[4] ond êac ût hiora êðel
10 gery:mdon; ond hû him ðâ spêow æ:gðer ge mid wîge ge
11 mid wîsdôme; ond êac ða godcundan hâdas hû giorne
12 hîe wæ:ron æ:gðer ge ymb lâre ge ymb liornunga, ge ymb
13 ealle ðâ ðîowotdômas ðe hîe Gode dôn scoldon; ond hû
14 man ûtanbordes wîsdôm ond lâre hieder on lond sôhte,
15 ond hû wê hîe nû sceoldon ûte begietan, gif wê hîe habban
16 sceoldon. Swæ:[7] clæ:ne hîo wæs oðfeallenu on Angelcynne
17 ðæt swîðe fêawa wæ:ron behionan Humbre ðe hiora ðêninga
18 cûðen understondan on Englisc oððe furðum ân æ:rendgewrit
19 of Læ:dene on Englisc âreccean; ond ic wêne ðætte
20 nôht monige begiondan Humbre næ:ren. Swæ:[7] fêawa
21 hiora wæ:ron ðæt ic furðum ânne ânlêpne[8] ne mæg geðencean

[[page 118]]

1 be sûðan Temese, ðâ ðâ ic tô rîce fêng. Gode ælmihtegum
2 sîe ðonc ðætte wê nû æ:nigne onstâl habbað
3 lârêowa. Ond for ðon ic ðê bebîode ðæt ðû dô swæ:[7] ic
4 gelîefe ðæt ðû wille, ðæt ðû ðê ðissa woruldðinga tô ðæ:m
5 geæ:metige, swæ: ðû oftost mæge, ðæt ðû ðone wîsdôm ðe
6 ðê God sealde ðæ:r ðæ:r ðû hiene befæstan mæge, befæste.
7 Geðenc hwelc[9] wîtu ûs ðâ becômon for ðisse worulde, ðâ
8 ðâ wê hit nôhwæðer nê selfe ne lufodon, nê êac ôðrum
9 monnum ne lêfdon[10]: ðone naman ânne wê lufodon ðætte
10 wê Crîstne wæ:ren, ond swîðe fêawe ðâ ðêawas.

[1] = bisceop.
[2] = hwilce.
[3] = gîu.
[4] = For all words with _io_ (_îo_), consult Glossary under
_eo_ (_êo_).
[5] = hîersumedon.
[6] = sidu (siodu).
[7] = swâ.
[8] = ânlîpigne.
[9] = hwilc.
[10] = lîefdon.

[Linenotes:

117.1-2: #Ælfred kyning hâteð ... hâte#. Note the change from
the formal and official third person (#hâteð#) to the more
familiar first person (#hâte#). So Ælfric, in his _Preface to
Genesis_, writes #Ælfric munuc grêt Æðelwærd ealdormann
êadmôdlîce. Þû bæ:de mê, lêof, þæt ic#, etc.: _Ælfric, monk,
greets Æthelweard, alderman, humbly. Thou, beloved, didst bid me
that I_, etc.

118.5: Notice that #mæge# (l. 5) and #mæge# (l. 6) are not in
the subjunctive because the sense requires it, but because they
have been attracted by #gæ:metige# and #befæste#. #Sîen# (p. 119,
l. 15) and #hæbben# (p. 119, l. 20) illustrate the same
construction.

118.9-10: _We liked only the reputation of being Christians,
very few_ (_of us_) _the Christian virtues_.]

11 Ðâ ic ðâ ðis eall gemunde, ðâ gemunde ic êac hû ic
12 geseah, æ:r ðæ:m ðe hit eall forhergod wæ:re ond forbærned,
13 hû ðâ ciricean giond eall Angelcynn stôdon
14 mâðma ond bôca gefylda, ond êac micel menigeo[11] Godes
15 ðîowa; ond ðâ swîðe ly:tle fiorme ðâra bôca wiston, for
16 ðæ:m ðe hîe hiora nânwuht[12] ongietan ne meahton, for
17 ðæ:m ðe hîe næ:ron on hiora âgen geðîode awritene.
18 Swelce[13] hîe cwæ:den: "Ure ieldran, ðâ ðe ðâs stôwa æ:r
19 hîoldon, hîe lufodon wîsdôm, ond ðurh ðone hîe begêaton
20 welan, ond ûs læ:fdon. Hêr mon mæg gîet gesîon hiora
21 swæð, ac wê him ne cunnon æfter spyrigean,[14] ond for
22 ðæ:m wê habbað nû æ:gðer forlæ:ten ge ðone welan ge ðone
23 wîsdôm, for ðæ:m ðe wê noldon tô ðæ:m spore mid ûre
24 môde onlûtan."

