Chapter V: A. Th. denotes a text in the Berlin Museum (13)

The incident here referred to, the reception of the fugitive Shumâ, who probably on account of his illness was unable to join his uncle Tammaritu, is very similar to that related of Tammaritu himself. This King of Elam succeeded his cousin Ummanigash, whom he dethroned, but after a short reign was himself dethroned by the usurper Indabigash. He and his brothers and family and eighty-five princes of Elam, his supporters, fled by sea from Elam to the marshes at the mouths of the Tigris and Euphrates. There he fell sick. But Ashurbânipal sent him a friendly message, and he came before the Assyrian governor, and kissed the ground in token of submission. We learn that Marduk-shar-uṣur was the officer who received him, and a very mutilated letter seems to refer to it. He was probably the Rabshakeh to whom Bêl-ibnî wrote(892) complaining of certain slanders about him. So even the faithful servant was not entirely free from court intrigues. In another letter Bêl-ibnî refers to his having received and sent on to the king, Tammaritu, his brothers, family, and nobles.(893)

(M808) Like Ummanigash and Indabigash, Tammaritu corresponded with Ashurbânipal. We have letters from him to the King of Assyria and from Ashurbânipal to him. Unfortunately these letters are very imperfect, or not yet published. He is mentioned continually in the letters. There were several of the name: (1) son of Urtaku, third brother of Teumman, (2) son of Teumman, slain with his father, (3) son of Ummanigash, King of Elam, succeeded his cousin Ummanigash, whom he dethroned, (4) son of Attamitu. To which of these a reference is made is often hard to decide.

VII. Letters Regarding Affairs In Southern Babylonia

(M809) (M810) Another group refers to the events at Ur, in the far south of Babylonia. Sin-tabni-uṣur, son of Ningal-iddina, was governor there during the time of Shamash-shum-ukîn’s great rebellion. This we learn from some of the forecast tablets, published in George Smith’s _Assurbanipal_.(894) The greater part of these tablets is unintelligible, containing a record of the omens observed, probably on inspection of the entrails of the slaughtered sacrifices. What these symptoms were cannot yet be determined. Much has been done by Boissier in his _Textes Assyriens relatifs au Présage_, and many articles contributed to various journals. The omens are generally such as also occur in the tablets published by Dr. Knudtzon in his _Gebete on den Sonnengott_, and ably discussed by him there. The tablet evidently was meant to submit these omens to some oracle that a prediction might be given on their authority. The king also usually stated his cause of anxiety and asked for guidance and direction. These forecast tablets, many of which are dated, are of the greatest service for the chronology of the period. They have been partly discussed by the present writer.(895) Thus the two, which refer to Sin-tabni-uṣur, announce that he is governor of Ur, and seem to inquire whether he can be relied upon to prove faithful. We may conclude that his appointment took place in Ab, B.C. 648.

(M811) From a letter,(896) which G. Smith(897) ascribes to Kudur, governor of Erech, we learn that he had heard from Sin-tabni-uṣur, who reports that a messenger had arrived from Shamash-shum-ukîn, inciting the people to rebel against Ashurbânipal. As a result,

“the Gurunammu have rebelled against me. Re-enforce me at once.”

The good Kudur sent five or six hundred archers and joined Aplîa, the governor of Arrapḫa, and Nûrêa, governor of Ṣameda, and went to Ur. He was able to seize the leaders of the revolt, among them Nabû-zêr-iddin. But someone had captured Sin-tabni-uṣur. Bêl-ibnî is named, and later Nabû-ushêzib, the archer, but the text is too mutilated to make out a clear account. But it seems likely that Sin-tabni-uṣur was rescued, and being re-enforced, held out well for his master. Ashurbânipal writes to assure him of his continued confidence.(898)

(M812)

Message of the king to Sin-tabni-uṣur: It is well with me. May thy
heart be cheered. Concerning Sin-shar-uṣur, what thou didst send.
How could he say evil words of thee and I hear anything of them?
Shamash perverted his heart and Ummanigash slandered thee before
me and would give thee to death. Ashur, my god, withholds me. I
would not willingly slay my servant, and the support of my
father’s house. In that case, thou wouldst perish with thy lord’s
house. I would not see that. He and Ummanigash have compassed thy
death, but because I know thy faithfulness I have increased my
favor and bestowed honor upon thee. Is it not so? For these two
years thou hast not caused hostility or want to thy lord’s house.
What could they say against a servant who has loved his lord’s
house and I believe it? And with respect to the service which thou
and the Assyrians, thy brothers, have done, what thou sendest, all
that thou hast done and the guard thou hast kept, ... which is
pleasing before me [I will reward] and return thee favors to thy
children’s children.

(M813) It is clear that Sin-shar-uṣur and Ummanigash had been intriguing against Sin-tabni-uṣur. There are several persons of the name Sin-shar-uṣur about this time. No less than three Eponyms bear the name after B.C. 648. The _aba mâti_, or governor of Hindana, or the _arḳû_ might be meant here. But there was a brother of Sin-tabni-uṣur, of this name, who perhaps coveted his post. Among the many unpublished texts which refer to him one may, perhaps, be found to explain the hostility. Nor is it clear which Ummanigash is meant. There was one of the three sons of Urtaku, who took refuge at the court of Ashurbânipal, when their father was murdered and dethroned by his brother, Teumman. When the Assyrian king espoused his cause, he was enabled by Assyrian troops to defeat and slay the usurper Teumman and take the throne of Elam. But he was faithless and allied himself with Shamash-shum-ukîn. He was dethroned by his cousin, Tammaritu, shortly before the fall of Shamash-shum-ukîn. That he, while at the Assyrian Court, should have slandered the governor of Ur, is quite in accordance with his character, but what was his purpose, or what he alleged, we do not know. There was another Ummanigash, brother of Urtaku; another, son of Umbadara; another, a son of Amedirra. The latter raised a rebellion against Ummanaldash, as we learn from a report by Bêl-ibnî.(899) After his usual salutations, Bêl-ibnî reports,

