Chapter D: O. M (6)

This countesse, after her lord's death, maried[LXXXIV.] to Sir Matthew Lister[LXXXV.], knight, one of the Colledge of Physitians, London. He was (they say) a learned and a handsome gentleman. She built then a curious house in Bedfordshire called Houghton Lodge neer Ampthill. The architects were sent for from Italie. It is built according to the description of Basilius's house in the first booke of the _Arcadia_ (which is dedicated to her). It is most pleasantly situated and hath fower visto's, each prospect 25 or 30 miles. This was sold to the earle of Elgin for ... _li._ The house did cost 10,000 _li._ the building.

[LXXXIV.] Jack Markham saies they were not <married>.

[LXXXV.] He dyed 1644 or 1645.

I thinke she was buryed in the vault in the choire at Salisbury, by Henry, earl of Pembroke, her first husband: but there is no memoriall of her, nor of any of the rest, except some penons and scutcheons.

[1171]An epitaph on the lady Mary, countesse of Pembroke (in print somewhere), by William Browne, who wrote the _Pastoralls_, whom William, earle of Pembroke, preferr'd to be tutor to the first earle of Carnarvon (<Robert> Dormer), which was worth to him 5 or 6000 _li._, i.e. he bought 300 _li._ per annum land--from old Jack Markham--

Underneath this sable hearse
Lies the subject of all verse:
Sydney's sister, Pembroke's mother.
Death! er'st thou shalt kill[1172] such another
Fair and good and learn'd as shee,
Time will throw a[1173] dart at thee.

_Note._

[EZ] Aubrey gives in trick the coat:--'parted per pale azure and gules, 3 lions rampant argent [Herbert]; impaling, <or>, a pheon <azure> [Sydney].'

=Richard Herbert= (15..-1596).

[1174](Ex libro B, p. 126):--In a buriall-place in the church at Montgomery (belonging to the castle) is a great out-started monument of Richard Herbert, esq. (father to the learned lord Herbert of Cherbery, and Mr. George Herbert, who wrote the sacred poëms), where are the effigies of him and Magdalene his wife, who afterwards was maried to Sir John Danvers of Wilts, and lies interred at Chelsey church but without any monument. Dr. Donne, dean of St. Paul's, preached her funerall sermon, to which are annexed severall verses, Latin and Greeke, by Mr. George Herbert, in memorie of her. She was buryed, as appeares by the sermon, July 1, 1627.

In Sepulchrum Richardi Herberti, armigeri, et Magdalenae uxoris
ejus, hendecasyllaba.
Quid virtus, pietas, amorve recti,
Tunc cum vita fugit, juvare possunt?
In coelo relevent perenne nomen,
Hoc saxum doceat, duos recludens
Quos uno thalamo fideque junctos
Heic unus tumulus lapisve signat.
Jam longum sape, Lector, et valeto,
Aeternum venerans ubique nomen.

[1175]In Brecknockshire, about 3 miles from Brecknock, is a village called Penkelly (Anglicè _Hasel-wood_), where is a little castle. It is an ancient seate of the Herberts. Mr. Herbert, of this place, came, by the mother's side, of Ŵgan. The lord Cherbery's ancestor came by the second venter, who was a miller's daughter. The greatest part of the estate was settled on the issue by the 2d venter, viz. Montgomery castle, and Aberystwith. Upon this match with the miller's daughter are to this day recited, or sung, by the Welsh, these verses: viz.:--

Ô gway vinney (dhyw) râg wilidh
Vôd vinhad yn velinidh
A' vôd vy mam yn velinidhes
A' môd inney yn arglwydhes.

To this sence[FA]:--

O God! Woe is me miserable, my father was a miller, and my
mother a milleresse, and I am now a ladie.

_Note._

[FA] A more exact rendering is:--

'O woe is me (God) for shame,
That my father is a miller
And that my mother is a miller's wife,
And that _I_ am a peeress.'

