Chapter I: A. lived most at Broad-chalke in com. Wilts; sometimes at Easton (1)

Piers; at London every terme. Much of his time spent in journeying to South Wales (entaile[202]) and Hereff<ordshire>. I now indulge my genius with my friends and pray for the young _angels_. Rest at Mris More's neer Gresham College (Mrs More's in Hammond Alley in Bishopgate Street farthest house[203]☍ old Jairer (?) taverne).

<I> expect preferment <through> Sir Ll. Jenkins[204].

[205]It was I. A. that did putt Mr. Hobbes upon writing his treatise _De Legibus_, which is bound up with his _Rhetorique_ that one cannot find it but by chance; no mention of it in the first title.

[206]I have writt '_an Idea of the education of the Noblesse_ from the age of 10 (or 11) till 18': left with Elias Ashmole, esquire.

[207]1673[208], die Jovis[209], 5ᵗᵒ Martii, 9ʰ 15´ + P.M. J. A. arrested <by> ... Gardiner, serjeant, a lusty faire-haired solar fellow, prowd, insolent, et omnia id genus.

[210]March 25, 1675, my nose bled at the left nostrill about 4ʰ. P.M. I doe not remember any event[AD].

[211]July 31, 1677, I sold my bokes to Mr. Littlebury, _scilicet_ when my impostume in my heade did breake.

About 50 annos <aetatis> <I had> impostume in capite.

[212]Captain ... Poyntz (for service that I did him to the earle of Pembroke and the earl of Abingdon[AE]) did very kindly make me a grant of a thousand acres of land in the island of Tobago, anno Domini 1685/6, Febr. 2ᵈ. He advised me to send over people to plant[AF] and to gett subscribers to come in for a share of these 1000 acres, for 200 acres he sayes would be enough for me. In this delicate island is _lac lunae_ (the mother of silver).

William Penn, Lord Proprietor of Pennsylvania, did, ex mero motu et ex gratia speciali, give me, (16--) a graunt, under his seale, of six hundred acres in Pennsylvania[AG], without my seeking or dreaming of it. He adviseth me to plant it with French protestants for seaven yeares _gratis_ and afterwards <they are> to pay such a rent. Also he tells me, for 200 acres ten pounds per annum rent for ever, after three yeares.

[213]John Aubrey[AH], March 20, 1692/3, about 11 at night robbed and 15 wounds in my head.

January 5ᵗʰ, 1693/4, an apoplectick fitt, circiter 4ʰ. P.M.

[214]_Accidents of John Aubrey[AI]._

Borne at Easton-Piers, March 12, 1625/6, about sun-rising: very weake and like to dye, and therfore Christned that morning before Prayer. I thinke I have heard my mother say I had an ague shortly after I was borne.

1629: about 3 or 4 yeares old, I had a grievous ague.

I can remember it. I gott not health till 11, or 12: but had sicknesse of vomiting for 12 howres every fortnight for ... yeares; then, it came monethly for ...; then, quarterly; and then, halfe-yearly; the last was in June 1642. This sicknesse nipt my strength in the bud.

1633: 8 yeares old, I had an issue (naturall) in the coronall suture of my head, which continued running till 21.

1634: October[215]: I had a violent fever that was like to have carried me off. 'Twas the most dangerous sicknesse that ever I had.

About 1639 (or 1640) I had the measills, but that was nothing: I was hardly sick.

1639: Monday after Easter weeke my uncle's nag ranne away with me, and gave a very dangerous fall.

1642: May 3, entred at Trinity College, Oxon.

1643: April and May, the small-pox at Oxon; and shortly after, left that ingeniouse place; and for three yeares led a sad life in the countrey.

1646: April ----, admitted of the Middle Temple. But my father's sicknesse, and businesse, never permitted me to make any settlement to my studie.

1651: about the 16 or 18 of April, I sawe that incomparable good conditioned gentlewoman, Mris M. Wiseman, with whom at first sight I was in love--haeret lateri[216].

1652: October 21: my father died.

1655: (I thinke) June 14, I had a fall at Epsam, and brake one of my ribbes and was afrayd it might cause an apostumation.

1656: September 1655, or rather (I thinke) 1656, I began my chargeable and taedious lawe-suite about the entaile in Brecknockshire and Monmouthshire.

This yeare, and the last, was a strange year to me, and[217] of contradictions;--scilicet love M. W.[218] and lawe-suites.

1656: December: Veneris morbus.

[219]1657: Novemb. 27, obiit domina Katherina Ryves, with whom I was to marry; to my great losse.

1658: ...[220]

1659: March or Aprill, like to breake my neck in Ely minster, and the next day, riding a gallop there, my horse tumbled over and over, and yet (I thanke God) no hurt.

1660: July, August, I accompanied A. Ettrick into Ireland for a moneth; and returning were like to be ship-wrackt at Holy-head, but no hurt donne.

1661, 1662, 1663: about these yeares I sold my estate in Herefordshire.

...[221]: Janu., had the honour to be elected fellow of the Royal Society.

1664: June 11, landed at Calais. In August following, had a terrible fit of the spleen, and piles, at Orleans. I returned in October.

1664, or 1665: Munday after Christmas, was in danger to be spoiled by my horse, and the same day received laesio in testiculo which was like to have been fatall. Quaere R. Wiseman quando--I beleeve 1664.

1665: November 1; I made my first addresse (in an ill howre) to Joane Sumner.

1666: this yeare all my businesses and affaires ran kim kam. Nothing tooke effect, as if I had been under an ill tongue. Treacheries and enmities in abundance against me.

1667: December --: arrested in Chancery lane, at Mrs. Sumner's suite.

<1667/8>: Febr. 24, A.M. about 8 or 9, triall with her at Sarum. Victory and 600 _li._ dammage, though divelish opposition against me.

1668: July 6, was arrested by Peter Gale's malicious contrivance, the day before I was to goe to Winton for my second triall, but it did not retain me above two howres; but did not then goe to triall.

1669[222]: March 5, was my triall at Winton, from 8 to 9, the judge being exceedingly made against me, by my lady Hungerford. But 4 of the Venue (?) appearing, and with much adoe, gott the moëity of Sarum, verdict viz. 300 _li._

1669 and 1670: I sold all my estate in Wilts.

From 1670, to this very day (I thanke God), I have enjoyed a happy delitescency.

1671: danger of arrests.

1677: later end of June, an imposthume brake in my head.

Laus Deo.