(M814)

When I left the Sealand, I sent five hundred soldiers, servants of
my lord, the king, to the city Ṣabdânu, saying, “Hold a fort in
Ṣabdânu and make raids into Elam, slay and make prisoners.” When
they went against Irgidu, a city two leagues this side of Susa,
they slew Ammaladin, the sheik of Iashi’ilu, his two brothers,
three brothers of his father, two of his brother’s sons, Dalâ-ilu,
son of Abi-iadi’, and two hundred well-born citizens of that city.
They had a long journey before them. They took one hundred and
fifty prisoners. The sheiks of Laḫiru and the people of Nugû’,
when they saw that my raiders had extended on their farther side,
were full of fear, sent word and took the oath to Mushêzib-Marduk,
my sister’s son, a servant of the king, my lord, whom I had
appointed over the fort, saying, “We will be servants of the King
of Assyria.” When they had gathered their bowmen, as many as they
had, they went with Mushêzib-Marduk, and marched into Elam.

Here follows a bad break in the narrative, but Iḳisha-aplu is named, and Bêl-ibnî promised to send on to the king whatever they captured and brought to him. The letter then resumes:

News from Elam: they say that Ummanigash, son of Amedirra, has
rebelled against Ummanaldash. From the river Ḥudḫud as far as the
city Ḥa’adânu they have sided with him. Ummanaldash has gathered
his forces, and they are now encamped on the river opposite one
another. Iḳisha-aplu, whom I have sent to the palace, has
penetrated their designs. Let one question him in the palace.

(M815) Kudur, governor of Erech, who sent news of the outbreak of rebellion in the south, gives us further information about Mushêzib-Marduk, who was a favorite with the king. After a long salutation occupying nearly the whole of the obverse, with a short reference to a certain Upaḳu, the reverse side goes on:(900)

Mushêzib-Marduk, Bêl-ibnî’s sister’s son, who has come two or
three times into the presence of the king, my lord, on a message
from Bêl-ibnî, Bêl-ibnî has appointed him concerning it (the case
in hand). The gate-keepers have told him that those soldiers are
not lovers of the house of my lord. It is not good for them to
cross over to our midst. They will give news of the land of the
king, my lord, to Elam, and if there be a famine in Elam, they
will furnish them provisions. To the king, my lord, I have sent;
let the king, my lord, do what he sees fit.

(M816) The king himself writes to Bêl-ibnî(901) in a most friendly way about Mushêzib-Marduk:

Message of the king to Bêl-ibnî: I am well. May thy heart be
cheered. Mushêzib-Marduk, about whom thou didst send, in the
fulness of time he shall enter my presence, I will appoint the
paths for his feet (_i.e._, make a way for his advancement). The
holiday in Nineveh is not finished.

Mushêzib-Marduk is also mentioned by Nabû-zêr-ukîn, in a letter to the king,(902) in close connection with Shum-iddin, the governor of Dûr-ilu. It is not clear what the writer had to say of him, but farther on in the letter Bêl-ibnî is named. The same Nabû-zêr-ukîn is mentioned in a tablet of epigraphs,(903) where he is associated with Shamash-shum-ukîn, Tammaritu and Indabigash. He is there said to be son of Nabû-mushêṣi. In another letter he writes with Adadi-shum-uṣur, Nabû-shum-iddin, Ardi-Ea, and Ishtar-shum-êresh to the king,(904) but hardly anything remains except a mention of Nineveh. The same group of writers is elsewhere associated with Nabû-mushêṣi. Of another letter(905) from him to the king only the introduction is found.

(M817) Kudur, governor of Erech, was a frequent correspondent with the king. A score of letters from him to the king, or from the king to him, are preserved. They are nearly all concerned, more or less, with the events during the great rebellion. There were several others of the name, one an Elamite prince, son of Ummanaldash. The name itself may be Elamite and may point to a strong admixture of Elamite blood in Erech. The element Kudur occurs in such names as Kudur-Mabug, Kudur-Naḫunte, and Kudur-lagamar, the prototype of Chedorlaomer. There was another Kudur, son of Dakkuri, who was brought captive to Assyria with Shum-iddin. We may take as one example:(906)

To the king of countries, my lord, thy servant Kudur. May Bêl and
Nabû decree peace, health, and length of days for the king, my
lord, forever. Since I was in the enemy’s country the Puḳudu have
made an end of the Bît-Amuḳâni, servants of my lord, the king, by
their attacks. The cities which were to be held for the king, my
lord, they captured. Let the servants of the king, my lord, march.
They have occupied the cities, killed the men and ravished the
women. Also they have attacked Ṣâbâ, the body-guard. The day they
reached Bît-Amuḳâni, it is said, the attackers attacked the
body-guard. I sent soldiers, saying, “Go, slay ‘Ala’ with the
pike, save the garrison and take them captive.” When on the king’s
canal they attacked Nabû-shar-uṣur, the colonel, he took them
captive. Let the king, my lord, inquire of them, as he can. The
king, my lord, knows how Bît-Amuḳâni is destroyed. The Puḳudu keep
their land. The soldiers with us have not set out, and they are
the attackers, and we abhor the alienation of territory. Let the
king, my lord, give orders and the soldiers shall set out against
the cities, where they dwell.

It seems that the men of Pekod (see Jer. i. 21, Ez. xxiii. 23) had made an attack upon Bît-Amuḳâni and nearly destroyed the country. Kudur moved into the country, but sent for explicit orders as to what he should do. He changes his subject rather abruptly at times and it is not quite clear always of whom he is speaking. The most obscure sentence is where he says that “we abhor the alienation of territory,” literally “the sin of the land.” It seems that a land sinned when it was occupied by an enemy.