=William Herbert=, 1st earl of Pembroke (1507-1570).

[1176]William[FB], earle of Pembroke, the first earle of that family, was borne (I thinke I have heard my cosen Whitney say) in ... in Monmouthshire. Herbert, of Colbrooke in Monmouthshire, is of that family.

He was (as I take it) a younger brother, a mad fighting young fellow. 'Tis certaine he was a servant to the house of Worcester, and wore their blew-coate and badge. My cosen Whitney's great aunt gave him a golden angell[1177] when he went to London. One time being at Bristowe, he was arrested, and killed one of the sheriffes of the city. He made his escape through Back-street, through the (then great) gate, into the Marsh, and gott into France.

Memorandum:--upon this action of killing the sheriffe, the city ordered the gate to be walled-up, and only a little posterne gate or dore, with a turnestile for a foot-passenger, which continued so till Bristowe was a garrison for the king, and the great gate was then opened, in 1644, or 1645. When I was a boy there, living with my father's mother, who was maried to alderman John Whitson[LXXXVI.] (who was my god-father), the story was as fresh as but of yesterday. He was called _black Will Herbert_.

[LXXXVI.] He was the greatest benefactor to the city that haz been since the Reformacion. He gave 500 _li._ per annum at least to the city to maintain ... blew-coates, boies and maydes. He dyed about 1629; vide register.

In France he betooke himself into the army, where he shewd so much courage, and readinesse of witt in conduct, that in short time he became eminent, and was favoured by <Francis I> the king, who afterwards recommended him to Henry the VIII of England, who much valued him, and heaped favours and honours upon him.

Upon the dissolution of the abbeys, he gave him the abbey of Wilton, and a _country_ of lands and mannours thereabout belonging to it. He gave him also the abbey of Remesbury in Wilts, with much lands belonging to it. He gave him Cardiff-Castle in Glamorganshire, with the ancient crowne-lands belonging to it.

Almost all the country held of this castle. It was built by Sir Robert Fitzhamond the Norman, who lies buried at Tewkesbury abbey with a memorial: and he built the abbey of Glocester. It afterwards came to Jasper, duke of Bedford, etc.; so to the crowne. I have seen severall writings of Sir John Aubrey's at Llantrithid in Glamorganshire, which beginne[1178] thus:--'Ego Jaspar, frater regum et patruus, dux Bedfordiae, comes Pembrochiae, et dominus de Glamorgan et Morgannog, omnibus ad quos hoc presens scriptum pervenerit, salutem, etc.'

He maried <Anne> Par, sister of queen Katharine Par, daughter and co-heire of <Thomas> Par (I thinke[FC], marquisse of Northampton), by whom he had 2 sonnes, Henry, earle of Pembroke, and <Edward> the ancestor of the lord Powys.

He was made Privy Councellor and conservator of King Henry the Eight's[1179]will. He could neither write nor read, but had a stamp for his name. He was of good naturall parts; but very cholerique. He was strong sett but bony, reddish-favoured, of a sharp eie[1180], sterne looke.

In queen Mary's time, upon the returne of the Catholique religion, the nunnes came again to Wilton abbey, and this William, earl of Pembroke, came to the gate (which lookes towards the court by the street, but now is walled-up) with his cappe in hand, and fell upon his knee to the lady abbesse[LXXXVII.] and the nunnes, crying peccavi. Upon queen Mary's death, the earle came to Wilton (like a tygre) and turnd them out, crying, 'Out ye whores, to worke, to worke, ye whores, goe spinne.'

[LXXXVII.] The last lady abbesse here was ... Gawen, of Norrington, belonging to Chalke, where that family haz been 400 yeares (sold about 1665 to Judge Wadham Windham).

