Chapter D: O. M (8)

Text size

'Nec parum debere nos profitemur Thomae Hobbes, cujus
hypothesis in libro _de Cive_, etsi quid profani sapiat,
pleraque tamen caetera satis arguta ac sana.

Quos heic velut in universum allegasse voluimus, in ipso autem
opere quoties eorundem expressa fuit sententia ipsos numerare
supersedimus, quia, praeter taedia crebrae citationis, rationes
eorum potius quam autoritatem secuti sumus. Nam quando ab
iisdem atque aliis veritatis studium dissentire nos subegit,
nomina eorundem ideo dissimulavimus ne magnorum virorum naevos
vellicando gloriolam captare velle videremur. Et stultum
semper judicavimus, cum ipse te hominem noris ab erroribus
haudquidquam immunem, aspera in alios censura reliquos ad paria
tibi reponenda irritare.'

[1618]_Samuel Pufendorfius_, professor in jure naturae apud regem Sueciae: in praefatione sui libri De Jure Naturae et Gentium, Amstelodam, 1688:

'Sic et Thomas Hobbius in operibus suis ad civilem scientiam
spectantibus plurima habet quantivis pretii et nemo cui
rerum ejusmodi est intellectus negaverit tam profunde ipsum
societatis humanae et civilis compagem rimatum fuisse ut
pauci priorum cum ipso heic comparari queant. Et qua a vero
aberrat, occasionem tamen ad talia meditanda suggerit quae
fortasse aliàs nemini in mentem venissent. Sed quod et hic in
religione peculiaria sibi et horrida dogmata finxerit, hoc ipso
apud multos non citra rationem sui aversationem excitavit.
Quanquam et illud non raro contingere videas ut ab illis maximo
cum supercilio condemnetur abs quibus minime lectus fuit aut
intellectus.'

<_Conclusion._>

[1619]I would have, just before FINIS,

Pascitur in vivis Livor: post fata quiescit;
Tunc suus ex merito quemque tuetur honos.

Ovid. _Eleg._[1620]

[1621]Last of all insert the pindarique ode on Mr. Hobbes made by Mr. Abraham Cowley; and after that, in the next page, the verses made by Dr. Ralph Bathurst of Trinity College in Oxon, which are before Mr. Hobbes's _Humane Nature_.

<_Copies of letters by, or about, Thomas Hobbes._>

i. _Thomas Hobbes to Josias Pullen._

[1622]For my much honored friend Mr. Josias Pullen, Vice-principall of Magdalen Hall in Oxon.

Honour'd Sir,

I understand by a letter from Mr. Aubry that you desire to have the bookes I have published to put them into the library of Magdalen Hall. I have here sent them you, and very willingly, as being glad of the occasion, for I assure you that I owe so much honour and respect to that society that I would have sent them, and desired to have them accepted, long agoe, if I could have donne it as decently as now that you have assured me that your selfe and some others of your house have a good opinion of them so that though the house refuse them they are not lost. You know how much they have been decryed by Dr. Wallis and others of the greatest sway in the University, and therfore to offer them to any Colledge or Hall had been a greater signe of humility than I have yet attained to.

For your owne civility in approving them, I give you many thanks; and remain

Sir,
Your most humble servant,
THO. HOBBES.

1672[1623], London,
Febr. 1ˢᵗ.

ii. _Thomas Hobbes to John Aubrey._

[1624]Noble Sir,

I am very glad to hear you are well and continue your favours towards me.

'Tis a long time since I have been able to write my selfe, and am now so weake that it is a paine to me to dictate.

But yet I cannot choose but thanke you for this letter of Jan. 25ᵗʰ which I receaved not till the last of ffebruary. I was assured a good while since that Dr. Wallis his learning is no where esteemed but in the Universities by such as have engaged themselves in the defence of his geometry and are now ashamed to recant it. And I wonder not if Dr. Wallis, or any other, that have studyed mathematicks onely to gaine preferment, when his ignorance is discovered, convert his study to jugling and to the gaining of a reputation of conjuring, decyphering, and such arts[1625] as are in the booke[1626] you sent me.

As for the matter it selfe, I meane the teaching of a man borne deafe and dumbe to speake, I thinke it impossible. But I doe not count him deafe and indocible that can heare a word spoken as loud as is possible at the very entrance to his eare, for of this I am assured that a man borne absolutely deafe must of necessity be made to heare before he can be made to speake, much lesse to understand. And he that could make him heare (being a great and common good) would well deserve both to be honoured and to be enriched. He that could make him speake a few words onely deserved nothing. But he that brags of this and cannot doe it, deserves to be whipt.

Sir, I am most heartily
Your most faithfull and most humble servant,
THOMAS HOBBES.
Hardwick,
March the 5ᵗʰ, 1677[1627].

[1628]To my most honored frend Mr. John Awbry, esqre, to be left for him at Mr. Crooke's, a bookseller, at the Green Dragon without Temple barre, London.

iii. _Thomas Hobbes to William Crooke_, with an enclosure to John Aubrey.

<Hobbes' letter to Crooke is found as fol. 11 of MS. Aubr. 9:
the enclosure to Aubrey, as foll. 12, 13. Both are in James
Wheldon's handwriting.

It appears by the post-stamps on the backs of these letters
that the charge for a letter was 3_d._, with 3_d._ for each
enclosure. Thus the letters of Aug. 18, 1679, March 5, 1679/80,
Sept. 7, 1680, are all marked as costing 3_d._ postage (MS.
Aubr. 9, foll. 15ᵛ, 10ᵛ, 21ᵛ); while this letter to Crooke,
with its enclosure, cost 6_d._ (_ibid._, fol. 11ᵛ); and the
letter of Jan. 16, 1679/80, with its two enclosures, cost 9_d._
(_ibid._ fol. 17ᵛ).>

[1629]Sir,

I have receaved Sir George Ent's booke and Mr. Aubrey's letter, to which I have written an answer, but I cannot tell how to send it to him without your helpe, and therefore I have sent it to you here inclosed, for I believe he comes now and then to your shop, and I pray you doe me the favour to deliver it to him.

I rest, your humble servant
THO. HOBBES.

Chatsworth,
March the 25ᵗʰ 1679.
[1630]For Mr. William Crooke,
Bookeseller,
At the Green Dragon without Temple barr
London.

* * * * *

[1631]Worthy Sir,

I have receaved from Will: Crooke the booke of Sir George Ent of the use of respiration. It is a very learned and ingenious booke, full of true and deepe philosophy, and I pray you to present unto him my most humble service. Though I receaved it but three days since, yet drawn on by the easinesse of the style and elegance of the language I have read it all over. And I give you most hearty thankes for sending of it to me, and to Mr. Ent[1632] who was pleased to bestow it upon me, and I am very glad to hear that Sir George him selfe is alive and in good health, though I believe he is very near as old as I am.