Ashurbânipal was deeply attached to his faithful servant, as the following letter shows:(907)

(M818)

To the king of countries, my lord, thy servant Kudur. Erech and
E-anna (the temple there) be gracious to the king of countries, my
lord. Daily I pray to Ishtar of Erech and Nanâ for the health of
the king, my lord’s life. Iḳîsha-aplu, the doctor, whom the king,
my lord, sent to heal me, has restored me to life. The great gods
of heaven and earth make themselves gracious to the king, my lord,
and establish the throne of the king, my lord, in the midst of
heaven forever. I was one who was dead and the king, my lord, has
restored me to life. The benefits of the king, my lord, toward me
are manifold. I will come to see the king, my lord. I say to
myself, I will go and I will see the face of the king, my lord;
then I will return and live. The chief baker made me return to
Erech from the journey, saying, “A special messenger has brought a
sealed despatch to thee from the palace, thou must return with me
to Erech.” He sent me this order and made me return to Erech. The
king, my lord, must know this.

The king had sent a doctor who had restored Kudur, when he had despaired of himself. Then he started to come and thank the king in person, but when on the road the chief baker (if that was his right title) recalled him, because a sealed despatch had reached Erech addressed to him from the king. He sends at once this letter, not having reached Erech again; at any rate, he does not refer to the contents of the despatch.

Letters About Elam And Southern Babylonia

(M819) In Elam, during the reign of Ashurbânipal, there was a protracted series of revolutions, interspersed with invasions of, or by, Assyria. The result was the utter decay of Elamite power, and after Ashurbânipal’s final reduction of the country and sack of Susa, the land was an easy prey to the Aryan invaders. From the story, as told by Ashurbânipal, the Elamites richly deserved their fate, and lest we should suspect him of undue partiality, the matter-of-fact letters of his officers give us substantial grounds for crediting his view. It seems that Urtaku, who came to the throne of Elam in B.C. 675, was always on good terms with Assyria. We have a letter from Esarhaddon to him(908) in very friendly terms. It begins:

(M820)

Letter of Esarhaddon, King of Assyria, to Urtaku, King of Elam: I
am well. Peace to thy gods and goddesses. There is peace in my
land and with my nobles, peace be to Urtaku, King of Elam, my
brother. There is peace with my sons and my daughters, peace be to
thy nobles and thy land. Now what Ashur, Sin, Shamash, Bêl, Nabû,
Ishtar of Nineveh, Ishtar of Arbela, the gods ... have said, I
have (fully?) accomplished.

(M821) The rest is obscure by reason of lacunæ. The reverse seems to be inscribed with numerals, perhaps relating to items of presents sent. Ashurbânipal kept up the friendship, and, when a famine broke out in Elam, allowed some (M822) (M823) Elamites to take refuge in his land, and afterwards restored them to their country. He also sent grain into Elam itself. But, perhaps as consequence of having spied out the land, the Elamites contrived to make Urtaku attack Assyria. He was incited to this act by Bêl-iḳisha, prince of the Gambûlai, who inhabited the marshes about the mouth of the Uknû, or Blue River, perhaps the modern Karoon, bordering on Elam. Bêl-iḳisha rebelled against Assyria, and with his troops joined Elam. Nabû-shum-êresh, the _TIK-EN-NA_, apparently sheik of the district of Dupliash, another Assyrian subject, seems to have done the same. Marduk-shum-ibnî, the general of Urtaku, who led the invasion, was evidently not an Elamite, but perhaps a Chaldean, or renegade Babylonian. At any rate, the Elamites invaded Akkad and covered the land like grasshoppers. They laid siege to Babylon. On the approach of the Assyrian army, the invaders fled. Urtaku died. Bêl-iḳisha was killed by a wild boar. Nabû-shum-êresh was smitten with dropsy and died. “In one year the gods cut them off.” The throne of Elam fell to Teumman, a brother of Urtaku, who maintained a hostile attitude. Dunânu, son and successor of Bêl-iḳisha, joined Teumman. Ashurbânipal accordingly invaded Elam, defeated and slew Teumman, ravaged the land of Gambulû and captured Dunânu, who was taken to Nineveh and made to march in the triumphal procession, with the head of Teumman slung about his neck, and was finally tortured to death.

(M824) All the time that Shamash-shum-ukîn was king in Babylon, Ashurbânipal seems to have retained the rule over Southern Babylonia. At any rate, the governors of the cities there wrote to him as their king and lord. The above-mentioned revolt in Gambulû was a direct concern of the governor of Erech, who seems to have suffered severely. As late as the twentieth year of Ashurbânipal, Nabû-ushabshi was governor there. We have many letters from him to the king. One(909) refers to the above events:

To the king of countries, my lord, thy servant Nabû-ushabshi.
Erech and E-anna (the temple of Ishtar at Erech), be gracious to
the king of countries, my lord. Daily I pray to Ishtar of Erech
and Nanâ for the well-being of the life of the king, my lord. The
king, my lord, sent, saying, “Take troops and send against
Gambulû. The gods of the king, my lord, assuredly know how, from
the time that Bêl-iḳisha revolted from the hands of the king, my
lord, and went to Elam, he plundered my father’s house and went
about to kill my brother.”

Then comes a break, in which the fragments indicate that Nabû-ushabshi prayed daily for revenge. Then we read:

Now as the king, my lord, has sent, I will go and fulfil all his
bidding. If on any ground, over there, the inhabitants of Gambulû
will not obey, if it be pleasing to the king, my lord, let a
messenger come and let us assemble all Akkad and we will go with
him, we will win back the land and give it to the king, my lord. I
have sent. Let the king, my lord, do what he will. Preserve this
letter.