He being a stranger in our country, and an upstart, was much envyed. And in those dayes (of sword and buckler), noblemen (and also great knights, as the _Longs_), when they went to the assizes or sessions at Salisbury, etc., had a great number of retainers following them; and there were (you have heard), in those dayes, feudes (i.e. quarrells and animosities) between great neighbours. Particularly this new earle was much envyed by the then lord Sturton of Sturton[FD], who would, when he went or returned from Sarum (by Wilton was his rode), sound his trumpetts, and give reproachfull challenging words; 'twas a relique of knighthood errantry.

From my great-uncles, the Brownes of Broad Chalke:--in queen Elizabeth's time, some bishop (I have forgot who) that had been his chaplain, was sent to him from the queen and council, to take interrogatories of him. So he takes out his pen and inke, examines and writes. When he had writt a good deale, sayd the earle, 'Now lett me see it.' 'Why,' qᵈ the bishop, 'your lordship cannot read it?' 'That's all one: I'le see it,' qᵈ he, and takes it and teares it to pieces: 'Zounds, you rascall,' qᵈ he, 'd'ee thinke I will have my throate cutt with a penknife?' It seemes they had a mind to have pick't a hole in his coate, and to have gott his estate.

'Tis reported that he caused himself to be lett bloud, and bled so much that it was his death, and that he should say as he was expiring, 'They would have Wilton--they would have Wilton,' and so gave up the ghost.

Memorandum:--this William (the founder of this family) had a little cur-dog which loved him, and the earl loved the dog. When the earle dyed the dog would not goe from his master's dead body, but pined away, and dyed under the hearse; the picture of which dog is under his picture, in the Gallery at Wilton. Which putts me in[1181]mind of a parallell storie in Appian (Syrian Warr):--Lysimachus being slaine, a dog that loved him stayed a long time by the body and defended it from birds and beasts till such time as Thorax, king of Pharsalia, finding it out gave it buriall. And I thinke there is such another story in Pliny: vide.

He was buried in ... of St. Paule's, London, where he had a magnificent monument, which is described, with the epitaph, by Sir William Dugdale, which vide.

[1182]This present earl of Pembroke (1680) has at Wilton 52 mastives and 30 grey-hounds, some beares, and a lyon, and a matter of 60 fellowes more bestiall than they.

_Notes._

[FB] Aubrey gives in trick the coat:--'party per pale azure and gules, 3 lions rampant argent [Herbert]; impaling, argent, 2 bars azure within a bordure engrailed sable [Parre],' surmounted by an earl's coronet.

[FC] In error. It was Sir Thomas Parre's son William (brother of this Anne, countess of Pembroke) who was created marquess of Northampton in 1546/7.

[FD] Charles Stourton, succeeded as 7th baron in 1548; executed for murder in 1557.

=William Herbert=, 3rd earl of Pembroke (1580-1630).

[1183]William, earl of Pembroke, Chancellor of the University of Oxford, natus anno MDLXXX, viii Apr.; obiit anno MDCXXX, x Calend. Apr.[1184]--His death fell out according to prediction. He dyed a bed of an apoplexie.

[1185]Wilhelmus, comes Pembrochiae, Cancellarius Univ.

Oxon., natus anno MDLXXX, viii Apr.; obiit anno MDCXXX, x Calend. Apr.--His nativity was calculated by old Mr. Thomas Allen: his death was foretold, which happened true at the time foretold. Being well in health, he made a feast; ate and dranke plentifully; went to bed; and found dead in the morning.

[1186]William, earle of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlain, and Chancellor of the University of Oxford:--

'Natus Anno MDLXXX, viii Apr.
Obiit Anno MDCXXX, x Calend. Apr.'--

I find this under his engraved picture.

* * * * *

He dyed of an apoplexy, and it fell-out right according to prediction, because of which he made a great supper, and went to his bed well, but dyed in his sleep.

He was a most magnificent and brave peer, and loved learned men. He was a poet. There is a little booke in 12mo or 16mo which containes his wife's and Sir Benjamin Rudyer's who was his friend and contemporary.