[223]Memorandum:--St. John's night, 1673, in danger of being run through with a sword by a young ...[224] at Mr. Burges' chamber in the Middle Temple.

Quaere the yeare[225] that I lay at Mris Neve's; for that time I was in great danger of being killed by a drunkard in the street opposite Grayes-Inne gate--a gentleman whom I never sawe before, but (Deo gratias) one of his companions hindred his thrust. (Memorandum: horoscope....[226])

Danger of being killed by William, earl of Pembroke, then lord Herbert, at the election of Sir William Salkeld for New Sarum.

I see Mars in ...[226] threatnes danger to me from falls.

I have been twice in danger of drowning.

_Notes._

[J] This beginning of Aubrey's autobiography is explained by Henry Coley's judgment on his nativity, found in MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 104, on the scheme 'J. A. natus 1625/6, March 11th, 17ʰ 14´ 44˝ P.M., sub latitudine 51° 30´.'

'The nativity,' Coley says, 'is a most remarkable opposition, and 'tis much pitty the starres were not more favourable to the native.' Coley goes on to state that the stars 'threaten ruin to land and estate; give superlative vexations in matters relating to marriag, and wondrous contests in law-suits--of all which vexations I suppose the native hath had a greater portion than ever was desired.' Aubrey must have been only too glad to have authority for attributing his failure in life to the stars, and not to his own ill-conduct.

[K] In MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3, in jottings at the side of his horoscope, Aubrey suggests that his failure in this respect was due to defects of his upbringing, not of natural ability.

Ἐὰν ᾖς φιλομαθής, ἔσῃ πολυμαθής. By _pian piano_ I might have <attained to learning>; though <my> memory <was> not tenacious, <yet I had> zeale to learning, and ...[227] extraordinary, ... ...[228]; <but I was> bred ignorant at Eston.'

[L] Henry Coley, in his 'Observations upon the geniture' of Aubrey, MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 105ᵛ, finds that the stars show that he 'will be in great danger between the years of 40 and 50.'--On this Aubrey remarks:--

'Much about that time the native was several times in danger of expiration, as,

first, by the e<arl> of P<embroke>;

2, a bruise of the left side;

3, a narrow escape of falling downe stayres; and,

lastly, as dangerous a fall from a horse;

besides the accident of sowneing, cum multis aliis.

1668: the native was in no small trouble, at least received disparagement, by an arrest, and other untoward transactions.'

[M] In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 62 sqq., is a notice of Aubrey's family and of Kington St. Michael.

The pedigree is:--

William Aubrey, LL.D.
|
|
John Aubrey (3rd son)
|
|
Richard Aubrey _m._ Deborah,
(only son) | daughter of
| Isaac Lyte
|
+-------------+-------------+
| | |
| | |
John William Thomas
(our author)

See in 'Wiltshire: the Topographical Collections of John Aubrey, corrected and enlarged by John Edward Jackson,' Devizes, 1862.

In MS. Aubr. 23, on a slip at fol. 47, Aubrey notes his father's christening:--'Richard Aubrey, July 26, St. Anne's day, christened A.D. 1603.'

MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 83, notices Aubrey's brother William:--'My brother William Aubrey's scheme by Henry Coley.--Natus Mr. W. A. March 20, 1642/3, at 11ʰ 30´ P.M.'

MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 119ᵛ, is the back of an envelope (seal, a pelican feeding her young) addressed to Aubrey's third brother:--'to his very loving freind Mr. Thomas Awbrey at Broad Chalke give these.'

[N] In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8, Aubrey notes:--

'John Aubrey <was> borne in the chamber where are on the chimney painted the armes of Isaac Lyte and Israel Browne.'

MS. Aubr. 17 contains several of Aubrey's drawings, in pencil and water-colours, of the house and grounds at Easton-Piers.

In MS. Aubr. 3 (his 'Hypomnemata Antiquaria'), fol. 55 sqq., is Aubrey's description of Easton-Piers. It is printed in J. E. Jackson's Aubrey's _Wiltshire Collections_ (Devizes, 1862), pp. 235 sqq.

[O] In MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 8, Aubrey notes:--'_ex registro Kington St. Michael in com. Wilts_: June 15, Richard Aubrey and Debora Lyght maried, 1625.'

[P] Aubrey in a marginal note seeks to bring his birth-day into connexion with the Roman Quinquatria (March 19). The note is: 'Quinquatria: feast dedicated to Minerva' <dupl. with 'Pallas'>.

[Q] In MS. Aubr. 23 (his 'Collectio geniturarum'), fol. 116, 117, are letters from Charles Snell about Aubrey's nativity and accidents. Snell there enumerates Aubrey's:--

'Sicknesse att birth; ague and vomittings aboute 5 or 6 yeares old; issue in his head; small-pox; amours with madam Wiseman[229]; selling away the mannor of Stratford, etc.; haesitating in his speech.'

Snell gives this advice:--

'If the haesitation in your speech doth hinder, gett a parsonage of 4 or 500 _li._ per annum, and give a curat 100 _li._ per annum to officiate for you.'

The letter is dated from 'Fordingbridge; 12 August, 1676.'

Aubrey, in his letters to Anthony Wood, several times touches on the idea of his taking Orders. MS. Ballard 14, fol. 98:--'I am like to be spirited away to Jamaica by my lord <John> Vaughan, who is newly made governor there, and mighty earnest to have me goe with him and will looke out some employment worthy a gentleman for me. Fough! the cassock stinkes: it would be ridiculous.'--April 9, 1674. MS. Ballard 14, fol. 119:--'I am stormed by my chiefest friends afresh, viz. Baron Bertie[230], Sir William Petty, Sir John Hoskyns, bishop of Sarum[231], etc., to turne ecclesiastique; "but the king of France growes stronger and stronger, and what if the Roman religion should come-in againe?" "Why then!" say they, "_cannot you turne too?_" You, I say, know well that I am no puritan, nor an enimy to the old gentleman on the other side of the Alpes. Truly, if I had a good parsonage of 2 or 300 _li._ per annum, (as you told me) it would be a shrewd temptation.'--Aug. 29, 1676.

[R] Aubrey notes in the margin, (1) 'T. H.' (in a monogram), i.e. that this Latimer had been schoolmaster to Thomas Hobbes, and (2), 'delicate little horse,' to indicate that he did not walk the mile to Leigh-de-la-mere like a poor boy, but rode his pony there like a fine gentleman. John Britton has mis-read the note, and made it a description of Mr. Latimer's appearance, 'delicate little _person_.'