The last request is very unusual, but we are glad it was obeyed. Another of his letters refers to the intrigues of Pir’-Bêl, son of Bêl-eṭir. This Bêl-eṭir may be the son of Nabû-shum-êresh, who, with his brother, Nabû-nâ’id, was carried captive to Nineveh, along with Dunânu, and there made to desecrate the bones of their father. But it seems possible that we have here to do with another Bêl-eṭir, as these events seem earlier in the history. After the same introduction as before, the letter(910) reads:

Pir’-Bêl, the son of Bêl-eṭir, sometime after he and his father
went, some ten years ago, to Elam, came again from Elam to Akkad,
he and his father. When they came, whatever was evil against
Assyria, they kept on doing in Erech. Afterwards when they went
back to Elam, Bêl-eṭir, his father, died in Elam; and he in
Marchesvan brought letters to me, and to Aplîa, the governor, we
sent the letters on by Daru-Sharru, the body-guard.

After some broken lines:

“Now a certain servant of ... came with him to Erech.”

we read:

If he say to the king, my lord: “I have come from the land of
Elam,” let not the king, my lord, believe him. From the time when
in the month of Marchesvan, he brought the letters and we sent
them to the king, my lord, until now, he has not returned to Elam.
If the king, my lord, desire to verify these words, Idûa, a
servant of Kudur, who brought him to Erech, the contents are known
to him [_there are some very obscure phrases in the next two
lines_], and those letters, what lies are written, let him tell
the king, my lord, and as to those letters, which, in the month of
Marchesvan we sent to the king, my lord, by the hands of
Daru-sharru, if the king, my lord, does not understand, let the
king, my lord, ask Daru-sharru, the body-guard. To the king, my
lord, I have sent, let the king, my lord, be aware.

(M825) One event, very characteristic of the times, is the subject of three letters. The sanctuary of Ishtar, at Erech, was celebrated far and wide, and on one occasion the King of Elam sent gifts to it. These Nabû-ushabshi seems to have been unable to possess himself of, or to send to the king. Thus, we read:(911)

To the king of countries, my lord, thy servant, Nabû-ushabshi
[_after the same introduction as before_]; the sheep of the temple
and of the city Puḳudu are detained in the city Ru’ua, two
shepherds of them, one belonging to the temple, and the second
from Puḳudu, three white horses with harness and trappings of
silver, and fittings of bronze. On the trappings were written ...
which the King of Elam had sent to Ishtar of Erech. The horses,
which they brought, I will now preserve. Before the king, my lord,
I was afraid and in the temple I will not place them, until the
shepherds bring the three horses. To the king, my lord, I have
sent, and the bronze inscribed fittings, when I see them, I will
send on to the king, my lord. What the king my lord will, let him
do.

The king replied:(912)

To Nabû-ushabshi, concerning the horses about which thou didst
send, as yet thou hast not sent them to me. I have sent
Ashur-gimil-tirru, the _abarakku_, and troops with him. Whatever
is good to do, that do; whether the River Ḥarru be dammed, or
whether those people come, and as to the contents of the letter
which thou didst send. Bêl-eṭir, Arbaia, the colonels, two hundred
horses in their hands, I have sent to thee; let them stand on your
side, let them do the work.

Evidently in consequence of this, we have another letter,(913) where both writer and recipient are unknown. It is much injured, and while there are a few sentences intelligible, it is not easy to say to what they refer. But on the reverse after the first six or seven lines, the words of the last letter are repeated verbatim. It is perhaps another letter from the king to Nabû-ushabshi. The governors of Laḫiru and Arbaḫa are said to be with the receiver of the letter.

IX. Miscellaneous Assyrian Letters

(M826) A very interesting group may be made up of letters concerned with omens and predictions. The Assyrian kings were firm believers in omens. They did not venture upon any great undertaking without consulting the augurs. We have numerous letters telling the king what days were propitious for certain projects which he had formed. For the most part, the whole point is obscure to us. We know neither the purpose he had, the omens relied on, nor the real grounds of the decision. Very often translation is impossible. In some cases the publication of the innumerable omen texts may give some light on the subject, but usually it is quite impossible to see how these were made to apply to the actual case. It is very like the case of Nebuchadrezzar’s dream. We are without any data to work from.

(M827) Here is an example of some interest, and more easily understood than many:(914)

To the king, my lord, thy servant Nabûa. May Nabû and Marduk be
gracious to the king, my lord. On the seventh of Kislev a fox
entered into the city, and fell into a well, in the grove of
Ashur. They got him out, and killed him.

Whether this was a good or evil omen, or even an omen at all, we do not know. Nabûa is a very common name. There are fourteen or fifteen astrological reports which bear his name. In these he appears as an inhabitant of the city Asshur. The name occurs some forty times in the contracts, but it is clear that there were several of the name. Perhaps the scribe who appears from B.C. 668 down to post-canon times may be our writer, but, as he lived at Nineveh, that is doubtful.

(M828) Another case which is fairly intelligible is a letter of Balasi and Nabû-aḫê-erba,(915) on a question of auspicious days for a journey. It reads:

To the king, our lord, thy servants, Balasi and Nabû-aḫê-erba.
Peace be to the king, our lord. May Nabû and Marduk be gracious to
the king, our lord. As to Ashur-mukîn-palêa, about whom the king,
our lord, has sent to us, may Ashur, Bêl, Sin, Shamash, and Adad
be gracious to him. May the king, our lord, see his well-being.
Things are auspicious for a journey. The second is auspicious. The
fourth extremely auspicious.