=John Heydon= (1629-166..).

[1187]From Elias Ashmole, esqʳᵉ, scilicet that he[1188] had the booke called _The way to blisse_ from his adoptive father Backhowse[1189] at Swallowfield in com. Berks., a MSS. writt in queen Elizabeth's time, hand and stile ἀνονυμῶς.

Mr. ... Heyden maried Nicholas Culpepper's widdowe, and lights there[1190] on the aforesayd MSS., and prints a booke with a great deale of _The way to blisse_ word for word and verses that are printed in the commendation of other bookes; and instead of such and such old philosophers[1191] putts downe John Bowker and William Lilly which they never heard of: and is so impudent in one of his bookes since as to say Mr. Ashmole borrowed of him.

=Peter Heylyn= (1599-1662).

[1192]Dr. Heylin was buried in the choire neer his own [subdean's[1193]] stall, May the 10th 1662[1194], but his inscription is on the wall of the north aisle.

[1195]<Aubrey gives a copy of the inscription, noting, on the line 'posuit hoc illi moestissima conjux':--> who, about a year after, fell in love with a lifeguardman that I know, whom she had maried (aetat. 23), had not cruel death quench't that amorous flame.

Il port 'sable, 3 horse-heads erased argent.'

=Nicholas Hill= (1570?-1610).

[1196]Mr. Nicholas Hill:--This Nicholas Hill was one of the most learned men of his time: a great mathematician and philosopher and traveller, and a poet[1197]. His writings had the usuall fate of those not printed in the author's life-time. He was so eminent for knowledge, that he was the favourite of ...[LXXXVIII.] the great earle of Oxford, who had him to accompanie him in his travells (he was his steward), which were so splendid and sumptuous, that he kept at Florence a greater court then the Great Duke. This earle spent in that ... of travelling, the inheritance of ten or twelve thousand pounds per annum.

[LXXXVIII.] 'Twas that earle of Oxford that lett the f-- before queen Elizabeth: wherupon he travelled. Vide Stowe de hoc, in Elizabeth about the end.

Old Serjeant Hoskins (the poet, grandfather to this Sir John Hoskins, baronet, my honᵈ friend) knew him (was[1198] well acquainted with him), by which meanes I have this tradicion which otherwise had been lost; as also his very name, but only for these verses[FE] in Ben Johnson's 2d volumine, viz.:--

* * * * *
* * * * *

I fancy that his picture, i.e. head, is at the end of the Long Gallery of Pictures at Wilton[LXXXIX.], which is the most philosophicall aspect that I have seen, very much of Mr. T. Hobbes of Malmesbury, but rather _more antique_. 'Tis pitty that in noblemen's galleries, the names are not writt on, or behind, the pictures.

[LXXXIX.] Philip, earl of Montgomery, Lord Chamberleyn, maried <Susan> the daughter of <Edward Vere, 17th> earle of Oxford, by whom he had his issue.

He writt 'Philosophia Epicureo-Democritiana, simpliciter proposita, non edocta': printed at Colen, in 8vo or 12mo: Sir John Hoskins hath it.

Thomas Henshawe, of Kensington, esq., R. Soc. Soc., hath a treatise of his in manuscript, which he will not print, viz. 'Of the Essence of God, &c. Light.' It is mighty paradoxicall:--_That there is a God_; What he is, in 10 or 12 articles: _Of the Immortality of the Soule_, which he does demonstrate παντουσία and ὀντουσία.

[Fabian Philips, the cursiter, remembers him[1199].]

He was, as appeares by A. Wood's _Historie_, of St. John's Colledge in Oxford, where he mentions him to be a great Lullianist.

In his travells with his lord, (I forget whither Italy or Germany, but I thinke the former) a poor man begged him to give him _a penny_. 'A penny!' said Mr. Hill, 'what dost say to ten pound?' 'Ah! ten pound!' (said the beggar) 'that would make a man happy.' N. Hill gave him immediately 10 _li._ and putt it downe upon account,--'Item, to a beggar ten pounds, to make him happy.'