In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 109, Aubrey gives this inscription as on a stone 'under the communion-table' in the church of Leigh-de-la-mere:--

'Here lieth Mr. Robert Latymer, sometime rector and pastor of
this church, who deceased this life the second day of November,
anno domini 1634.'

And then Aubrey notes:--

'This Mr. Latimer was schoolmaster at Malmsbury[232] to Mr. Thomas Hobbes. He afterwards taught children here[233]. He entred me into my accedence. Before Mr. Latimer, one Mr. Taverner was rector here, who was the parson that maried my grand-father and grandmother Lyte.'

[S] In a marginal note (MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3), Aubrey excuses his father's neglect of his education on the plea that he himself grew up illiterate. The note is:--

'My grandfather A<ubrey> dyed, leaving my father, who was not educated to learning, but to hawking.' See in the life of Alderman John Whitson.

[T] In the margin Aubrey notes:--

'♄: strong impulse to ♄.' This means I suppose that the position of Saturn at his nativity gave him a bias to the study of antiquities.

[U] This means, I suppose, that the copies he made sufficiently resembled the pictures on the parlour wall. A note in MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 6ᵛ, perhaps refers to his own skill in drawing, 'As Mr. Walter Waller's picture drawne after his death; è contra, I have done severall by the life.' Walter Waller was vicar of Chalk, where Aubrey lived: see in the life of Edmund Waller.

[V] Possibly "The mysteries of nature and art, viz.... drawing, colouring ...," by J[ohn] B[ate], Lond. 1634, 4to.

[W] Here (fol. 3ᵛ) in the margin is written:--'Vide Pond,' referring perhaps to a pocket almanac, in which Aubrey had marked the date of his going up to Oxford. See Clark's Wood's _Life and Times_, i. 11, 12. In a letter from Aubrey to Anthony Wood, of date Feb. 21, 1679/80, in MS. Ballard 14, fol. 127, is this interesting note:--'At Trinity College we writt our names in the Buttery-booke, when we were entred.'

Aubrey cites in the margin (MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3ᵛ):--'HORAT. _Epist._ 2ᵈ.' <i.e. _Epist._ ii. 2. 45>:--

'Atque inter sylvas Academi quaerere verum.
Dura sed emovere loco me tempora grato.'

[X] In MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 183, Aubrey, writing on Oct. 19, 1672, tells Anthony Wood, 'you must not forgett that I have 3 other faces or prospects of Osney abbey, as good as that now in the Monasticon. They are in my trunke yet at Easton Piers.' Ibid., fol. 190ᵛ, on Oct. 22, 1672, he says, 'I will bring you about March my two other draughts of Osney ruines, one by Mr. Dobson himselfe, the other by his man, one Mr. Hesketh, but was a priest.'

Note that in MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 200, is a drawing (from memory) by Aubrey of the stone-work which crowned the great earth-mound of Oxford Castle.

[Y] In a slip at the end of MS. Aubr. 26 (Aubrey's _Faber Fortunae_, in which he entered schemes by which he hoped to 'make his fortune'), is this note:--

'I have the deed of entaile of the lands in South Wales, Brecon, and Monmouthshire, by my grandfather, William Aubrey LL.D., which lands now of right belong to me. Memorandum:--Mr. David Powell, who liveth at ... (neer Llanverarbrin neer Llandvery, as I remember), can helpe me to the counterpart of this deed of entaile in Wales--quod N. B.'

[Z] In MS. Aubr. 21, at fol. 75 is part of a draft of a will by Aubrey, probably the one mentioned here (Ralph Bathurst became 'Dr.' in 1654):--

'Item, my will is that my executors buy for Trinity Colledge in Oxon a colledge pott of the value of ten pounds, with my armes theron inscribed; and ten pounds which I shall desire my honoured friends Mr. Ralph Bathurst of Trinity College and Mr. John Lydall to lay out upon mathematicall and philosophicall books.

Item, I give to the library of Jesus Colledge in Oxon my Greeke _Crysostomus_, Bede's 2 tomes, and all the rest of my bookes that are fitt for a library, as Mr. Anthony Ettrick[234] or Mr. John Lydall shall think fitt, excepting those bookes that were my father's which I bequeath to my heire.

Item, I bequeath to John Davenant of the Middle Temple, esq., a ring of the value of 50_s._, with a stone in it.

Item, to Mr. William Hawes[235] of Trinity College aforsaid a ring of the like value.

Item, to Mr. John Lydall[236] of the Colledge aforesaid a ring of the like value.

Item, to Mr. Ralf Bathurst[237] of Trinity College aforesaid a ring of the like value.

Item, to Mris Mary Wiseman of Westminster, my best diamond ring.'

[AA] On a slip at fol. 101 of MS. Aubr. 23 is the jotting:--'Eston-pierse: possession given, 25 March, 1671, P.M.'

[AB] In his retirement during this year at Chalk, Aubrey tried his hand at play-making. Writing to Anthony Wood on Oct. 26, 1671, MS. Wood, F. 39, fol. 141ᵛ, he says:--

'I am writing a comedy for Thomas Shadwell, which I have now almost finished since I came here, et quorum pars magna fui. And I shall fit him with another, _The Countrey Revell_, both humours untoucht, but of this, mum! for 'tis very satyricall against some of my mischievous enemies which I in my tumbling up and downe have collected.'

Of the first of these comedies, the autobiographical one, I have found no trace: of the second, satirizing the men and manners of Wiltshire, a very rude draft is found in MS. Aubr. 21.

[AC] In MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 113 is a note (dated 1672/3) from Henry Coley, addressed:--

'For his much honoured friend Mr. John Aubrey, at the right honourable the earle of Thanet's house at Hethfield in Kent, these present.'

The letter states that the writer has forwarded letters to and from Aubrey; and concludes: 'you are much wanted at London, and dayly expected, and therefore I hope you will not be long absent. Interest calls for your appearance.'

[AD] i.e. which followed after this bleeding. Bleeding at the nose was thought ominous: see Clark's Wood's _Life and Times_, iii. 289, note 1.

[AE] In MS. Aubr. 26, p. 17 is this note:--'The earle of Abington to buy of Captain Poyntz the propriety of the island of Tobago, now regnante Gulielmo III.'

[AF] Aubrey before this time had planned to retrieve his ruined fortunes by colonial schemes: e.g., MS. Aubr. 26, p. 46:--'1676: from Sir William Petty--<in> Jamaica 500 _li._ gives 100 per annum: take a chymist with me, for brandy, suger, etc., and goe halfe with him.'