I knew not how to addresse my letter to you, but at all adventure I sent it inclosed in a letter to Mr. Crooke at whose shop I suppose you sometimes looke in as you passe the street.

I pray you present my service to Mr. Hooke and thanke him for the honour of his salutation.

I am, Sir, your most obliged and humble servant,

THOMAS HOBBES.
Chatsworth,
March the 25ᵗʰ, 1679.
[1633]To my most honoured frend,
Mr. John Aubrey.

iv. _Thomas Hobbes to John Aubrey._

[1634]Honored Sir,

I thanke you for your letter of Aug. 2ᵈ, and I pray you present my humble thanks to Sir George Ent that he accepteth of my judgment upon his booke. I fear it is rather his good nature then my merit. I am sorry for the news you write of his son.

I have been told that my booke of the Civill Warr is come abroad, and am sorry for it, especially because I could not get his majestye to license it, not because it is ill printed or has a foolish title set to it, for I believe that any ingenious man may understand the wickednesse of that time, notwithstanding the errors of the presse.

The treatise _De Legibus_, at the end of it, is imperfect. I desire Mr. Horne to pardon me that I consent not to his motion, nor shall Mr. Crooke himselfe get my consent to print it.

I pray you present my humble service to Mr. Butler[1635].

The priviledge of stationers is (in my opinion) a very great hinderance to the advancement of all humane learning.

I am, Sir, your very humble servant,
THO. HOBBES.
Chatsworth,
Aug. the 18ᵗʰ, 1679.

[1636]To my much honoured frend Mr. John Aubrey, at Mr. Hooke's lodging in Gresham College, London.

v. _James Wheldon to William Crooke_, with enclosure to John Aubrey, and a copy of Hobbes' will.

<Wheldon's letter to Crooke is found as foll. 16 and 17 of MS.
Aubr. 9; the enclosure to Aubrey, as foll. 18, 19.>

[1637]Hardwick, January the 16ᵗʰ, 1679[1638].
Sir,

Three days since I receaved your letter of the 9ᵗʰ instant together with one from Mr. Aubrey, and because they containe both the same particulars I thinke it unnecessary to repeat to you what I have written back to that gentleman.

All that I can add is onely this, that neither Mr. Halleley nor I have anything in either of our hands of Mr. Hobbes's writing, the very little of that kind that he left behind him being disposed of according to his own order before he removed from Chatsworth.

According to Mr. Aubrey's direction I have here inclosed my letter to him, which I pray you present to him with my humble service as soon as you shall see him.

I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
JAMES WHELDON.

[1639]To my much respected frend
Mr. William Crooke
at the Green Dragon without Templebarr
In London[1640].

* * * * *

[1641]Hardwick, January the 16ᵗʰ, 1679[1642].
Worthy Sir,

Having been abroad about businesse for some days, I receaved, at my coming home, your letter of the third of this month, which evidences the great esteeme you have for Mr. Hobbes, for which I returne you my humble thanks, and particularly for the paines you have been pleased to take in the large account of what you your selfe, Mr. Anthony a Wood, and Sir George Ent designe for Mr. Hobbes his honour.

I am glad Mr. Crooke has receaved his Life in Prose, which was the onely thing Mr. Halleley got possession of, and sent it to him[1643] by my hand. Mr. Halleley tells me now, that Mr. Hobbes (in the time of his sicknesse) told him he had promised it to Mr. Crooke, but said he was unwilling it should ever be published as written by himselfe; and I beleeve it was some such motive, which made him burne those Latine verses Mr. Crooke sent him about that time.

For those Latine verses you mention about Ecclesiasticall Power, I remember them, for I writ them out, but know not what became of them, unlesse he presented them to judge Vaughan, or burned them, as you seem to intimate.

He fell sick about the middle[1644] October last. His disease was the strangury, and the physitians judged it incurable by reason of his great age and naturall decay. About the 20ᵗʰ of November, my Lord being to remove from Chatsworth to Hardwick, Mr. Hobbes would not be left behind; and therefore with a fether bed laid into the coach, upon which he lay warme clad, he was conveyed safely, and was in appearance as well after that little journey as before it. But seven or eight days after, his whole right side was taken with the dead palsy, and at the same time he was made speechlesse. He lived after this seven days, taking very little nourishment, slept well, and by intervalls endeavoured to speake, but could not. In the whole time of his sicknesse he was free from fever. He seemed therefore to dye rather for want of the fuell of life (which was spent in him) and meer weaknesse and decay, then by the power of his disease, which was thought to be onely an effect of his age and weaknesse. He was born the 5th of Aprill, in the year 1588, and died the 4th of December, 1679. He was put into a woollen shroud and coffin, which was covered with a white sheet, and upon that a black herse cloth, and so carryed upon men's shoulders, a little mile to[1645] church. The company, consisting of the family and neighbours that came to his funerall, and attended him to his grave, were very handsomely entertained with wine, burned and raw, cake, biscuit, etc. He was buried in the parish church of Hault Hucknall, close adjoining to the raile of the monument of the grandmother of the present earle of Devonshire, with the service of the Church of England by the minister of the parish. It is intended to cover his grave with a stone of black marble as soon as it can be got ready, with a plain inscription of his name, the place of his birth, and the time of that and of his death.

As to his will, it is sent up to London to be proved there, and by the copy of it, which I here send you, I beleeve you will judge it fitt to make no mention of it in[1646]what you designe to get written by way of Commentary on his life.

As for the palsey in his hands, it began in ffrance, before the year 1650, and has grown upon him by degrees ever since; but Mr. Halleley remembers not how long it has disabled him to write legibly.

Mr. Halleley never heard of a pension from the ffrench king and beleeves there was no such thing ever intended. He desires you to accept of his thanks for your favourable remembrance of him, and of the returne of his respects to you by me. And if hereafter you should want any thing which we know, that might contribute[1647] to the honour of Mr. Hobbes's memory, upon the least notice, shall readily be imparted to you.

In the mean time, with much respect, I rest,

Sir, your much obliged and humble servant,
JAMES WHELDON.

[1648]To my highly honoured frend, John Aubrey, esq., this humbly present.

* * * * *

[1649]_A true copy of Mr. Hobbes's will._

The 25th day of September in the 29th year of the raigne of our Soveraigne Lord, King Charles the Second, and in the yeare of our Lord God, 1677.

I, Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury, in the county of Wilts, gent. make this my last Will and Testament.