[1200]He printed 'Philosophia Epicurea Democritiana,' dedicated 'filiolo Laurentio.'--There was one Laurence Hill that did belong to the queen's court, that was hangd with[1201] Green and Berry about Sir Edmund-Berry Godfrey. According to age, it might be this man, but we cannot be certain.

[1202]Mr. Thomas Henshaw bought of Nicholas Hill's widow, in Bow lane, some of his bookes; among which is a manuscript _de infinitate et aeternitate mundi_. He finds by his writings that he was (or leaning) a Roman Catholique. Mr. Henshaw believes he dyed about 1610: he dyed an old man. He flourished in queen Elizabeth's time. I will search the register of Bowe.

[1203]I have searched the register of Bow, ubi non inventus Nicolas Hill.

[1204]Vide tom. 1 of Ben: Johnson's workes, pag. 48, epigram CXXXIV, title 'The famous voyage'....

Here sev'rall ghosts did flitt,
About the shore, of ..., but late departed;
White, black, blew, greene; and in more formes out-started
Than all those _Atomi_ ridiculous
Wherof old Democrite and Hill Nicholas,
One sayd, the other swore, the world consists.

_Note._

[FE] Aubrey was most anxious to have these verses inserted, three times directing Anthony Wood to do so. MS. Aubr. 8, a slip at fol. 4:--'Past on Nicholas Hill, in his proper place in part 1st' <i.e. MS. Aubr. 6>, but no copy of the verses is there given. MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 7:--'Insert B. Johnson's verses of Nicholas Hill.' MS. Wood F. 39, fol. 351ᵛ: 13 Jan. 1680/1:--'B. Johnson speakes of N. Hill in his "Voyage to Holbourne from Puddle-dock in a ferry boate.

A dock there is ... called _Avernus_
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . concern us."'

=Thomas Hobbes= (1588-1679).

<This, the most elaborate of these 'Brief Lives,' occupies by itself MS. Aubr. 9. For the letters introductory to it, see _supra_, pp. 17-20.

The various papers of which the MS. is composed are bound up confusedly, and the separate notes are in some cases entered on a page, or a page and its opposite, in no order. Considerable re-arrangement has therefore been necessary; but the exact MS. references have been given throughout. Some few notes relating to Hobbes, found in other Aubrey MSS., have here been brought into their natural place.>

[1205]The Life of Mr. Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesburie[1206].

<_Introduction._>

The writers[1207] of the lives of the ancient philosophers used to, in the first place, to speake of their lineage[1208]; and they tell us that in processe of time severall great[1209] families accounted it their glory to be branched[1210] from such or such a _Sapiens_.

Why now should that method be omitted in this _Historiola_ of our Malmesbury philosopher? Who though but[1211] of plebeian descent[1212], his renowne haz and will give brightnesse to his name and familie, which hereafter may arise glorious and flourish in riches and may justly take it an honour to be of kin to this worthy person, so famous, for his learning[1213], both at home and abroad.

<_Pedigree._>

[1214]... Hobbes, _m._ ...
|
+------------+-------+
| |
1. Francis Hobbes, 2. Thomas Hobbes, _m._ ... Middleton, of Brokenborough
obiit sine prole. vicar of Westport. | (vide Camden[1215]).
|
+----------------------------+-----+--------------------+
| | |
1. Edmund Hobbes, _m._ ... 2. Thomas Hobbes, ..., a daughter, _m._ ...
| philosophus, obiit
| coelebs Dec. 4, 1679.
|
+--------------+--------------+----------------------------+
| | |
1. Mary, _m._ ... Tirell. 2. Eleanor, _m._ ... Harding. Francis _m._ ...
| | Hobbes, |
|
+------------------------+-----------------------+------++-----+
| | | | |
1. Thomas, a clothier, 2. <Edmund>. When a child
about 23, 1679. his genius lyes to drawing.
He can engrave and something
resembles the philosopher.
I have a lyon of his
engraving.