[AG] In consequence of this grant, Aubrey seriously thought of emigrating. MS. Aubr. 26, p. 14:--

'Mr. Robert Welsted, goldsmith and banquier, saies that Mr. John Evelyn's bookes are the most proper for a plantation. Also Markham's husbandry and huswifry, etc. This is in order for Mr. W. Penn and myselfe.--Also let him carry with him Mr. Haines booke of Cydar Royall, which method will likewise serve for other fruites--it is by distillation. Quaere of Mr. Tyndale's at Bunhill, who makes severall sorts of English wines and cydars. Memorandum the great knack and criticism is to know when it comes to its sowrenesse; it must not be vinegar for then nothing will come--quod N. B.'

[AH] This is noticed on a slip (fragment of a letter, '8 March, 1692/3' from Edward Harley) at fol. 113 of MS. Aubr. 23:--'J. A. vulneratus die 20 Martii inter 10 et 11 horas Londini. Deo gratias.'

[AI] This paper was acquired by Rawlinson in July ... 1746 (ibid. fol. 31ᵛ). There is an inaccurate copy of it in MS. Ballard 14, foll. 158, 159, which has the note:--'1754, June 11, transcribed from a MS. in Mr. Aubrey's own writing in the possession of Dr. Richard Rawlinson.'

=William Aubrey= (1529-1595).

[238]William Aubrey[AJ], Doctor of Lawes:--extracted from a MS.[AK] of funeralls, and other good notes, in the hands of Sir Henry St. George, ...[239], marked thus ♡. I guesse it to be the hand-writing of Sir Daniel Dun, knight, LL. Dr., who maried Joane, third daughter of Dr. William Aubrey:--

William Aubrey (the second son of Thomas Aubrey, the 4th son of Hopkin Aubrey, of Abercunvrig in the countie of Brecon, esqre) in the 66th yeare of his age or thereabouts, and on the 25th of June, in the yeare of our Lord 1595, departed this life, and was buried in the Cathedrall-church of St. Paul in London, on the north side of the chancell, over against the tombe of Sir John Mason, knight, at the base or foot of a great pillar standing upon the highest step of certain degrees or staires rising into the quire eastward from the same pillar towards the tombe of the right honble the lord William, earle of Pembroke, and his funeralls were performed the 23d of July, 1595. This gentleman in his tender yeares learned the first grounds of grammar in the College of Brecon, in Brecknock towne, and from thence about his age of fourteen yeares he was sent by his parents to the University of Oxford, where, under the tuition and instruction of one Mr. Morgan, a great learned man, in a few yeares he so much profited in humanity and other recommendable knowledge, especially in Rhetorique and Histories, as that he was found to be fitt for the studie of the Civill Law, and thereupon was also elected into the fellowship[240] of All-soules Colledge in Oxford (where the same Lawe[241] hath alwayes much flourished). In which Colledge he ernestly studied and diligently applied himselfe to the lectures and exercise of the house, as that he there attained the degree of a Doctor of the Law Civill at his age of 25 yeares, and immediately after, he had bestowed on him the Queen's Publique Lecture of Law in the university, the which he read with so great a commendation as that his fame for learning and knowledge was spred far abroad and he also esteemed worthy to be called to action in the commonwealth. Wherefor, shortly after, he was made Judge Marshall of the Queen's armies at St. Quintins in France. Which warrs finished, he returned into England, and determining with himselfe, in more peaceable manner and according to his former education, to passe on the course of his life in the exercise of law, he became an advocate of the Arches, and so rested many yeares, but with such fame and credit as well for his rare skill and science in the[242] law, as also for his sound judgment and good experience therein, as that, of men of best judgment, he was generally accounted peerlesse in that facultie.

Wherupon, as occasion fell out for imployment of a civilian, his service was often used as well within the realme as in forrein countries. In which imployments, he alwaies used such care and diligence and good circumspection, as that his valour and vertues dayly more appearing ministred means to his further advancement. In soe much that he was preferred to be one of the Councell of the Marches of Wales, and shortly after placed Master of the Chancery, and the appointed Judge of the Audience, and constituted Vicar Generall to the Lord Archbishop of <Canterbury> through the whole province, and last, by the especiall grace of the queene's most excellent majestie, queen Elizabeth, he was taken to her highnesse nearer service and made one of the Masters of Request in ordinarie. All which titles and offices (the Mastership of Chancery, which seemed not competible with the office of Master of Requestes, only excepted) he by her princely favour possessed and enjoyed untill the time of his death. Besides the great learning and wisdome that this gentleman was plentifully endowed withall, Nature had also framed him so courteous of disposition and affable of speech, so sweet of conversation and amiable behaviour, that there was never any in his place better beloved all his life, nor he himselfe more especially favoured of her majestie and the greatest personages in the realme in any part of his life then he was when he drew nearest his death. He was of stature not taull, nor yet over-low, not grosse in bodie, and yet of good habit; somewhat inclining to fatnesse of visage in his youth; round, well favoured, well coloured and lovely; and albeit in his latter yeares sicknesse had much[243] impaired his strength and the freshnesse of his hew, yet there remained there still to the last in his countenance such comely and decent gravity, as that the change rather added unto them then ought diminished his former dignitie. He left behind him when he died, by a vertuouse gentlewoman Wilgiford his wife (the first daughter of Mr. John Williams of Tainton in the countie of Oxford, whom he maried very young a maiden, and enjoyed to his death, that both having lived together in great love and kindnesse by the space of 40 yeares) three sons and six daughters, all of them maried, and having issue, as followeth[IX.].

[IX.] Vide pedegre.

His eldest son Edward, maried unto Joane, daughter and one of the heires of William Havard, in the countie of Brecon, esqre.

His second son Thomas maried Mary the daughter and heire of Anthony Maunsell of Llantrithed, in the com. of Glamorgan, esqre.

His 3d son John,[X.] being then of the age of 18 yeares (or much thereabouts), was maried to Rachel, one of the daughters of Richard Danvers of Tockenham, in com. Wilts, esqre.

[X.] John Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, was his guardian, and the doctor's great friend. I have heard my grandmother say that her husband told her that his grace kept a noble house, and that with admirable order and oeconomie; and that there was not one woman in the family.--Vide the archbishop of Canterbury's case in Sir Edward Cooke's _Reportes_ where he is mentioned.

His eldest daughter Elizabeth, maried to Thomas Norton of Norwood in the countie of Kent, esqre.