First, I bequeath to Mary Tirell, daughter of my deceased brother, Edmund Hobbes, forty pounds. Item, I bequeath to Elenor Harding, daughter also of my deceased brother, Edmund Hobbes, forty pounds. Item, I bequeath to Elizabeth Alaby, the daughter of Thomas Alaby, two hundred pounds, and because she is an orphan, and committed by me to the tuition of my executor, my will is, that she should be maintained decently by my executor, till she be 16 yeares of age, and that then the said two hundred pounds be delivered into her hands, being intended for her furtherance in marriage, but let her dispose of it as she please; and if it happen that the said Elizabeth Alaby die before she come to the age of 16 yeares, then my will is, that the said 200 _li._ be divided equally between the said Mary Tirell and Elenor Harding.

Item, whereas it hath pleased my good lord, the earle of Devonshire, to bid me oftentimes heretofore, and now at the making of this my last will, to dispose therein of one hundred pounds, to be paid by his lordship, for which I give him most humble thanks; I doe give and dispose of the same in this manner: There be five grand-children of my brother, Edmund Hobbes, to the eldest whereof, whose name is Thomas Hobbes, I have heretofore given a peece of land, which may and doth, I think, content him, and therefore to the other four that are younger, I dispose of the same 100 _li._ the gift of my lord of Devonshire, to be divided equally amongst them, as a furtherance to bind them apprentices.

And I make and ordaine James Wheldon, servant to the earle of Devonshire, my executor, to whom I give the residue of my money and goods whatsoever; and because I would have him in some sort contented for the great service he hath done me, I would pray his majestie to what I left him to add the arreare of my pension, or as much of it as it pleases his majestie.

(His name and seale.)
Sealed, signed and published
in the presence of

JOHN ASHTON,
WILLᴹ. BARKER.

Item I give unto Mary Dell the sum of ten pounds.

* * * * *

I pray[1650] you keep his will private to your selfe and Mr. Hobbes's frends onely.

vi. _James Wheldon to John Aubrey._

[1651]Chatsworth, Sept. the 7th, 1680.
Honoured Sir,

Although for these three weekes, since I receaved your letter, I have made all the enquiry I can, yet all that I hear of the death and buriall of Sir Charles Cavendish is that he was interred at Bolsover in the vault belonging to the family of the duke of Newcastle about the year 1652 or 1653. I will continue to make further inquiry, and if I can learne the day and the month of his death or buriall will give you notice of it.

I have sent you underwritten Mr. Hobbes's epitaph written by himselfe, which is but lately come to my hand from a person that copyed it from the originall.

With much respect, I rest, Sir,
Your most humble and obliged servant,
JAMES WHELDON.

My lord of Devonshire has paid the hundred pounds to Mr. Hobbes's kinred, which he bid Mr. Hobbes dispose of in his will.

Condita hic sunt ossa
Thomae Hobbes
Qui per multos annos servivit
duobus comitibus Devoniae
(patri et filio).
Vir probus, et fama eruditionis.
Domi forisque bene cognitus
Obiit Anno Domini 1679, mensis Decⁱˢ die 4º,
Aetatis suae 91.

[1652]To my much honoured frend John Aubrey, esq.

To[1653] be left at Mr. William Crooke's at the Green Dragon without Temple barr, London.

vii. _William Aubrey to John Aubrey._

[1654]Kington, June 5th, 1680.

Deare brother,

I sopose I shall be here more then a week longer as ... I know not whether Mr. John Stokes or Sir John Knight have the key of the study.

Jo. Tay ... buried 16 of July 1580.

Nicholas Fauckener, vicar, buried 20 July 1612.

Richard Hine[1655]....

I shall e<n>devour to set the family of the Powers to rights. It was honest parson P<ower's> grandmoth<er I> think and Jonath. Deekes grandmother was Thomas Lyte's sisters. Alderman Lyte's grandm. was a P<ower> of Stanton ..., which James Power, Mr. J. G. nephew might purchase againe with a wife, with 1500 _li._, but which formerly was worth 360 _li._ per annum, but he's goeing to creep into one of Jon. Deeks' woolpacks, viz. his daughter.

I was at Malmesbury but did see <neither> the church nor register but desired Mr. Binnion the parson to doe against I come againe; but Francis Hobbes' widow's good memory did give me much satisfaction. The register at Westport is not 80 yeares old (not more): the paving[1656] is all new[1657].

The old vicar Hobs was a good fellow and had been at cards all Saturday night, and at church in his sleep he cries out 'Trafells is troumps[1658]' (viz. clubs). Then quoth the clark, 'Then, master, he tha<t> have ace doe rub.'

He <was> a collirice[1659] man, and a parson (which I thinke succeeded him at Westport) provoked him (a purpose) at the church doore, soe Hobs stroke him and was forcd to fly for it and ... in obscurity beyound London; died there, was about 80 yeares since.

Mr. William Hobs, a great clothier (old Graye's predisessor in the same house). He had at Cleverton 60 _li._ or 80 _li._ per annum, and was first or 2 cousin to the philosipher. But his line is extinct. He was parson Stump's godfather, and brake in his trade. He had 1000 _li._ left and was 1000 _li._ in debt; and at London challenged one to throw with him one throw on the dye for 1000 _li._, and wonn, payd his debt, and afterwards flourished in his trade, and if there be any inscriptions of H<obbes>, it must be for him, in the abbye.

[1660]Mr. William Gale of Chipnam was buried yesterday. I was at Dracot, Wensday last; Sir J. and his lady was writing to you. They are in mourning for the earl of Marleborow. He died to-morrow will be three week[1661]. Sir J<ames> L<ong> is quartring his coat of arms.

To be left at Mr. Hooks lodgings
in Gresham Colledge
in Bishopsgate Street, London[1662].

<_Pedigree of Hobbes._>

... HOBBES
|
+----------------------+----------------------+
| |
1. Francis Hobbes _m._ Katherine, daughter 2. Thomas _m._ ... Midleton.
(This Francis lived of ... Phillips, a Hobbes, |
in Burnevall at phisition at vicar. |
Malmsbury, and Malmsbury. She |
died about 40 yeares afterwards maried Mr. |
since, sine prole). Potluck of Cirencester. |
+---------------------------------+--------------+-+
| | |
1. Edmund _m._ Frances Ludlow, 2. Thomas, Anne Hobs _m._ Thomas
Hobbes | of Shipton, com. 'of Malmsbury.' (see _infra_). Laurence.
| Glocester.
+------+-------------+---------------------------+
| | |
1. Mary _m._ Roger Elinor _m._ John Harding, Francis Hobs _m._ Sarah
Hobbes | Tirell, Hobbes | of Sadlewood (see _infra_). Alexander.
| of Westport. | in Glouster.
| +--------------------------------+
+---+------+----------+------------+---------+ |
| | | | | |
1. Roger. 2. Isaac 1. Alce[1663]. 2. Sarah. 3. Mary. |
(25 years +---------+-+--------+
old). | | |
1. Roger, 2. James, Mary.
aged 28, 23.
Aprill last.