We have fairly frequent references to Ashur-mukîn-palêa in a way that shows that he was delicate. From a letter of Ardi-Nabû’s we learn that the order of seniority in the family of Esarhaddon was Ashurbânipal, Shamash-shum-ukîn, Sherûa-eṭirat (a princess), Ashur-mukin-palêa, Sharru-shame-erṣiti-balâṭsu-(iḳbi). He is often named in the letters, usually as king’s son. But despite his delicate health he survived to be made high-priest of Sin at Ḥarrân, by his royal brother, and even as late as B.C. 648 his name occurs in the contracts.(916)

(M829) Balasi is a frequent writer of astrological reports, some five and twenty being preserved, besides some fifteen letters. In the latter he is associated with Nabû-aḫê-erba no less than seven times, once with Ishtar-shum-êresh also. In these cases we probably have the same person. But the name occurs often in the contracts, and there belongs to at least three different men. Nabû-aḫê-erba was the writer of some five and thirty astrological reports, besides some seven or eight letters, usually with Balasi. The name belongs to several persons named in the contracts.

(M830) Ardi-Êa was also a frequent writer to the king. Besides three or four astrological reports, he wrote nine letters to the king. He is generally associated with Adadi-shum-uṣur, Ishtar-shum-êresh, Akkullânu, or Marduk-shâkin-shum. But one letter,(917) written to Sargon II., and mentioning Merodach-Baladan II., clearly belongs to another Ardi-Êa. Most of his letters are defective. The most intelligible(918) reads thus:

To the king, my lord, thy servant Ardi-Êa. Peace be to the king,
my lord. May Nabû, Marduk, Sin, Ningal, and Nusku be gracious to
the king, my lord. Sin, Ningal (and other gods) shall grant
health, long days, to the king, my lord. Day and night I pray for
the life of the king, my lord.

(M831) The great group of writers with whom he is associated is responsible for a large number of letters. Adadi-shum-uṣur wrote some thirty-five letters and five or six astrological reports. He is especially prolix in his introduction. Here is a specimen:(919)

To the king, my lord, thy servant Adadi-shum-uṣur. Peace be to the
king, my lord. May Nabû and Marduk be excessively gracious to the
king, my lord. The king of gods shall decree the name of the king,
my lord, to the kingdom of Assyria. Shamash and Adad, in their
changeless regard to the king, my lord, have confirmed him in the
kingdom of all lands. A gracious reign, settled days, years of
righteousness, plenteous rains, copious floods, high prices. The
gods are reverenced, the fear of God increased, the temples are
flourishing. The great gods of heaven and earth are exalted in the
reign of the king, my lord. Old men dance, young men sing, the
women and girls are given in marriage, the bridegrooms marry
wives, marriages are consummated, sons and daughters are begotten,
children are born. To those that have sinned and look for death,
the king, my lord, has given new life. Those that for many years
(M832) were captive, thou hast freed. They that many days were
sick have recovered. The hungry are satisfied. The lean grow fat.
The plantations are covered with fruits. Only I and Ardi-Gula
among them have our soul depressed, our heart disturbed. Lately
has the king, my lord, shown love for Nineveh, to his people, to
his chiefs, saying, “Bring your sons, let them stand before me.”
Ardi-Gula, my son is he, let him stand with them, before the king,
my lord. We with all the people will rejoice indeed, and dance for
joy. My eyes are set upon the king, my lord. They that stand in
the palace, all of them, love me not. There is not a friend of
mine among them, to whom I might give a present, and they would
receive it, and take up my cause. Let the king, my lord, take pity
on his servant. Among all those people, I hope none of my
slanderers may see the purpose of their hearts against me.

Judging from the frequent mention of Ardi-Gula in other letters and that he wrote to the king about his sons, Ashurbânipal and Shamash-shum-ukîn, we may be sure the old courtier got his request, and that he was writing to Esarhaddon. The letters of Adadi-shum-uṣur concern domestic affairs, the sickness of one, an auspicious day, the health of another, rarely does he mention any news of public interest. The persons about whom he writes are the members of the royal family, Esarhaddon’s children and the above-named circle of officials. The king sent him to see certain sick folk,(920) he writes about an eclipse, or a ring, or something of the sort. He usually gives a very long introduction; often the real message occupies only a few lines.

(M833) Marduk-shâkin-shum is another of the same group, with twenty-five letters. They are of the same domestic nature as the last. Ishtar-shum-êresh is the writer of a score of letters and about thirty astrological reports. He was evidently a younger member of the group, son of Nabû-zêr-lîshir, and chief scribe to Ashurbânipal. In the reign of Esarhaddon he ranked as a _mašmašsu_. Akkullânu, who was an _êrib bîti_, of Asshur, writes sixteen letters and some dozen astrological reports.

(M834) We have seen that in the second epoch the king had to fix the time when intercalary months should be inserted. In this period the calendar was very carefully regulated by astronomical observations. As a new month began on the day on which the new moon was seen, it is clear that a month would often exceed twenty-nine days, but that a new moon might sometimes be seen on the twenty-ninth. Nabûa, the astronomer of the city Asshur, sends a number of such letters as:(921)

On the twenty-ninth, we kept watch, we did not see the moon. Nabû
and Marduk be gracious to the king, my lord. From Nabûa of Asshur.

So Nabû-shum-iddin writes:(922)

To the Gardener, my lord, thy servant Nabû-shum-iddin, the
_rabûte_ of Nineveh. Nabû and Marduk be gracious to the Gardener,
my lord. On the fourteenth we kept watch on the moon. The moon
suffered an eclipse.

The gardener, or rather irrigator, may be a royal title. At present these observations are useless to us in our attempts to fix chronology, as we do not know the month and year of many of them.

(M835) The queen-mother was always an important personage in the state and she had very great influence indeed at court. But probably few ladies ever obtained a higher degree of power than did Naki’a, or Zakutu as she was also called, the wife of Sennacherib and mother of Esarhaddon. She had a sister Abirami.(923) The queen-mother resided in Laḫiru, but there seem to have been more than one city of the name. Her necklace, or some part of it, is in private possession and has been described by Professor Scheil.(924) She survived her son, and, with her grandsons, Ashurbânipal, Shamash-shum-ukîn, and the nobles of Assyria, issued a proclamation to the empire, declaring Ashurbânipal the true heir to the throne.