This heraldique way of expressing a genealogie is most intelligible and makes the best impresse in the memory or fancy; but[1216] will it not be thought here to<o> pompous and affected by his enemies and the nation of critiques? _Prescribe Trebate._

My brother[1217] W. A. will set all this right[FF].

<_His father._>

[1218]Thomas Hobbes[FG], then, whose life I write, was second son of Mr. Thomas Hobbes, vicar of Westport juxta Malmesbury, who maried ... Middleton of Brokinborough (a yeomanly family).[1219]He was also vicar of Charlton (a mile hence): they are annexed, and are both worth 60 or 80_li._ per annum.--[1220]Memorandum, Brokenborough also is appendant to Charlton vicaridge--160_li._ per annum--from Philip Laurence, whose father-in-law was vicar. [[1221]The vicaridge of Malmesbury is but XX nobles per annum = 6_li._ 13_s._ 4_d._; but Coston and Radbourne belongs to it, which addition is equal to 50 or 60_li._ per annum.]

[1222]Thomas, the father[1223], was one of the ignorant 'Sir Johns[1224]' of queen Elizabeth's time; could[1225] only read the prayers of the church and the homilies; and disesteemed[1226] learning (his son Edmund told me so), as not knowing the sweetnes of it.

[1227]As to his father's ignorance and clownery, 'twas as good metall in the oare which wants excoriating and refineing. A witt requires much cultivation, much paines, and art and good conversation to perfect a man.

<_His father's brother._>

[1228]He[1229] had an elder brother[FH] whose name was Francis, a wealthy man, and had been alderman[XC.] of the borough; by profession a glover[XCI.], which is a great trade here[XCII.], and in times past much greater. Having no[1230]child, he contributed much to, or rather altogether maintained, his nephew Thomas at Magdalen hall in Oxon; and when he dyed gave him an _agellum_ (a moweing-ground[1231]) called the Gasten-ground, lyeing neer to the horse-faire, worth 16 or 18 poundes per annum; the rest of his landes he gave to his nephew Edmund.

[XC.] 'Alderman' is the title of the chiefe magistrate here. Alderman and ...; vide; quaere Sir J<ames> Long.

[XCI.] Shall I expresse or conceale this (_glover_)? The philosopher would acknowledge it.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29ᵛ.

[XCII.] Malmesbury famous for good gloves.

[1232]At Sherston about 3 miles hence (vide map) are groundes likewise called the Gasten-grounds--perhaps 'tis Garston grounds. At Sherston was heretofore a castle, and perhaps (and quaere) if these grounds are not where the _vallum_ or bulwarkes might be drawne. _Gaer_, Britannicè, signifies some such thing, vide Dr. Davys' British Dictionary.

In Hexham's Dutch dictionary _Gast_ signifies 'a guest'; so that _Gasten-ground_ will be 'the ground for the guests'; probably to putt the horses of the guests (that came to lye at the abbey) to grasse. They speake broad in our countrey, and do pronounce guest, _gast_, etc. Monasterys had their guest-halls; and it should seeme they had likewise their guest-grounds for the strangers' horses: as here.

<_His brother and sister._>

[1233]Thomas, the vicar of Westport, maried ... Middleton[FI] of Brokenborough[XCIII.] (of a yeomanly family), by whom he had two sonnes and one daughter (quaere my brother William Aubrey)--Edmund, his eldest (was bred-up to[1234] his uncle's profession of a glover); and Thomas (philosopher), second son, whose life I now write. Edmund was neer[1235] two yeares elder then his brother Thomas, and something resembled him in aspect[1236], not so tall, but fell much short of him in his intellect, though he was a good plain understanding countrey-man[1237]. He had been bred at schoole with his brother; could have made theme, and verse, and understood a little Greek to his dyeing day. He dyed (quaere William Aubrey) about 13 yeares since, aetat. circiter 80.