\--------------------------------------------------/
These are the only heires males of the Hobbes.

It is uncertaine whether Anne Gay have any brother or sister living, but it is pitty the poor woman should have somthing if it be but 5 shillings. If you know the executor speak for her.

I was saying to Francis Hobbes's widow (who remembers her service to you) that her son should get one of Mr. Thomas Hobbes's printed pictures.

In hast,
Your very affectionat brother,
WILLIAM AUBREY.

Keep a copie of Rogers' pedegree[1664].[1665]
These to my honoured freind,
Mr. John Awbrey
present.

viii. _Hon. Charles Hatton to William Crooke._

<MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 26. The letter is written by a secretary,
the signature C. Hatton being in a different hand. Crooke has
endorsed it (fol. 27ᵛ) 'Mr. Hatton's letter about Mr. Hobs':
to which Aubrey has added 'scil. the lord Hatton's son.' On
fol. 27 is a note, probably by Crooke, of the 'tracts' referred
to, viz. 'Life[1666], Rheto<ric>[1667], Considerations[1668],
Natural Philosophy[1669].'>

[1670]Mr. Crooke,

I thanke you for the perusall of Mr. Hobbs his tracts which wase a civility I did not expect or desire, for I wou'd not have you at any time deliver any booke to any person who comes in my name unless he then payes you for it. I did desire only to know exactly the particular price of each tract bound apart in marble'd leather, guilt on the backe and ribbed, which pray send me by the bearer by whom I returne you your booke.

I have cursorily looked over Mr. Hobbs his life in Latine which I beleeve will be a very vendible booke both here and beyond sea, for ther is noe lover of learning but will have the curiosity to be particularly informed of the life of soe eminent a person. And truly the reading of it wase very satisfactory to me, for in my apprehension it is very well writ, but I cou'd have wish'd the author had more dilated upon some particulars; and because you intimate a designe to publish it in English I shall hint to you that the author of the life in Latine hath either not taken notice of at all, or too slightingly, some things very remarkeable relating to the temper of Mr. Hobbs his mind or to the infirmity of his body, as his extraordinary timorousnes which he himself in his Latine poem doth very ingeniously confess and attributes it to the influence of his mother's dread of the Spanish invasion in 88, she being then with child of him. And I have been informed, I think by your self, that Mr. Hobbs wase for severall yeares before he died soe paralyticall that he wase scarce able to write his name, and that in the absence of his amanuensis not being able to write anything he made scrawls on a piece of paper to remind him of the conceptions of his mind he design'd to have committed to writing. But the author[1671] of his life in Latine only sa<i>th that about 60 yeares of age he wase taken with a trembling in his hands, the forerunner of the palsy; which in my apprehension deserves to be enlarg'd upon, for it is very prodigious that neither the timorousness of his nature from his infancy, nor the decay of his vital heat in the extremity of old age, accompagnied with the palsy to that violence, shou'd not have chill'd the briske fervour and vigour of his mind, which did wonderfully continue to him to his last; which is a subject fit to be discours'd on by a genious equally philosophicall with Mr. Hobbs, wase that now to be hoped for. It is soe considerable to me that I cou'd not refrayne acquainting you that in my apprehension it wase convenient you tooke notice therof in his life you are setting forth in English.

I am, your assured freind,
C. HATTON.

[1672]Mr. Crooke, at the Green Dragon,
nere Temple-bar.

_Notes._

[FF] (P. 323.) On fol. 29ᵛ of MS. Aubr. 9, Anthony Wood notes:--'Send to Malmsburie to take out of the register the Christian name of Mr. Hobs' father, when Mr. Hobbs was borne, or when his said father was buried.' [On this Aubrey notes:--'As I remember he dyed at Thistleworth; vide the register booke at Thistleworth, where Mr. Hobbes his father lived in obscurity a reader, and there dyed about 1630.'] Wood goes on:--'I remember when I was there' <in 1676, Clark's Wood's _Life and Times_, ii. 410, 411> 'there were two inscriptions of the Hobs on brass plates; one dyed 1606, quaere. Take out the names of all the Hobs in the register.' Obedient to this advice, Aubrey sent his brother William to Malmesbury: _supra_, p. 387.

[FG] (P. 323.) In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 26, Aubrey puts the substance of this paragraph in a neater form:--

'Mr. Hobbes' father was minister of Westport, to which Brokenborough and Charlton doe belong as chapells of ease, but all not worth above.... He was one of the clergie of Queen Elizabeth's time--a little learning went a great way with him and many other Sir Johns in those days--he read homilies.'

[FH] (P. 323.) On fol. 30 of MS. Aubr. 9 is another draft of this paragraph:--'He had an elder brother, Francis Hobbes, a wealthy man, and had been alderman of the borough' (dupl. with 'towne'); 'by profession a glover, which is a great trade here and was heretofore greater. He was _orbus_. He contributed much, or altogether maintained his nephew Thomas at Magdalen Hall in Oxon; and when he dyed gave him an _agellum_ (vocat. "the Gasten"), which lyes neer the horse faire: valet per annum 16 _li._ vel 18 _li._'

[FI] (P. 324.) Anthony Wood notes:--'Quaere in the register of Brakenborough when they were maried and their you'l find her Christian name.'--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30ᵛ.

[FJ] (P. 326.) In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31ᵛ, Anthony Wood suggests the following paragraph for the transition from the account of Malmsbury to the life of Hobbes:--

'As Malmsbury was famous in this respect that it gave death and buriall to that famous philosopher of his time Johannes Scotus _alias_ Erigina who was stabd to death with penknives by his scholars, where there was a statue set up in memory of him (ut in _Hist. et Antiq. Oxon._ lib. 1, pag. 16 _b_), so much more famous in later times for the birth of that great philosopher T. H.'

In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28, Aubrey begins his sketch of Hobbes' life thus:--'Westport juxta Malmesbury:--This place is for nothing so famous as for the birth of my honoured and learned friend and countryman, Mr. Thomas Hobbes, author of _de Corpore_, _de Homine_, _de Cive_, etc.

He was borne the 5th day of Aprill 1588 at his father's howse, which is the farthest on the left hand as you goe in the way or street called ..., leaving the church on the right hand.'