(M836) It is, of course, uncertain whether the person addressed as mother of the king is always Zakûtu, since we cannot always date the letters. But the letter of Nâ’id-Marduk,(925) which names Ummanigash as King of Elam, was certainly addressed to her. Nâ’id-Marduk was a son of Merodach Baladan, who, in the reign of Esarhaddon, when his brother Nabû-zêr-kînish-lîshir was killed by Ummanaldash II., threw himself on the mercy of Esarhaddon and was by him made ruler of his ancestral domain of Bît Jakin, as a vassal king. He speaks for himself:

To the mother of the king, my lord, thy servant Nâ’id-Marduk.
Peace be to the mother of the king, my lord. May Ashur, Shamash,
and Marduk give health to the king, my lord. May they decree the
cheer of heart of the mother of the king, my lord. From Elam they
came to me, saying, “They have seized the bridge.” When they came,
I sent to the mother of the king, my lord. Now let the bridge be
restored and the bolts of the bridge strengthened. They say, “They
have burnt it.” I have not sent them, we do not know. They came,
it was gone. To the mother of the king, my lord, I will send. Do
thou, my lord, send troops. The son of Ningal-iddina has gone to
the King of (Elam?) and taken the side of Ḥubanigash. [_Several
lines follow with only fragments of sentences._] “Since these are
trustworthy reports, whatever the Chaldees in future send to the
gods of the king, my lord. If a messenger of the King of Elam does
not bring messages to me, he shall enter and I will see him, and
whatever is his message, he shall explain until I understand.”
They came on the second of Ab, his messenger came to me to the
border; he did not pass over to hinterland, and I sent my
messenger to the palace. My lord, may he decide, and what is right
for the house of my lord, fulfil.

It is evident that the writer regards the queen-mother as so thoroughly identical with the king that he does not scruple to address her as “my lord.” Despite several lacunæ the general sense is clear. After the break the passage in quotation marks seems to be quoted from a report made to the writer. The sons of Ningal-iddina were Sin-tabni-uṣur, Sin-balâṭsu-iḳbi, and Sin-shar-uṣur, all of whom were in important commands in Southern Babylonia. It seems probable that the events referred to in this letter are those which led up to the Elamite invasion of Babylonia, when they came raiding as far as Sippara. Esarhaddon was away at the time in the west. There is no record of how they were driven back.

Here is a letter from the king to his mother:(926)

(M837)

Message of the king to the king’s mother: I am well. Peace be to
the king’s mother. Concerning Amushe’s servant, what thou didst
send me, as the king’s mother has told me, I will at once order.
What thou hast said is extremely good. Wherefore should Ḥamunai
go?

The meaning is obscured for us by our complete lack of information as to the persons concerned. We may conjecture that Ḥamunai was the servant of Amushe, but we do not know. However, we see that the queen mother gave good advice.

(M838) Zakûtu must often have been a prey to great anxiety, left in command as she was in Assyria, with her warrior son nearly always away and such awkward neighbors as the Elamites. But she was on the whole faithfully served. It seems that the proud nobles of Assyria became restless during Esarhaddon’s long absences, for we learn from the Babylonian Chronicle that, in B.C. 670, Esarhaddon put a number of them to death. Here is a letter, however, from an attached subject:(927)

To the mother of the king, my lady, thy servant Aplîa. May Bêl and
Nabû be gracious to the mother of the king, my lady. Every day I
pray Nabû and Nanâ for life and health and length of days, for the
king of lands, my lord, and for the mother of the king, my lady.
May the mother of the king, my lady, be bright. A messenger of
good news from Bêl and Nabû has come from the king of lands, my
lord.

There is a suggestion in the mention of Nanâ that Aplîa wrote from Erech. He may be the Aplîa afterwards associated with Bêl-ibnî and Kudur in the south. If so, we may suppose that the messenger came from Esarhaddon, from Egypt, by way of Southern Babylonia. One would suppose that a messenger from Canaan, or the west, would reach Nineveh, before Chaldea. But, of course, the queen-mother may have been at Laḫiru. Only it is doubtful whether she lived there, while Esarhaddon was away.

It is more likely still that the Aplîa is the same as the _râb ali_ of Laḫiru, who in B.C. 678 was over the house of the queen-mother there.(928)

(M839) Another letter(929) conveys assurance of fidelity:

To the mother of the king, my lord, thy servant Asharîdu. May Nabû
and Marduk be gracious to the mother of the king, my lord. Daily I
pray to Nêrgal and Lâz for the life and health of the king, and
the king’s mother, my lords. There is peace in the city and
temples of the king and now I keep the watch for the king, my
lord.

That Asharîdu is the same as the writer of some thirty astrological reports who was the son of Dankâ, a _ḳatnu_, and servant of the king, may be doubted. He is more likely to be the author of several letters who seems to have been connected with Borsippa. Another letter(930) is from Nêrgal-sharâni in response to another about some sacrifices, sent by the queen-mother. He prays for a thousand years of rule for Esarhaddon, so there can be no mistake about the period. He recounts the preparations made—an ox, two sheep, and two hundred geese. But he says that Ninḳai, the handmaid of the queen-mother, for some reason, will not perform the sacrifice. The queen-mother is asked to send authority for someone to open the treasury and perform the work. The letter is defective and obscure by reason of unknown words. Nêrgal-sharâni may be the same Ashur-shum-uṣur who so often writes to the king about this time. Again Nabû-shum-lîshir writes to the queen-mother(931) about a woman, Kallati, who was intrusted to the writer in the house of Shama’, and about some sheep.