His 2d daughter Mary maried William Herbert of Krickhowell, in the countie of Brecknock, esqre.

His 3d daughter Joane maried with Sir Daniel Dun, knight, and Doctor of the Civill Lawe.

His 4th daughter Wilgiford maried to Rise Kemis of Llanvay, in the county of Monmouth, esqre.

His 5th daughter Lucie maried to Hugh Powell, gent.

His 6th and youngest daughter Anne, maried to John Partridge, of Wishanger, in the countie of Glocester, esqre.

Of every of the which since his death there hath proceeded a plentifull issue.

_Additions by Aubrey._

Memorandum:--he was one of the delegates (together with Dr. Dale, &c.) for the tryall of Mary, queen of Scots, and was a great stickler for the saving of her life, which kindnesse was remembred by King James att his comeing-in to England, who asked after[244] him, and probably[245] would have made him Lord Keeper, but he dyed, as appeares, a little[246] before that good opportunity happened. His majestie sent for his sonnes[247], and knighted the two eldest, and invited them to court, which they modestly and perhaps prudently, declined. They preferred a country life.

You may find him mentioned in the History of Mary, queen of Scotts, 8vo, written, I thinke, by <John> Hayward; as also in Thuanus's _Annales_, which be pleased to see[AL] and insert his words here in honour to the Doctor's _Manes_. Dr. ... Zouch mentions him with respect in his _De Jure Faeciali_, pag....; and as I remember, he is quoted by Sir Edward Coke, Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, in his Reports, about the legitimacy of the earle of Hertford.[XI.] Quaere if it was Edward the father[AM], or els his son William, about the mariage with the ladie Arbella Stuart?

[XI.] Memorandum: Mr. Shuter, the proctor, told me that the Doctor appealed to Rome about the earle of Hartford's suite, tempore reginae Elizabethae.

[248][Johannes[249] David Rhesus M.D. makes an honourable mention of him in his Welsh grammar in folio, pag....; as also in his preface.]

[250][_Linguae Cymraecae institutiones accuratae_, J. David Rhoesus, folio, London, 1592, pag. 182 (quaere if he is not mentioned in the Welsh preface):--

Caeterum nunc et propter eorum authoritatem et quod huic
loco inter alia maxime quadrent, non pigebit antiquissima
Taliessini[AN] Cambrobrytannica carmina subjungere, furtim
(quae mea est audacia) et eo nesciente, a me surrepta, et
clanculum calamo commissa, ex ore, vesperi fortuitò juxta
proprium ignem pro solito in sua cathedra considentis, et haec
una cum aliis carminibus memoriter, et non sine delectatione
quadam decora, proferentis, ornatissimi et doctissimi viri
domini Gulielmi Aubraei, Cambrobrytanni ab illustrissima
Aubraeorum familia oriundi, linguae Cambrobrytannicae
peritissimi eximiique patriae suae decoris et ornamenti, Juris
utriusque Doctoris celeberrimi, ac regiae majestati à Supplicum
Libellis constituti Domini, et amici optimi perpetuoque
colendi, nobisque amicis jam strenuas et auxiliatrices manus
porrigentis, qua citius et magis prospere elucubrationes hae ad
nostratium et aliorum utilitatem proelo committebantur.

Carmina vero sunt hujusmodi.]

[251]Memorandum:--old Judge Atkins[252] (the father) told me that the Portugall ambassador was tryed for his life for killing Mr. Greenway in the New Exchange (Oliver's time), upon the precedent of the bishop of Rosse (Scotch) by Dr. W. Aubrey's advice. Memorandum:--Dr. Cruzo[253] of Doctors Commons hath the MSS. of this bishop's tryall.

[254]_De legati deliquentis judice competente dissertatio_, autore Richardo Zoucheo, Juris Civilis professore Oxoniae, Oxon 1657, 12ᵐᵒ, pag. 89:--

Quarto, quod cum episcopus Rossensis, legatus reginae
Scotorum, multa turbulenter in Anglia fecisset ad rebellionem
excitandam et ad Anglos in Belgio profugos ad Angliam
invadendam inducendos, Davidi Lewiso, Valentino Dalo, Gulielmo
Drurio, Gulielmo Awbreio, et Henrico Jones, Juris Caesarei
consultissimis, quaestio proposita fuit _An legatus, qui
rebellionem contra principem ad quem legatus est concitat,
legati privilegiis gaudeat_ et _An, ut hostis, poenae
subjaceat_, eidem responderunt, ejusmodi legatum, jure gentium
et civili Romanorum, omnibus legati privilegiis excidisse et
poenae subjiciendum.

[255]He was a good statesman; and queen Elizabeth loved him and was wont to call him 'her little Doctor.' Sir Joseph Williamson, Principall Secretary of Estate (first, under-Secretary), haz told me that in the Letter-office are a great many letters of his to the queen and councell[256].

He sate many times as Lord Keeper, durante bene placito, and made[257] many decrees, which Mr. Shuter, etc., told me they had seen.

Vide Anthony Wood's _Hist. et Antiq._: he was principal of New Inne.

Memorandum:--the _Penkenol_, i.e. chiefe of the family, is my cosen Aubrey of Llannelly in Brecknockshire, of about 60 or 80 _li._ per annum inheritance; and the Doctor should have given a distinction; for want of which in a badge on one of his servants' blew-coates, his cosen William Aubrey[258], also LL. Dr., who was the chiefe, plucked it off.

The learned John Dee was his great friend and kinsman, as I find by letters between them in the custody of Elias Ashmole, esqre, viz., John Dee wrote a booke _The Soveraignty of the Sea_, dedicated to queen Elizabeth, which was printed, in folio. Mr. Ashmole hath it, and also the originall copie of John Dee's hand writing, and annexed to it is a lettre of his cosen Dr. William Aubrey[259], whose advise he desired in his writing on that subject.

He purchased Abercunvrig (the ancient seate of the family) of his cosen Aubrey. He built the great house at Brecknock, his studie lookes on the river Uske. He could ride nine miles together in his owne land in Breconshire. In Wales and England he left 2500 _li._ per annum wherof there is now none left in the family. He made one Hugh George (his chiefe clark) his executor, who ran away into Ireland and cosened all the legatees, and among others my grandfather (his youngest son) for the addition of whose estate he had contracted with.... for Pembridge castle in the com. of Hereford, which appeares by his will, and for which his executor was to have payed. He made a deed of entaile (36 Eliz., 15<94>) which is also mentioned in his will, wherby he entailes the Brecon estate on the issue male of his eldest son, and in defailer, to skip the 2d son (for whom he had well provided, and had maried a great fortune) and to come to the third. Edward the eldest had seaven sonnes; and his eldest son, Sir William, had also seaven sonnes; and so I am heire, being the 18th man in remainder, which putts me in mind of Dr. Donne,

For what doeth it availe
To be the twentieth man in an entaile?