[FK] (P. 326.) The verses alluded to are in Hobbes's metrical life of himself (MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28--'he writt his life last yeare, viz. 1673, in Latin verse'). Aubrey cites these lines, MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31ᵛ:--

'T.H. _Vita_ in verse

Oppidulum parvum est; habuit sed multa relatu
Digna, sed imprimis Coenobium celebre,
Et castrum (melius nisi sint dua castra vocanda)
Colle sita, et bino flumine cincta fere.

Vide mapp' <perhaps Speed's map of Wiltshire: but on a slip at fol. 31ᵛ, Aubrey gives a 'map' of Malmesbury: see _supra_, pp. 325, 326>.

On this Anthony Wood comments: 'See 1 vol. of _Monast. Anglican._ concerning the monastery.'

[FL] (P. 326.) The matter of this paragraph is put a little more clearly in MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28: 'Westport juxta Malmesbury:--The church was dedicated to St. Mary. Here were three aisles[1673] which tooke up the whole area. And <the church was> reported to be more ancient then the abbey. In the windowes (which were very good) were inscriptions which declared so much. Quaere, if Madulph the Scottsman taught here--unde origo monasterii? Vide Camdenum de hoc.

Before the late warres here was a prettie church, where were very good windowes and a faire steeple, higher than the other, which much adorned the towne of Malmesbury. In it were five tuneable bells, which Sir William Waller or his army melted into ordinance, or rather sold. The church was pulled downe that the enimie might not shelter themselves against the garrison of Malmesbury.'

[FM] (P. 328.) Aubrey's _Collection of Genitures_ is now MS. Aubr. 23. The place Aubrey here refers to is fol. 52ᵛ in that MS., viz.:--

'Mr. Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury borne at Westport juxta Malmesbury 1588, April 5, being Good Fryday, 5ʰ 2´ mane, horâ solis' <i.e. at sunrise>. 'I had the yeare, and day, and houre from his owne mouth.'

Aubrey in several places recurs to this point, e.g. in MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 28:--

'Mr. Thomas Hobbes told me that he was borne Apr. 5ᵗʰ 1588 on Good Fryday, in the morning between 4 and six.'

[FN] (P. 328.) Aubrey took great interest in this as an example in astrology, in which 'art' he thoroughly believed. He alludes to Hobbes's horoscope in several places, e.g. note on fol. 32ᵛ in MS. Aubr. 9:--

'Dr. <Francis> Bernard, physitian, will write a discourse on his nativity. Mr. John Gadbury hath calculated this nativity from my time given, and will print it. Why should not I insert' <dupl. with 'print'> 'the scheme and give a summary of his judgement? It would be gratefull to those that love that art.' Whereon Anthony Wood notes--'You should never ask these questions but do them out of hand forthwith--you have time enough, and if it be done by Easter terme 'tis well.'

MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 28:--'<Send> to Mr. J. Gadbury and Dr. Bernard <T. H.'s> accidents.'

MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8:--'T. Hobbes--Quaere Dr. Bernard pro his nativity: vide my Collection of Genitures ubi from his owne mouth more correct then formerly, viz. 5ʰ 2´ mane.'

This horoscope is given in MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 82, and is reproduced in facsimile at the end of this edition.

Pasted on to fol. 1ᵛ of MS. Aubr. 9 is the scheme with this note:--'This scheme was erected according to the aestimate time by Mr. Henry Coley, astrologer.--Thomas Hobbes, Malmesburiensis, borne at Westport juxta Malmesbury, 1588, April 5, being Good Fryday, 5ʰ 2´ mane, hora solis[1674]. I had the yeare and day and houre from his owne mouth.'

[FO] (P. 328.) In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 26, thus:--'At fower yeer old Mr. Thomas Hobbes went to schoole in Westport church till 8--then[1675] the church was painted. At 8 he could read well and number a matter of four or five figures.

After, he went to Malmesbury to parson Evans.

After him, he had for his schoolemaster, Mr. Robert Latimer[CXXIX.], a good Graecian; by whom he so well profited that at 14 yeares old he went a good scholler to Magdalen Hall in Oxford.'

[CXXIX.] Who being a bachelor (not above 19) taught him and two or three more ingeniose laddes after supper till 9.

[FP] (P. 330.) As seen in the next paragraph, there was some doubt as to which 'Principal of Magdalen Hall' recommended Hobbes to the earl of Devonshire's service. In MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29, is the note:--

'Take notice of Dr. Blackburne's altering some times and dates,' <in Hobbes' prose Latin life of himself, prefixed to the _Auctarium vitae Hobbianae_> 'differing from this originall, e.g. of Mr. Hobbes being admitted at Magdalen Hall when Sir James Hussey was principall, which he would doe against my consent because he sayd it "would make a better picture," wheras by the matriculation-booke it appeares that Dr. Wilkinson was then the principall.'

[FQ] (P. 331.) On fol. 34ᵛ of MS. Aubr. 9, Aubrey has the following account of Gorhambury:--

'Memorandum in my Liber B[1675]. I have sett downe an exact description of this delicious parquet[1676], now (1656) plowed up and spoil'd. The east part of it which extends towards Verulam-house (pulled downe, and the materialls sold by Sir H<arbottle> Grimston, about ten yeares since) consisted of severall parts, viz. some thickets of plumme-trees, with fine walkes between; some of rasberies. Here were planted most fruit-trees which would grow in our climate; and also severall choice forest-trees. The walkes both of boscages and fruit-trees; and in severall places where were the best prospects, were built elegant summerhouses[1677] of Roman architecture, then standing (1656) well[1678] wainscotted, but the paving gonne. One would have thought the most barbarous nation had made a conquest here. This place was, in his lordship's time, a sanctuary for phesants, partridges, and those of severall kinds and nations, as Spanish, &c. speckled, white, etc. I have, in this lib. B., four leves in fol. close written of the two houses, gardens, woods, &c. and of his lordship's manner of living and grandarie, which perhaps would doe well in a description of Hartfordshire, or, perhaps[1679], in his lordship's life.'

[FR] (P. 332.) In MS. Aubr. 6, fol. 1ᵛ, is this note:--'Dr. <John> Pell says that for a man to begin to study mathematics at 40 yeares old, 'tis as if one should at that age learne to play on the lute--applicable to Mr. Thomas Hobbes. Vide vitam Jonae Moore.'

[FS] (P. 338.) In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 26, thus:--

'Memorandum:--about the time of the King's returne[CXXX.], he was makeing of a very good poëme in Latin hexameters. It was the history of the encroachment of the clergie (both Roman and Reformed) on the civill power. I sawe at least 300 verses (they were mark't). At what time there was a report the bishops would have him burn't for a heretique. So he then feared the search of his papers and burned the greatest part of these verses.'

[CXXX.] Quaere in what yeares his bookes were writ.