(M840) (M841) Another group includes the letters which refer to medical treatment. Here especially Dr. C. Johnston, himself a medical man, has made a most valuable start in his Assyrian _Epistolary Correspondence_, and we can hardly do better than to follow his guidance. As a rule, what these ancient peoples said and thought of disease is very obscure to us. Many terms were then, as now, used in the medical vocabulary which were well known in ordinary language, but which were given a distinctly different technical meaning. Great attention was paid to surgery and medicine, as is shown by the clauses in the Code.(932) There are also a great number of tablets dealing with medicine, some of which have been published. Long ago Professor Sayce discussed one such text under the title, “An Ancient Babylonian Work on Medicine,”(933) and from the British Museum Catalogue fully four hundred and fifty such texts are known. Dr. C. F. H. Küchler in his _Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Assyrischen Medicin_ has made great progress toward settling the reading and meaning of certain words and phrases. Dr. Baron Felix von Oefele, who has devoted much study to ancient medicine in general, has made noteworthy contributions to the study, by his articles in learned journals. Still, the (M842) great obstacle is that so much of the materia medica, which was a very full one, is unknown; and the diseases appear under names which do not assist us in determining the meaning. The medical treatises considered affections of all parts of the body, and made much of symptoms. They prescribe roots and oils and a great variety of powdered drugs. Some of the treatment is evidently based on extended trial and observation. But also much reliance was placed on charms, and diseases were associated with demons. To drive away the demon, as well as cure the pain, was the doctor’s duty. There was full recognition of the mental factor in sickness.

(M843) With considerable hesitation the following two letters from the physician Ardi-Nanâ to the king Esarhaddon are given, in which Dr. C. Johnston’s rendering is closely followed. In the first, Ardi-Nanâ reports on the state of a patient, perhaps one of the young princes, who was suffering from a disease of the eyes, or perhaps facial erysipelas. He was progressing so well that the physician piously opines that some god has taken the case under his care. The gods who were special patrons of the healing art were Ninip and Gula, whose blessing the physician accordingly invokes. We read:(934)

To the king, my lord, thy servant Ardi-Nanâ. May it be peace in
the highest degree to the king, my lord; may Ninip and Gula give
cheer of heart and health of body to the king, my lord. It is
extremely well with that poor man whose eyes are diseased. I had
applied a dressing to him, it covered his face. Yesterday, at
evening, I undid the bandage which held it, I removed the dressing
which was upon him. There was pus upon the dressing as much as the
tip of the little finger. Thy gods, if any of them has put his
hand to the matter, he has indeed given his order. It is extremely
well. Let the heart of the king, my lord, be cheered. In seven or
eight days he will be well.

There is also another letter(935) from Ardi-Nanâ to the king, but part of it is too defective to render. It begins in exactly the same way as before, save that greeting is also sent to the king’s son.

For the cure which we wrought on ... we were given five-sixths of
a shekel. The day he came, he recovered, he recovered his
strength, he stayed until.... Concerning the patient who had blood
run from his nose, the messenger has told me, saying, “Yesterday,
at evening, much blood ran.” Those dressings are not with
knowledge. They have been placed upon the breathing passages of
the nose and oppress the breathing and come off, because of the
bleeding. Let them be placed within the nostrils, they will
preserve the breath and the blood will be held back. If it is
right in the sight of the king, in the morning I will come and
prescribe for him. Now let me hear his well-being.

The messenger here was a _RAB MU-GI_, in which title it has been proposed to see the original of the Rabmag of Jeremiah xxxix. 3. He was a high official charged with the care of horses and chariots, and here sent to hear news of the patient. There is no evidence that he had any medical knowledge himself. In another letter,(936) Ardi-Nanâ writes concerning Ashur-mukîn-palêa, a younger son of Esarhaddon and brother of Ashurbânipal. He bids the king not to fear. The young prince seems to have been in the doctor’s care. Further he writes about the health of a tooth (of the prince’s?) about which the king had sent to inquire. He had greatly improved its condition (literally, uplifted its head). In another letter,(937) also partly defective, he directs the king to anoint himself as a protection against draughts (?), to drink pure water, and to wash his hands frequently in a bowl. Presently the rash (?) will disappear. In another still more defective letter(938) he mentions the plant _martakal_, to which magical efficacy was ascribed. Another long letter,(939) after the same complimentary opening as the others, goes on:

Continually has the king, my lord, said to me, thus, “The nature
of my disease is this, thou hast not seen to it, its recovery thou
hast not effected.” Formerly I said before the king, my lord, “The
ulcer is incurable (?), I cannot prescribe for it.” Now, however,
I have sealed a letter and sent it. In the presence of the king,
let them read it, I will prescribe for the king, my lord. If it be
agreeable to the king, my lord, let a magician do his work on him.
Let the king apply a lotion (?). Shortly the sore will be loosed.
This lotion of oils (?) let the king apply two or three times. The
king will know if the king says ...

The rest is obscure, simply because we do not know what the disease, or remedy, was.

Shamash-mîtu-uballiṭ, probably the youngest son of Esarhaddon, writes to the king, but whether to his father or his brother Ashurbânipal does not seem clear, about the health of a lady, in whose well-being the king seemed to take interest.(940)

To the king, my lord, thy servant Shamash-mîtu-uballiṭ. Verily
peace be to the king, my lord, may Nabû and Marduk be excessively
gracious to the king, my lord. Verily the king’s handmaid,
Bau-gâmelat is excessively ill, she can eat nothing. Forsooth let
the king, my lord, send an order and let a doctor come and see
her.

(M844) There is also an interesting letter concerning the appointment of a successor to a dead official,(941) sent by a writer whose name is lost:

To the king, my lord, thy servant, ... verily peace to the king,
my lord. May Ashur and Beltu be gracious to the king, my lord.
Concerning the overseer of the house of the seers, who is dead, as
I said in the presence of the king, my lord, to wit, his son, his
brother’s son, are alive. Now his son, his brother’s son, and
Simânai, the son of Nabû-uballiṭ, and the son of the father’s
brother, of Ashur-nâ’id, the deputy priest, with them, shall come
into the presence of the king, my lord. Whoever shall find favor
in the sight of the king, my lord, let the king, my lord, appoint.