Old Judge Sir <Edward> Atkins remembred Dr. A. when he was a boy; he lay at his father's house in Glocestershire: he kept his coach, which was rare in those dayes. The Judge told me they then (vulgarly) called it a _Quitch_. I have his originall picture. He had a delicate, quick, lively and piercing black eie, fresh complexion, and a severe eie browe. The figure in his monument at St. Paules is not like him, it is too big.

_Heroum filii noxae_: he engrossed all the witt of the family, so that none descended from him can pretend to any. 'Twas pitty that Dr. Fuller had not mentioned him amongst his Worthys in that countie.

When he lay dyeing, he desired them to send for a _goodman_; they thought he meant Dr. Goodman, deane of St. Paules, but he meant a priest, as I have heard my cosen John Madock say. Capt. Pugh was wont to say that civilians (as most learned an<d> gent.) naturally incline to the church of Rome; and the common lawyers, as more ignorant and clownish, to the church of Geneva.

Wilgiford, his relict, maried ... Browne, of Willey, in com. Surrey.

The inscription on his monument in St. Paul's church:--

Gulielmo Aubreo clara familia in Breconia orto, LL. in Oxonia
Doctori, ac Regio Professori, Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis
causarum Auditori et Vicario in spiritualibus Generali,
Exercitus Regii ad St. Quentin Supremo Juridico, in Limitaneum
Walliae Consilium adscito, Cancellariae Magistro, et Reginae
Elizabethae à supplicum libellis: Viro exquisita eruditione,
singulari prudentia, et moribus suavissimis qui (tribus filiis,
et sex filiabus e Wilgiforda uxore susceptis), aeternam in
Christo vitam expectans, animam Deo xxiii Julii 1595, aetatis
suae 66, placidè reddidit;

Optimo patri Edvardus et Thomas, milites, ac Johannes, armiger,
filii moestissimi, posuerunt.

[260]This Dr. W. Aubrey was related to the first William, earl of Pembroke, two wayes (as appeares by comparing the old pedegre at Wilton with that of the Aubreys); by Melin and Philip ap Elider (the Welsh men are all kinne); and it is exceeding probable that the earle was instrumentall in his rise. When the earl of Pembroke was generall at St. Quintins in France, Dr. Aubrey was his judge advocat. In the Doctor's will is mention of a great piece of silver plate, the bequest of the right honᵇˡᵉ the earle of Pembroke.

... Stephens, the clarke of St. Benets, Paules Wharfe, tells me that Dr. W. Aubrey gave xx_s._ per annum for ever to that parish.

[261]Vide the register of St. Benet's, Paule's Wharfe--quaere. Stephens, the clark, sayeth that he gave xx_s._ per annum to the parish of St. Benet's, Paule's wharfe, for ever: quaere.

[262]Sir Andrew Joyner of Bigods in Much Dunmow parish in Essex hath two folios, stitcht, of manuscript letters of state, wherin are two letters of Dr. William Aubrey's to secretary Walsingham, and also lettres of queen Elizabeth's owne handwriting to Cecill; also _Liber Stᵃᵉ Mariae de Reding_, a MS.; and other MSS.,--a long shelfe of them--one of them writt tempore Henr. IV. This I had from Mr. Andrew Paschal, rector of Chedzoy, Somerset.

<_Letter by Dr. W. Aubrey: supra, p. 59._>

[263]MY GOOD COOSEN,

I have sente unto you again my yonge coosen[264] inclosede in a bagge, as my wyffe cariethe yet one of myne; trustinge in God, that shortly both, in theyr severall kyndes, shall come to lyght and live long, and your's having _genium_, for ever. I knowe not, for lack of sufficiencie of witte and learninge, how to judge of it at all. But in that shadowe of judgemente that I have, truste me beinge vearie farre from meanynge to yelde any thyng, to your owne eares, of yourselfe. The matter dothe so strive with the manner of the handlinge that I am in dowpte whyther I shall preferre the matter for the substance, weyght, and pythines of the multitude of argumentes and reasones, or the manner for the methode, order, perspicuitie, and elocution, in that height and loftynesse that I did nott beleve our tonge (I meane the Englyshe) to be capable of. Marie, our Brittishe, for the riches of the tonge, in my affectionate opinion, is more copious and more advawntageable to utter any thinge by a skillfull artificer. This navie which you aptlie, accordinge to the nature and meaninge of your platt, call pettie, is so sette furthe by you, thos principall and royall navies of the Grecianes and Trojanes described by Homer and Vergill are no more bownde to them, then it is to you.

You argue or rather thoondre so thicke and so strong for the necessitie and commoditie of your navie, that you leade or rather drawe me _obtorto collo_ to be of opinion with you, the benefitte therofe to be suche as it wilbe a brydle and restreynte for conspiracies of foreyne nationes, and of owre owne a salfegarde to merchants from infestationes of pyrates; a readie meane to breed and augmente noombers of skillfull marryners and sowldiers for the sea, a mayntynawnce in proces of tyme for multitudes of woorthie men that otherwise wolde be ydle. Who can denie, as you handle the matter, and as it is in trothe, but that it will be a terror to all princes for attemptinge of any soodeyne invasions,[265] and hable readilie to withstande any attempte foreyne or domesticall by sea? And where this noble realme hath ben long defamede for suffringe of pyrates disturbers of the common traffyke upon these seas, yt will, as you trulye prove, utterlie extingwishe the incorrigible, and occupie the reformed in that honourable service.