[FT] (P. 339.) The first draft of this passage stood as follows, MS. Aubr. 9, foll. 40, 41:--'In April following was the dawning of the coming in of our gracious soveraigne, who being a great lover of curious painting I knew could not but sett for his picture to my ever honoured friend Mr. S. Cowper, who[1680] besides his art was an ingeniose person and of great humanity. In April I wrott a letter to Mr. Hobbes in Derbyshire, by all meanes desiring him to come-up and make use of the opportunity of renewing his majestie's graces to him at our friend's howse. He thanked me for'--etc.

[FU] (P. 341.) Aubrey, writing to Wood, on Feb. 3, 1672/3, enlarges on this treatise: Wood MS. F. 39, fol. 196ᵛ:--

'The old gent. (T. Hobbes) is strangely vigorous, for his understanding, still; and every morning walkes abroad to meditate.

'He haz writt a treatise concerning lawe, which 8 or 9 yeares since I much importuned him to doe, and, in order to it, gave him the Lord Chancellor Bacon's _Maximes of the Lawe_. Now every one will doe him the right to acknowledge he is rare for definitions, and the lawyers building on old-fashiond maximes (some right, some wrong) must need fall into severall paralogismes. Upon this consideration I was earnest with him to consider these things. To which he was unwilling, telling me he doubted he should not have dayes enough left to doe it.

'He drives on, in this, the king's prerogative high. Judge <Sir Matthew> Hales, who is no great courtier, has read it and much mislikes it, and is his enemy. Judge Vaughan has read it and much commends it.'

[FV] (P. 355.) Note, however, that on some of the letters from Hobbes in MS. Aubr. 9, viz., those of date March 25, 1679 (fol. 11ᵛ, fol. 13ᵛ), and that of date Aug. 18, 1679 (fol. 15ᵛ), the seal shows a gate or portcullis, with an R turned backwards, i.e. Я, on the left side of it.

James Wheldon's letter of Jan. 16, 1679/80 (fol. 17ᵛ), has a seal bearing a man's bust, with helmet and cuirass.

[FW] (P. 357.) In MS. Aubr. 21, p. 19, Aubrey, in his projected comedy, makes use of this verdict on the innate cruelty of some dispositions. He puts into the mouth of his country-justice this speech:--

"If ye talke of skinnes, the best judgment to be made of the fineness of skinnes is at the whipping-post by the stripes. Ah! 'tis the best lechery to see 'em suffer correction. Your London aldermen take great lechery to see the poor wretches whipt at the court at Bridewell."

On which Aubrey goes on to comment: 'Old Justice Hooke gave ... per lash to wenches; as also my old friend George Pott, esq. Vide Animadversions Philosophicall on that ugly kind of pleasure and of crueltie--were it not for the law there were no living; some would take delight in killing of men.'

[FX] (P. 375.) The substance is:--

'Hobbes brought to the investigation of facts an acute intellect and long experience, and carried on, into the next generation, the Baconian spirit.

'He had been Bacon's secretary, and owed much to his master, from whom, in particular, he borrowed his comparative, i.e. inductive, methods. But he had also fine natural gifts.

'He excited the fears, and therefore the hostility, of the clerical party in England, and of the Oxford mathematicians and their supporters. For this reason, Charles II compared him to a bear, worried by mastiffs.

'In his political system, he insisted on the necessity of wisdom in sovereigns. In not meddling with the Creeds of the Churches and in assailing the Presbyterians and the Bishops of England, he is not to be blamed.'

* * * * *

Note that, on fol. 42ᵛ of MS. Aubr. 9, is a note 'to the earl
of Devon, then in Great Queen Street,' with a mark referring it
to the opposite page. The then opposite page is, in the present
foliation, fol. 48, but has now nothing to which the note can
be attached. There are traces, however, which show that a slip
has been torn off it.

=Thomas Hobbes' life, by himself.=

<_Aubrey's preface._>

[1681]This was the draught that Mr. Hobbs first did leave in my hands, which he sent for about two yeares before he died, and wrote that which is printed in his Life in Latin by Dr. Richard Blackburn which I lent to him and he was carelesse and not remaunded it from the printer and so 'twas made wast paper of.

<_Hobbes' autobiography._>

[1682]Thomas Hobbes, natus Apr. 5, 1588, Malmesburiae agri Wiltoniensis, literis Latinis et Graecis initiatus, annum agens decimum quartum missus est Oxonium: ubi per quinquennium mansit, operam impendens studio Logicae et Physicae Aristotelicae.

Cum annum ageret vicesimum commendatus ab amicis, Oxonio relicto, recepit se in domum domini Gulielmi Cavendish, baronis de Hardwick et (paulo post) comitis Devoniae: ubi filio ejus primogenito, adolescenti sibi fere coaetaneo, servivit, placuitque tum filio tum patri, temperans, sedulus, hilaris.

Anno sequente cum domino suo in urbe perpetuo fere degens, quod didicerat linguae Graecae et Latinae magna ex parte amiserat.

Deinde per Italiam et Galliam peregrinantem dominum sequutus, gentium illarum linguas eousque didicit ut intelligere eas mediocriter potuerit. Interea Graecam et Latinam paulatim perire sibi sentiens, Philosophiam autem Logicamque (in quibus praeclare profecisse se arbitrabatur) viris prudentibus derisui esse videns, abjecta Logica et Philosophia illa vana, quantum temporis habebat vacui impendere decrevit linguis Graecae et Latinae.

Itaque cum in Angliam reversus esset, Historias et Poetas (adhibitis grammaticorum celebrium commentariis) versavit diligenter, non ut floride sed ut Latine posset scribere, et vim verborum cogitatis congruentem invenire, itaque verba disponere ut lectio perspicua et facilis esset. Inter Historias Graecas, Thucididem prae caeteris dilexit et vacuis horis in sermonem Anglicum paulatim conversum cum nonnullâ laude circa annum Christi 1628 in publicum edidit, eo fine ut ineptiae democraticorum Atheniensium concivibus suis patefierent.

Eo anno comes Devoniae, cui jam servierat viginti annos, diem obiit, patre ejus biennio ante defuncto.

Anno sequente, qui erat Christi 1629, cum attigisset annum quadragesimum, rogatus a nobilissimo viro domino Gervasio Clinton ut vellet filium adolescentem suum comitari in Galliam, accepit conditionem. In peregrinatione illa inspicere coepit in elementa Euclidis; et delectatus methodo illius non tam ob theoremata illa quam ob artem rationandi diligentissime perlegit.

Anno Christi 1631 revocatus est in familiam comitissae Devoniae ut filium suum comitem Devoniae, natum annos 13, in literis instrueret; quem etiam circiter triennium post comitatus est in Galliam et Italiam, studiorum ejus et itinerum rector.