[11] = menigu.
[12] = nânwiht.
[13] = swilce.
[14] = spyrian.

25 Ðâ ic ðâ ðis eall gemunde, ðâ wundrade ic swîðe swîðe
26 ðâra gôdena wiotona[15] ðe gîu wæ:ron giond Angelcynn, ond
27 ðâ bêc ealla be fullan geliornod hæfdon, ðæt hîe hiora ðâ

[[page 119]]

1 næ:nne dæ:l noldon on hiora âgen geðîode wendan. Ac
2 ic ðâ sôna eft mê selfum andwyrde, ond cwæð: "Hîe ne
3 wêndon þætte æ:fre menn sceolden swæ:[7] reccelêase weorðan,
4 ond sîo lâr swæ: oðfeallan; for ðæ:re wilnunga hîe
5 hit forlêton, ond woldon ðæt hêr ðy: mâra wîsdôm on
6 londe wæ:re ðy: wê mâ geðêoda cûðon."

[7] = swâ.
[15] = witena.

7 Ðâ gemunde ic hû sîo æ: wæs æ:rest on Ebrêisc geðîode
8 funden, ond eft, ðâ hîe Crêacas geliornodon, ðâ wendon
9 hîe hîe on hiora âgen geðîode ealle, ond êac ealle ôðre
10 bêc. Ond eft Læ:denware swæ: same, siððan hîe hîe geliornodon,
11 hîe hîe wendon ealla ðurh wîse wealhstôdas
12 on hiora âgen geðîode. Ond êac ealla ôðra Crîstena
13 ðîoda sumne dæ:l hiora on hiora âgen geðîode wendon.
14 For ðy: mê ðyncð betre, gif îow swæ: ðyncð, ðæt wê êac
15 suma bêc, ðâ ðe nîedbeðearfosta sîen eallum monnum
16 tô wiotonne,[16] ðæt wê ðâ on ðæt geðîode wenden ðe wê
17 ealle gecnâwan mægen, ond gedôn swæ: wê swîðe êaðe
18 magon mid Godes fultume, gif wê ðâ stilnesse habbað,
19 ðætte eall sîo gioguð ðe nû is on Angelcynne friora
20 monna, ðâra ðe ðâ spêda hæbben ðæt hîe ðæ:m befêolan
21 mægen, sîen tô liornunga oðfæste, ðâ hwîle ðe hîe tô

[[page 120]]

1 nânre ôðerre note ne mægen, oð ðone first ðe hîe wel
2 cunnen Englisc gewrit âræ:dan: læ:re mon siððan furður
3 on Læ:dengeðîode ðâ ðe mon furðor læ:ran wille, ond tô
4 hîerran hâde dôn wille. Ðâ ic ðâ gemunde hû sîo lâr
5 Læ:dengeðîodes æ:r ðissum âfeallen wæs giond Angelcynn,
6 ond ðeah monige cûðon Englisc gewrit âræ:dan, ðâ
7 ongan ic ongemang oðrum mislîcum ond manigfealdum
8 bisgum ðisses kynerîces ðâ bôc wendan on Englisc ðe is
9 genemned on Læ:den "Pastoralis," ond on Englisc "Hierdebôc,"
10 hwîlum word be worde, hwîlum andgit of andgiete,
11 swæ: swæ: ic hîe geliornode æt Plegmunde mînum
12 ærcebiscepe, ond æt Assere mînum biscepe, ond æt Grimbolde
13 mînum mæsseprîoste, ond æt Iôhanne mînum mæsseprêoste.
14 Siððan ic hîe ðâ geliornod hæfde, swæ: swæ:
15 ic hîe forstôd, ond swæ: ic hîe andgitfullîcost âreccean
16 meahte, ic hîe on Englisc âwende; ond tô æ:lcum biscepstôle
17 on mînum rîce wille âne onsendan; ond on æ:lcre
18 bið ân æstel, sê bið on fîftegum mancessa. Ond ic bebîode
19 on Godes naman ðæt nân mon ðone æstel from
20 ðæ:re bêc ne dô, nê ðâ bôc from ðæ:m mynstre; uncûð hû
21 longe ðæ:r swæ: gelæ:rede biscepas sîen, swæ: swæ: nû, Gode
22 ðonc, wel hwæ:r siendon. For ðy: ic wolde ðætte hîe ealneg