The indignitie that this realme hath long borne in the fyshinge rownde aboute yt, with the intolerable injuries that owre nation hath indurede and doe still, at strangers handes, besides the greatnes of the commoditie that they take owte of our mowthes, hath ben, and is suche, that the same almoste alone were cause sufficiente to furnishe your navie if it may have that successe and consideration that it deserveth, it will be a better wache for the securitie of the state than all the intelligencers or becones that may be devisede: and a stronger wall and bulwarke than either Calleys was, or a brase of such townes placed in the most convenient parte of any continente of France, or the Lowe-countrey. As her majestie of right is _totius orbis Britannici domina, et lex maris_, whiche is given in the reste of the worlde by Labro in our learning to Antoninus the Emperor, so she showlde have the execution and effect therof in our worlde, yf your navie were as well setled as you have plottede it. But what doe I by this bare recitall deface your reasones so eloquentlie garnishede by you with the furniture of so much and so sundrie lernynge? I will of purpose omitt howe fully and howe substantially you confute the stronge objectiones and argumentes that you inforce and presse againste your selfe. I wolde God all men wolde as willinglie beare the light burdynes that you lay upon them for the supportation of the chardges as you have wiselie and reasonablie devisede the same. And so the dearthe and scarsitie that curiouse or covetouse men may pretende to[266] feare, you so sowndlie satisfie, that it is harde with any probabilitie to replie. As for the sincere handlinge and govermente it is not to be disperede yf the charge shall be with good ordinawnces and instructiones placede carefullie in chosen persones of good credite and integritie. See howe boldlie upon one soodeyne readinge I powre my opinion to your bosome of this your notable and strange discowrse. And yet I will make bold to censure it also as he dyd in the poore slipper when he was nott able to fynd any faulte in any one parte of the workemanship of the noble picture of that goddes. I pray you, Sir, seyinge you meane that your navie shall contynewe in time of peace furnishede with your noombre of men, what provision or ordre make you, howe they shall occupie and exercise themselves all the while? Assure your selfe those whelpes of yours neyther can nor will be ydle, and excepte it may please you to prescribe unto them some good occupation and exercise, they will occupie themselves in occupationes of their owne choice, wherof few shall be to your lykinge or meanynge. Peradventure you meane of purpose to reserve that to the consideration of the state. And where you in vearie good proportion, lawierlike, share goodes taken by pyrates amonge sundrie persones of your navie, and some portion to itselfe, reservinge the moytie to the prince, you are to remembre that the same are challenged holly to belong to her highnesse by prerogative. Let me be also bold to offer to your consideration whether it be expedient for you so freely to deale with the carryinge of ordinawnces out of the realme beinge a matter lately pecuted[267] by the knowledge _et convenientia_ of, etc. You doe, to veary great purpose inserte the two orationes of Georgius Gemistus Plethon, the one to Emanuel by fragments, and the other to his sonne Theodore _ad verbum_, for the worthynes and varietye of many wise and sownd advises given by him to those princes in a hard tyme, when they were in feare of that Turkish conquest, that did after followe to the ruine of that empire of Constantinople. However well doeth he handle the differences and rates of customes and tributes, the moderate and sober use of apparell _in ipsis principibus_! How wisely doethe[268] he condemne the takeinge up of all the newe attires and apparell of strange nations, as though he had written to us at this tyme, who doe offende as deepely therein as the Greekes then dyd! How franke is he to his prince in useinge the comparisone between the Eagle that hath no varietie of colours of feathers, and yet of a princelie nature and estimation, and the Peocock, a bird of no regall propertie nor credit yet glisteringe angelically with varietie of feathers of all lively colours. There is one sentence in the later oration which I have thought to note because in apparence it dothe oppugne in a maner your treatise. The wordes are these, _Prestat longè terrestribus copiis ac militum et ducum virtute, quàm nautarum et similium hominum vilium arte, fiduciam ponere_.

Good coosen, pardon my boldnes. I doe this bicause you may understande that I have roone over it. And yet was I abrode all the fowle day yesterday. I pray you pardon me agayne for nott sendinge of it to you accordinge to promisse. And for that your man is come, and for that I have spente all my paper, I will no longer trowble you at this tyme, savinge with my right heartie commendations to your selfe and to my coosen your good mother from me and from my woman. From Kewe this Soonday in the morninge, the 28 of July.

Yours assuredlie at commawndement,

W. AUBREY.

To his verie lovinge coosen and assured
freende Mr. John Dee, at Mortelake.

_Notes._

[AJ] Aubrey gives in trick the coat:--'in the 1 and 6, gules[269], a chevron between 3 eagles heads erased or [Aubrey]; in the 2, ..., a lion rampant ...; in the 3, ..., a chevron between 3 (lions'?) paws ...; in the 4, ..., three cocks gules; and in the 5, parted per pale ... and ..., 3 fleur-de-lys counter-changed.' The crest is 'an eagle's head erased or [Aubrey].'

[AK] In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 7, is the memorandum:--'Insert ♡ to Liber B.'--'Liber B.' was a volume of antiquarian notes, collected by Aubrey, now lost (Macray's _Annals of the Bodleian_, p. 367). Aubrey wanted to copy into it something from this MS. ♡. Two other memoranda in the same place are:--(_a_) 'William Aubrey, LL.D.: extract out of _De jure feciali_, and _De legati deliquentis judice competente_, by Dr. Zouch,' as is done _supra_, p. 58; (_b_) 'Memorandum the xx _s._ per annum bread at St. Benet's, Paul's wharf'; see _supra_, p. 61.

Aubrey, in MS. Ballard 14, fol. 119, writing to Anthony Wood on Aug. 29, 1676, says:--'This day accidentally Mr. St. George shewed me my grandfather, Dr. William Aubrey's, life in their office' <i.e. the College of Arms>, 'written, I suppose, by Sir Daniel Dun, his son-in-lawe. He came to Oxon at 14, and was LL. Dr. at 25.'

[AL] Aubrey was very enthusiastic about these notices of his grandfather. Writing to Anthony Wood, on May 19, 1668 (MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 118), he says:--'My grandfather Dr. William Aubrey--Thuanus in his _Annales_ makes an honourable mention of him, and also it is set downe in the life of Mary, queen of Scotts (he being one of the commissioners) that he was very jealous of her being putt to death--which the chroniclers mention too I'me sure, and Stow. If you would be pleased to turne to Thuanus and the life aforesaid you <would> very much oblige me, and you shall have a payre of gloves, for his sake.'

[AM] Edward Seymour, created earl of Hertford in 1559, had in 1553 married secretly Katherine, daughter of Henry Grey, duke of Suffolk. In 1561 Elizabeth sent them prisoners to the Tower, and the marriage was disputed in the law-courts. William Seymour, his grandson, who succeeded as 2nd earl in 1621, married in 1610 Arabella Stuart. She was sent prisoner to the Tower by James I: but Dr. W. Aubrey had died in 1595.

[AN] Aubrey, in MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 6ᵛ, has a note:--'Meredith Lloyd respondet that Telesinus (Teliessen) was a British priest to whom Gildas writes.'