Dum moraretur Parisiis, principia scientiae naturalis investigare coepit. Quae cum in natura et varietate motuum contineri sciret, quaesivit inprimis qualis motus is esse posset qui efficit sensionem, intellectum, phantasmata, aliasque proprietates animalium, cogitatis suis cum reverendo patre Marino Mersenno, ordinis Minimorum, in omni genere philosophiae versatissimo viroque optimo, quotidie communicatis.

Anno Christi 1637 cum patrono suo in Angliam rediit et apud illum mansit; unde de rebus naturalibus commercia cum Mersenno per literas continuavit.

Interea Scoti, depulsis episcopis, sumpserunt arma contra regem, faventibus etiam ministris Anglis illis qui vocari solent Presbyteriani. Itaque convocatum est in Anglia Parlamentum illud notissimum quod inceptum est Nov. 3, 1640. Ex iis quae in illo Parlamento tribus quatuorve diebus primis consulta viderat, Bellum Civile ingruere et tantum non adesse sentiens, retulit se rursus in Galliam, scientiarum studio Parisiis tutius vacaturus cum Mersenno, Gassendo, aliisque viris propter eruditionem et vim in rationando celeberrimis--non enim dico philosophis, quia nomen illud, a plurimis nebulonibus jamdiu gestatum, tritum, inquinatum, nunc infame est.

Cum jam Parisiis ageret, libellum scripsit _De Cive_, quem edidit anno 1646, quo tempore, praevalentibus Parlamentariis, multi eorum qui partes regis sequuti erant, et in illis princeps Walliae (qui nunc est rex Angliae), Parisiis confluxerunt. Statuerat circa idem tempus,[1683]hortatu amici cujusdam nobilis Languedociani, migrare in Languedociam, et praemiserat jam quae sibi necessaria erant, sed commendatus principi ut elementa Mathematicae illi praelegeret, substit<it> Parisiis.

Quod ab hoc munere temporis habuit vacui consumpsit in scribendo librum qui nunc non solum in Anglia sed in vicinis gentibus notissimus est, nomine _Leviathan_; quem etiam in Anglia edendum curavit, ipse manens adhuc Parisiis, anno 1651, annum agens 63ᵐ. In eo opere jus regium tum spirituale tum temporale ita demonstravit tum rationibus tum authoritate scripturae sacrae, ut perspicuum fecerit pacem in orbe Christiano nusquam diuturnam esse posse nisi vel doctrina illa sua recepta fuerit vel satis magnus exercitus cives ad concordiam compulerit: opus ut ille sperabat concivibus suis, praesertim vero illis qui ab episcopis steterant, non ingratum. Quanquam enim unicuique, illo tempore, scribere et edere theologica quae vellet liberum erat, quia regimen ecclesiae (potestate declarandi quae doctrinae essent haereses, ipsius regis authoritate sublata, episcopis exutis, rege ipso trucidato) tum nullum erat, diligenter tamen cavit ne quid scriberet non modo contra sensum scripturae sacrae sed etiam contra doctrinam ecclesiae Anglicanae qualis ante bellum ortum authoritate regia constituta fuerat. Nam et ipse regimen ecclesiae per episcopos prae caeteris formis omnibus semper approbaverat, atque hoc duobus signis manifestum fecit. Primo, cum in oppido Sti. Germani prope Parisios morbo gravissimo lecto affixus esset, venit ad eum Mersennus, rogatus a quodam amico communi ne amicum suum extra ecclesiam Romanam mori pateretur. Is lecto assidens (post exordium consolatorium) de potestate ecclesiae Romanae peccata remittendi aliquantisper disseruit, cui ille 'Mi pater,' inquit. 'haec omnia jamdudum mecum disputavi, eadem disputare nunc molestum erit: habes quod dicas amoeniora,--quando vidisti Gassendum?' Quibus auditis, Mersennus sermonem ad alia transtulit. Paucis post diebus accessit ad illum Dr. Johannes Cosenus, episcopus (post) Dunelmensis, obtulitque se illi comprecatorem ad Deum. Cui ille cum gratias reddidisset, 'Ita,' inquit, 'si precibus praeiveris juxta ritum ecclesiae nostrae.' Magnum hoc erga disciplinam episcopalem signum erat reverentiae.

Anno 1651 exemplaria aliquot illius libri, Londini recens editi, in Galliam transmissa sunt, ubi theologi quidam Angli doctrinas quasdam in illo libro contentas, tum ut haereticas tum ut partibus regiis adversas, criminati sunt; et valuere quidem aliquamdiu calumniae illae in tantum ut domo regia prohibitus fuerit. Quo factum est ut, protectione regia destitutus, metuensque ne a clericis Romanis, quos praecipue laeserat, male tractaretur, in Angliam conatus sit refugere.

Rediens in Angliam concionantes quidem invenit in ecclesiis sed seditiosos; etiam preces extemporarias, et illas audaces et nonnunquam blasphemas; symbolum autem fidei nullum, decalogum nullum; adeo ut per tres primos menses non invenerit quibuscum in sacris communicare potuerit. Tandem ab amico ductus ad ecclesiam a suo hospitio[1684] plusquam mille passus distantem ubi pastor erat vir bonus et doctus, qui et coenam Domini ritu ecclesiastico administravit, cum illo in sacris communicavit. Alterum hoc signum erat non modo hominis partium episcopalium sed etiam Christiani sinceri; nam illo tempore ad ecclesiam quamcunque legibus aut metu cogebatur nemo. Quae igitur episcopo cuiquam cum illo causa irae esse potuit, nisi ei qui neminem a se dissentire pati per superbiam posset?

Interea doctrinam ejus academici et ecclesiastici condemnabant fere omnes; laudabant nobiles, et viri docti, ex laicis. Refellebat nemo: conati refellere, confirmabant. Scripsit enim non ex auditione et lectione ut scholaris, sed ex judicio proprio cognita et pensitata omnia, sermone puro et perspicuo, non rhetorico. Stantem inter amicos et inimicos quasi in aequilibrio, fecerunt illi ne ob doctrinam opprimeretur, hi, ne augeretur. Itaque fortuna tenui, fama doctrinae ingenti, in patroni sui, comitis Devoniae, hospitio per caeterum vitae tempus perpetuo delituit, studio vacans geometriae et philosophiae naturalis; ediditque jam senex librum quendam quem inscripsit _De Corpore_, continentem Logicae, Geometriae, Physicae (tum sublunaris, tum coelestis) fundamenta, deducens Logicam quidem a significatione nominum, Geometriam autem et Physicam ex figurarum et effectuum naturalium generationibus.