[[page 121]]

1 æt ðæ:re stôwe wæ:ren, bûton sê biscep hîe mid him
2 habban wille, oððe hîo hwæ:r tô læ:ne sîe, oððe hwâ ôðre
3 bî wrîte.

[16] = witanne.

[Linenotes:

119.14: Alfred is here addressing the bishops collectively, and
hence uses the plural #îow# (= #êow#), not #þê#.

119.16: #ðæt wê ðâ#. These three words are not necessary to the
sense. They constitute the figure known as epanalepsis, in which
"the same word or phrase is repeated after one or more
intervening words." #Þâ# is the pronominal substitute for #suma
bêc#.

119.17: #Gedôn# is the first person plural subjunctive (from
infinitive #gedôn#). It and #wenden# are in the same
construction. Two things seem "better" to Alfred: (1) _that we
translate_, etc., (2) _that we cause_, etc.

119.19-21: #sîo gioguð ... is ... hîe ... sîen#. Notice how the
collective noun, #gioguð#, singular at first both in form and
function, gradually loses its oneness before the close of the
sentence is reached, and becomes plural. The construction is
entirely legitimate in Mn.E. Spanish is the only modern language
known to me that condemns such an idiom: "Spanish ideas of
congruity do not permit a collective noun, though denoting a
plurality, to be accompanied by a plural verb or adjective in
the same clause" (Ramsey, _Text-Book of Modern Spanish_,
§ 1452).

120.2: #læ:re mon#. See § 105, 1.

120.11-13: That none of these advisers of the king, except
Plegmond, a Mercian, were natives, bears out what Alfred says
about the scarcity of learned men in England when he began to
reign. Asser, to whose Latin _Life of Alfred_, in spite of its
mutilations, we owe almost all of our knowledge of the king,
came from St. David's (in Wales), and was made Bishop of
Sherborne.

121.1: Translate #æ:t ðæ:re stôwe# by _each in its place_. The
change from plural #hîe# (in #hîe ... wæ:ren#) to singular #hîe#
(in the clauses that follow) will thus be prepared for.

121.2-3: #oððe hwâ ôðre bî wrîte#, _or unless some one wish to
copy a new one_ (_write thereby another_).]

POETRY.

INTRODUCTORY.

[Transcriber's Note:

In Section II., Structure, the stress markers ´ and ` are intended
to display above the macron (¯) or breve (u or [)]). In this
simplified Latin-1 text, they are shown before (to the left of) the
macron:

´¯ × `¯

"Resolved stress" (two short syllables acting as one long) is shown
with braces:

{´u ×}

Where there is no risk of ambiguity, the breve is shown as the
letter u; elsewhere it is shown in brackets as [)].]

I. HISTORY.

(a) #Old English Poetry as a Whole.#

Northumbria was the home of Old English poetry. Beginning with Cædmon and his school A.D. 670, Northumbria maintained her poetical supremacy till A.D. 800, seven years before which date the ravages of the Danes had begun. When Alfred ascended the throne of Wessex (871), the Danes had destroyed the seats of learning throughout the whole of Northumbria. As Whitby had been "the cradle of English poetry," Winchester (Alfred's capital) became now the cradle of English prose; and the older poems that had survived the fire and sword of the Vikings were translated from the original Northumbrian dialect into the West Saxon dialect. It is, therefore, in the West Saxon dialect that these poems[1] have come down to us.

Old English poetry contains in all only about thirty thousand lines; but it includes epic, lyric, didactic, elegiac, and allegorical poems, together with war-ballads, paraphrases, riddles, and charms. Of the five elegiac poems (_Wanderer_, _Seafarer_, _Ruin_, _Wife's Complaint_, and _Husband's Message_), the _Wanderer_ is the most artistic, and best portrays the gloomy contrast between past happiness and present grief so characteristic of the Old English lyric.