=Francis Bacon= (1561-1626).

<_His coat of arms._>

[270]Quarterly, on the 1 and 4, gules on a chief argent two mullets sable [Bacon], on the 2 and 3, barry of six or and azure, over all a bend gules [ ...], a crescent on the fesse point for difference; impaling, sable, a cross engrailed between 4 crescents argent, a crescent sable on the fesse point [Barnham].

<_Miscellaneous Notes._>

[271]Chancellor Bacon:--The learned and great cardinal Richelieu was a great admirer of the lord Bacon.

So was Monsieur Balzac: e.g. _les Oeuvres diverses_, dissertation sur un tragedie, à Monsieur Huygens de Zuylichen, p. 158--'Croyons, pour l'amour du chancilier Bacon, que toutes les folies des anciens sont sages et tous leur songes mysteries.'

Quaere if I have inserted[272] his irrigation in the spring showres.

Vide _Court of King James_ by Sir Anthony Welden, where is an account of his being viceroy here when the king was in Scotland, and gave audience to ambassadors in the banquetting-house.

[273]Lord Chancellor Bacon:--Memorandum, this Oct. 1681, it rang over all St. Albans that Sir Harbottle Grimston, Master of the Rolles, had removed the coffin of this most renowned Lord Chancellour to make roome for his owne to lye-in in the vault there at St. Michael's church.

[274]Sir Francis Bacon, knight, baron of Verulam and viscount of St. Albans, and Lord High Chancellor of England:--vide his life writt by Dr. William Rawley before _Baconi Resuscitatio_, in folio.

<_His admirers and acquaintances._>

It appeares by this following inscription that Mr. Jeremiah Betenham of Graye's Inne was his lordship's intimate and dearely beloved friend. This inscription is on the freeze of the summer house on the mount in the upper garden of Grayes Inne, built by the Lord Chancellor Bacon. The north side of the inscription is now perished[275]. The fane was a Cupid drawing his bowe.

Franciscus Bacon, Regis Solicitator Generalis, executor
testamenti Jeremie Betenham nuper lectoris hujus hospitii,
viri innocentis et abstinentis et contemplativi, hanc sedem in
memoriam ejusdem Jeremie extruxit, anno Domini, 1609.

In his lordship's prosperity Sir Fulke Grevil, lord Brookes, was his great friend and acquaintance; but when he was in disgrace and want, he was so unworthy as to forbid his butler to let him have any more small beer, which he had often sent for, his stomach being nice, and the small beere of Grayes Inne not liking his pallet. This has donne his memorie more dishonour then Sir Philip Sydney's friendship engraven on his monument hath donne him honour. Vide ... History, and (I thinke) Sir Anthony Weldon.

... Faucet, of Marybon in the county of Middlesex, esqr., was his friend and acquaintance, as appeares by this letter which I copied from his owne handwriting (an elegant Roman hand). 'Tis in the hands of Walter Charlton, M.D., who begged it not long since of Mr. Faucet's grandsonne.

* * * * *[276]

[277]Richard[278], earle of Dorset, was a great admirer and friend of the lord chancellor Bacon, and was wont to have Sir Thomas Billingsley[279] along with him to remember and to putt-down in writing my lord's sayings at table.

Edward, lord Herbert of Cherbery.

John Dun[280], dean of Paul's.

George Herbert.

Mr. Ben: Johnson was one of his friends and acquaintance, as doeth appeare by his excellent verses on his lordship's birth-day in his second volume, and in his _Underwoods_, where he gives him a character and concludes that 'about his time, and within his view were borne all the witts that could honour a nation or help studie.'

[281]Lord Bacon's birth-day: _Underwoods_, p. 222.

Haile, happy genius of this ancient pile,
How comes it all things so about thee smile?
The fire, the wine, the men! and in the midst
Thou stand'st as if some mysterie thou didst!
Pardon, I read it in thy face, the day,
For whose returnes, and many, all these pray:
And so doe I. This is the sixtieth yeare
Since Bacon, and my lord, was borne, and here,
Sonne to the grave wise Keeper of the Seale,
Fame and foundation of the English weale.
What then his father was, that since is he,
Now with a title more to the degree,
England's High Chancellour, the destin'd heir
In his soft cradle of his father's chaire,
Whose even thred the Fates spinne round and full
Out of their choysest and their whitest wooll.
'Tis a brave cause of joy; let it be knowne,
For 'twere a narrow gladnesse, kept thine owne.
Give me a deep-crown'd bowle, that I may sing
In raysing him the wisdome of my king.

_Discoveries_, p. 101.

Yet there happened in my time one noble speaker[XII.] who
was full of gravity in his speaking. His language (where he
could spare or passe-by a jest) was nobly censorious. No man
ever[282] spake more neatly, more pres<ent>ly, more weightily,
or suffered lesse emptinesse, lesse idlenesse, in what he
utter'd. No member of his speech but consisted of the owne
graces: his hearers could not cough, or looke aside from
him, without losse. He commanded where he spoke; and had his
judges angry, and pleased, at his devotion. No man had their
affections more in his power. The feare of every man that heard
him was lest he should make an end.

[XII.] Dominus Verulanus.

Cicero is sayd to be the only wit that the people of Rome
had, equall'd to their empire, _ingenium par imperio_. We had
many, and in their severall ages (to take in but the former
_seculum_) Sir Thomas Moore, the elder Wiat, Henry, earle of
Surrey, Chaloner, Smith, Eliot, bishop Gardiner, were for
their times admirable; Sir Nicholas Bacon was singular and
almost alone in the beginning of queen Elizabeth's times; Sir
Philip Sydney and Mr. Hooker (in different matter) grew great
masters of wit and language and in whom all vigour of invention
and strength of judgment met; the earle of Essex, noble and
high; and Sir Walter Rawleigh, not to be contemn'd either
for judgement or stile; Sir Henry Savile, grave and truly
letter'd; Sir Edwin Sandys, excellent in both; lord Egerton,
the Chancellour, a grave and great orator, and best when he
was provoked; but his learned and able (though unfortunate)
successor is he who hath fill'd up all numbers, and performed
that in our tongue which may be compar'd or preferr'd either
to insolent Greece or haughty Rome. In short, within his view,
and about his times, were all the wits borne that could honour
a language or helpe study. Now things dayly fall, wits grow
downeward and eloquence growes backward, so that he may be
nam'd and stand as the marke and ἀκμή of our language.