Hominis ergo neque genere neque opibus neque negotiis belli aut pacis assueti vitam scribo et in publicum emitto, sed in omni genere scientiae excellentis et fere singularis. Cujus ingenium ut cognoscerent, partim etiam ut sua ostentarent, convenerunt <ad> eum viri innumeri tum nostrates tum exteri, et inter illos nonnulli legati principum aliique viri nobilissimi; adeo ut conjectura inde facta de voluntate hominum eruditorum qui posthac erunt, non ingratum fore posteritati existimavi si quem vidisse voluerunt illius vitam literis posteritati tradiderim, praecipue quidem ut quae scientiis ille primus addidit, deinde etiam caetera vitae ejus quae a lectoribus desiderari posse videbuntur cognoscerent.

Quae scripsit de jure naturali, de constitutione civitatum, de jure eorum qui summam habent potestatem, et de officiis civium, in libris _Leviathan_ et _De Cive_ (quia domi forisque nota et maxime celebrata sunt) praetereunda censeo.

In Physicis causam sensuum, praecipue visus, una cum doctrina omni optica et natura lucis, refractionis reflectionisque causas naturales, ignotas ante, primus demonstravit, in libro _De Homine_. Item causas qualitatum sensibilium nimirum colorum, soni, caloris, et frigoris. Somnia autem et phantasmata quae antea pro spiritibus et mortuorum animis habebantur et rudi vulgo terriculamenta erant, omnia profligavit. Causam autem aestuum marinorum et descensionis gravium, a motu quodam telluris praecipue derivavit. Nam phaenomena illa omnia ad motum refert, non ad rerum ipsarum potentias intrinsecas neque ad qualitates occultas, ut ante illum omnes physici. De motu autem in libro _De Corpore_ satis fuse scripsit et profundissime. In Ethicis ante illum nihil scriptum est praeter sententias vulgares. At ille mores hominum ab humana natura, virtutes et vitia a lege naturali, et bonitatem[1685] maliciamque actionum a legibus civitatum, derivavit. In Mathematicis principia geometriae nonnulla correxit; problemata aliquot difficillima, a summis geometris (ab ipsis geometriae incunabulis) summo studio frustra quaesita, invenit, nimirum haec--

1º. arcui circuli lineam rectam, areae circuli quadratum aequale, exhibere, idque variis methodis--in diversis libris.

2º. datum angulum dividere in data ratione;

3º. cubi ad sphaeram rationem invenire--in _Problematibus Geometricis_.

4º. inter duas rectas datas medias continue proportionales invenire quotcunque--in _Problematibus Geometricis_.

5º. polygonum regulare describere quotcunque laterum--in _Roseto_.

6º. centrum gravitatis invenire quadrantis circuli et bilinei quod continetur arcu quadrantis et subtenta ejus--in _Roseto_.

7º. centra gravitatis invenire paraboli-formium omnium, in libra _De Corpore_.

Haec omnia primus construxit et demonstravit, et praeterea alia multa quae (quia legentibus occurrent et minoris sunt) praetereo.

Facient opinor haec ut vita ejus non indigna videatur quae tum ad exteros tum ad posteros scientiarum studiosos transmittatur, praesertim hoc tempore, cum scribuntur vulgo vitae obscurorum hominum nulla virtute insignium, desiderante nemine.

Scripsit praeterea, circa annum aetatis suae octagesimum, historiam belli civilis Anglicani inter regem Carolum primum et parlamentum ejus, anno ...; item ortum et incrementa potestatis pontificiae, carmine Latino, versuum duûm millium, sed non sinebant tempora ut publicarentur.

Silentibus tandem adversariis, annum agens octagesimum, <pri>mum, Homeri Odyssea edidit a se conversum in versus Anglicanos, ...; deinde, proximo, etiam Iliada; denique Cyclometriam, annum agens <...>gessimum primum, integram nondum editam.

Quod ad formam attinet, vultu erat non specioso sed cum loqueretur non ingrato. Effigies ejus ad vivum a pictore excellente descripta, qualis erat anno aetatis suae septuagesimo, in conclavi regis Caroli secundi conservatur. Extant etiam ejusdem imagines ab aliis pictoribus diversis temporibus factae rogatu amicorum in Anglia non paucae et in Gallia aliquot.

Natura sua et primis annis ferebatur ad lectionem historiarum et poetarum; et ipse quoque carmen tentavit, nec (ut plurimi judicabant) infoeliciter. Postea autem cum in congressu quodam virorum doctorum, mentione facta de causa sensionis, quaerentem unum quasi per contemptum 'quid esset sensus?' nec quemquam audivisset respondentem, mirabatur quî fieri potuerit ut qui sapientiae titulo homines caeteros tanto fastu despicerent suos ipsorum sensus quid essent ignorarent. Ex eo tempore de causa sentiendi saepe cogitanti, forte fortunâ mentem subiit quod si res corporeae et earum partes omnes conquiescerent aut motu simili semper moverentur[1686]sublatum iri omnium rerum discrimen et (per consequens) omnem sentionem, et propterea causam omnium rerum quaerendam esse in diversitate motuum: atque hoc principio usus est primo. Deinde, ut cognosceret varietates et rationes motuum, ad geometriam cogebatur, et a principiis suis ingenio suo theoremata illa quae supra commemoravi foeliciter demonstravit. Tantum interest inter illos qui proprio genio et illos qui in archivis veterum aut ad quaestum docentium scientiarum veritatem quaerunt.

In colloquiis familiaribus jucundus erat, praeterquam illorum qui ad illum venerant disputandi causa contra ea quae jam ediderat (nec revocari poterant) de jure summarum potestatum civili aut ecclesiastico; nam cum his vehementius aliquando disputabat quam erat necessarium.

Naturaliter apertus erat, et inter adversarios qui multi potentesque erant innocentia magis quam consilio tutus.

Justiciae erat cum scientissimus, tum tenacissimus. Nec mirum, cum esset pecuniae neglegentissimus, et pro tenuitate fortunarum suarum ultra modum beneficus. Sed beneficio patronorum suorum et regis optimi dulcissimique Caroli secundi satis copiose senex vixit.

=William Holder= (1616-1697/8).

[1687]William Holder[FY], D.D., the ...d son[1688] of ... Holder; his mother's mayden name was Brudenell. He was borne the ... in Nottinghamshire; went to schoole at ...; went to Pembroke-hall[1689] in Cambridge, where he had a Greeke-scholar's place. Anno <1636/7>, Artium Baccalaureus; anno <1640> Artium Magister.

Previous Next

Comments

Brief Lives, Vol. 1Chapter D: O. M (8)

0%36 min left in chapter