It is clear that succession was not purely hereditary. Even when the son was alive, he might be passed over in favor of a cousin, or for a still more distant relation. There are many other interesting cases where the king inquires for the proper persons to be placed in the offices vacated through death or deposition. For example, when Esarhaddon began to set in order the temple services, he heard the following report:(942)

To the king, my lord, thy servant Akkullânu. Peace be to the king,
my lord. Nabû and Marduk be gracious to the king, my lord. In the
long desuetude of the customary rights of Ashur, regarding which
the king, my lord, sent word to his servant, saying, “Who among
the magnates have not complied, have not given, be it much or
little (their default),” yesterday I could not write to the king,
my lord. Now these are the magnates who have not given their dues:
the governors of Barḫalza, Raṣappa, Kalzi, Isana, Bêlê, Kullania,
Arpadda; these have failed to pay their dues. Raṣappa, Barḫalza,
Diḳuḳina, the chief of the vineyards, Daian-Adadi, Isana,
Ḫalziatbar, Birtu, Arzuḫina, Arbailu, Guzana, Sharish, Diḫnunna,
Rimusu, all these have not given the barley and wheat due from
them. And as to the overseer of the bakehouse, the overseer of the
larder and the chief purveyors, concerning whom the king, my lord,
inquired, they are removed from their posts, and this is alleged
as the reason: The overseer of the bakehouse is a child,
Sennacherib removed him; Ashur-zêr-iddin, the priest of Nineveh,
slandered him. I was frightened at the troubles. He had not
committed any great crime.... The overseer of the larder had
broken (?) a dish of Ashur’s, for this deed thy father removed him
from charge of Ashur’s dish, and appointed a turban-maker’s son;
he is without education. And concerning the chief purveyors,
Sennacherib made a reduction of their allowances, and the son of
the turban-maker receives the rest. Now for six years he has been
dead and his son indeed stands in his office. Justice has been in
abeyance since Sargon. Sennacherib was the remover. This is
according to their reasons. The king, my lord, as he will, let him
do.

The text is difficult, partly because some signs are defaced, partly because some words could be read more ways than one, and others are obscure. It seems quite clear that the cult of Ashur had greatly suffered. We know from the Ḥarrân census that certain lands were charged with dues to the temples, others with salaries to officials. The list of defaulters is of geographical value. The deposition of rightful temple officers and the intrusion of unworthy substitutes, on slight grounds, is charged to Sennacherib. He was evidently estranged from the cult of Ashur. Doubtless a comparison of other letters will clear up some of the obscurities, but sufficient is clear to indicate the importance of such documents.

(M845) It is of interest to note that we have a few letters sent by women. We may select the following:(943)

To the scribe of the palace, my lord, thy handmaid Sarai. Bêl,
Bêltu (of Nineveh?), Bêltu of Babylon, Nabû, Tashmetum, Ishtar of
Nineveh, Ishtar of Arbela, be gracious to my lord. Long days,
health of mind, health of body, may they give to my lord. The
servants of my lord, whom the governor of Bît Naialani took, seven
souls in all, he gave to Marduk-erba. Now the people are here,
they have come to me and say thus: “Say to the scribe of the
palace, Do not cause them to enter into the house of Marduk-erba.”
The _šâḳu_ has sealed for them, now he is with them.

Evidently the lady Sarai had great influence with the scribe of the palace; perhaps she was his wife. The reason why the governor took certain servants of his and gave them to Marduk-erba is not clear. Perhaps they were sold for some government claim. It seems that the lady wished to keep them back, but that the purchaser had called and was about to take them away, unless the scribe in some way intervened.

(M846) A few quite private letters found their way into the archives of Nineveh, unless indeed this is a mere freak of the discoverers. Thus:(944)

Note from Marduk to Kurigalzu, his brother: Bêl and Nabû seek the
peace of my brother. Wherefore have I not seen thy messenger?
Until he enter Borsippa, when I see thy messenger, my heart shall
drink the wine of joy. Let my brother send so many pots.

Here is another from Borsippa:(945)

Note from Bêl-upaḳ to Kunâ, his father: Peace be to my father.
Daily I pray to Nabû and Nanâ for my father’s health of life and I
have fulfilled the duty to Ezida (the temple of Nabû at Borsippa)
for thy sake. When I inquired of Mâr-bîti (a divine name) for thy
sake, a fixed time of peace was taken up to the fourth day. Thy
workman is informed concerning everything whatever is safe
according to his (the god’s) word.

(M847) As before remarked, many letters are notices of the movements of horses. These are really obscure in that we do not know what the real purpose of the reports was. They are very similar to many reports which lack the form of address that marks a letter. Many of the terms applied to the horses are also obscure and there is no way to translate them. In other cases we have reports to the king or his officials on various every-day subjects. A list of slaves assigned to one or more men, a list of guests, men of high rank, sent to stay with certain officials, lists of furniture and effects, including books, sent to Ḥarrân with one of the princes, all serve to throw light upon the daily life at the court of Nineveh. Incidentally we have many hints for history as well as life and manners. But such lists and reports do not lend themselves to translation.

(M848) A group of texts, very similar to the letters, only with an especial character of their own, are the inquiries addressed by Esarhaddon and Ashurbânipal to the oracle of the sun-god. Their great interest lies in the fact that they usually state the events which cause the king’s anxiety and so make important contributions to history. But the larger part of them consist of a detailed statement of what omens have been observed by the augurs on examining the entrails of the sacrifices. On these it is probable that the sun-god was to base his opinion. He would know and declare what they portended.