Old English literature has no love poems. The central themes of its poets are battle and bereavement, with a certain grim resignation on the part of the hero to the issues of either. The movement of the thought is usually abrupt, there being a noticeable poverty of transitional particles, or connectives, "which," says Ten Brink, "are the cement of sentence-structure."

(b) #Beowulf.#

The greatest of all Old English poems is the epic, _Beowulf_.[2] It consists of more than three thousand lines, and probably assumed approximately its present form in Northumbria about A.D. 700. It is a crystallization of continental myths; and, though nothing is said of England, the story is an invaluable index to the social, political, and ethical ideals of our Germanic ancestors before and after they settled along the English coast. It is most poetical, and its testimony is historically most valuable, in the character-portraits that it contains. The fatalism that runs through it, instead of making the characters weak and less human, serves at times rather to dignify and elevate them. "Fate," says Beowulf (l. 572), recounting his battle with the sea-monsters, "often saves an undoomed man _if his courage hold out_."

"The ethical essence of this poetry," says Ten Brink, "lies principally in the conception of manly virtue, undismayed courage, the stoical encounter with death, silent submission to fate, in the readiness to help others, in the clemency and liberality of the prince toward his thanes, and the self-sacrificing loyalty with which they reward him."

NOTE 1.--Many different interpretations have been put upon the
story of _Beowulf_ (for argument of story, see texts). Thus
Müllenhoff sees in Grendel the giant-god of the storm-tossed
equinoctial sea, while Beowulf is the Scandinavian god Freyr, who
in the spring drives back the sea and restores the land. Laistner
finds the prototype of Grendel in the noxious exhalations that
rise from the Frisian coast-marshes during the summer months;
Beowulf is the wind-hero, the autumnal storm-god, who dissipates
the effluvia.

[Footnote 1: This does not, of course, include the few short
poems in the _Chronicle_, or that portion of _Genesis_
(_Genesis B_) supposed to have been put directly into West Saxon
from an Old Saxon original. There still remain in Northumbrian
the version of _Cædmon's Hymn_, fragments of the _Ruthwell
Cross_, _Bede's Death-Song_, and the _Leiden Riddle_.]

[Footnote 2: The word _bêowulf_, says Grimm, meant originally
_bee-wolf_, or _bee-enemy_, one of the names of the woodpecker.
Sweet thinks the bear was meant. But the word is almost
certainly a compound of _Bêow_ (cf. O.E. #bêow# = grain),
a Danish demigod, and _wulf_ used as a mere suffix.]

II. STRUCTURE.

(a) #Style.#

In the structure of Old English poetry the most characteristic feature is the constant repetition of the idea (sometimes of the thought) with a corresponding variation of phrase, or epithet. When, for example, the Queen passes into the banquet hall in _Beowulf_, she is designated at first by her name, #Wealhþêow#; she is then described in turn as #cwên Hrôðgâres# (_Hrothgar's queen_), #gold-hroden# (_the gold-adorned_), #frêolîc wîf# (_the noble woman_), #ides Helminga# (_the Helmings' lady_), #bêag-hroden cwên# (_the ring-adorned queen_), #môde geþungen# (_the high-spirited_), and #gold-hroden frêolîcu folc-cwên# (_the gold-adorned, noble folk-queen_).

And whenever the sea enters largely into the poet's verse, not content with simple (uncompounded) words (such as #sæ:#, #lagu#, #holm#, #strêam#, #mere#, etc.), he will use numerous other equivalents (phrases or compounds), such as #waþema gebind# (_the commingling of waves_), #lagu-flôd# (_the sea-flood_), #lagu-stræ:t# (_the sea-street_), #swan-râd# (_the swan-road_), etc. These compounds are usually nouns, or adjectives and participles used in a sense more appositive than attributive.

It is evident, therefore, that this abundant use of compounds, or periphrastic synonyms, grows out of the desire to repeat the idea in varying language. It is to be observed, also, that the Old English poets rarely make any studied attempt to balance phrase against phrase or clause against clause. Theirs is a repetition of idea, rather than a parallelism of structure.