[XCIII.] Brokenbrig: vide Camden.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30ᵛ.

<_His nephews and nieces._>

This Edmund had only one son named Francis, and two daughters maried to countreymen (renters) in the neighborhood. This Francis pretty well resembled his uncle Thomas, especially about the eie; and probably had he had good education might have been ingeniose; but he drowned his witt[1238] in ale[XCIV.]. He was left by his father and uncle Thomas, 80 _li._ (quaere W. A.) or better per annum, but he was an ill husband. He dyed about two yeares after his father, and left five children.--His eldest son is Thomas, a clothier, now about 23, living at[XCV.] ... (quaere W. A.[1239]). The second, <Edmund>, lives at ...[XCVI.], and has some lines of Thomas the philosopher. When he was a child[1240], his genius inclined him to ([1241]quaere W. A.) draweing[1242] and engraving in copper. He is now about 21.

[XCIV.] This part much given to drunkennes.

[XCV.] He did live at Tedbury.

[XCVI.] Did live at Chippenham.

<_Description of Malmsbury._>

<As may be seen from his intended preface (_supra_, p. 19)
Aubrey thought of beginning the life of Hobbes with an account
of Malmsbury.

For this purpose in MS. Aubr. 9 he has drawn three
plans[1243]:--

(a) plan of environs of Malmsbury (a slip at fol. 31ᵛ).

(b) plan of Malmsbury (fol. 31ᵛ).

(c) a drawing of the house in which Hobbes was born (fol. 31ᵛ).
These are reproduced in facsimile at the end of this edition.

He gives there (fol. 31ᵛ) these dimensions of the town:--'From
St. John's Bridge <south limit of the town> to the abbey
<north> is about a quarter of a mile; and from the same bridge
to Westport church <west limit> is neer about a mile. Height of
the borough from the levill belowe is about 100 foot high.'

The references on the plan of Malmsbury (see the facsimile)
are:--

'α = the house of his birth.
ω = Westport church.
W = the West port (_olim_).
β = the smyth's shop.
δ = the private house where Mr. Latimer taught him.
ξ = Three Tunnes (as I take it), opposite to the smyth's shop.
= the religious <house> dedicated to Our Lady: the chapell is yet standing.
H = <Hobbes's> house at the upper <end> faces the Horse fayre.
= quaere if not a chapell here?'

On fol. 31ᵛ of MS. Aubr. 9, Aubrey has these remarks about
these plans, etc.:--

'If these notes are not now inserted, probably they will be
lost: or should it not be a marginall commentary?'

'I have drawne this rude sketch meerly for your clearer
understanding, not that I think it worth while to grave it for
'tis at randome. I intended if it had pleased God that I had
prospered in the world to have had taken an exact map[1244] of
Malmesbury.'

'Whitechurch, about a mile ferè off:--quaere ubi stat?' 'Vide
Speed's mappe in Wiltshire.'

'Burnevall, quasi Bournevall.'>

<_Description of Westport._>

[1245]Westport[FJ] is the parish without the west-gate (which is now demolished), which gate stood on the neck of land that joines Malmesbury (vide verses[FK]) to Westport. Here[FL] was, before the late warres, a very pretty church, consisting of 3 aisles, or rather a nave and two aisles (which tooke up the whole area[1246]), dedicated to St. Mary; and a fair spire-steeple, with five tuneable bells, which, when the towne was taken (about 1644; quaere William Aubrey) by Sir W. Waller, were converted[1247] into ordinance, and the church pulled-downe to the ground, that the enemie might not shelter themselves against the garrison. The steeple was higher then that now standing in the borough, which much added to[1248] the prospect. The windowes were well painted, and in them were inscriptions that declared much antiquitie; now is here rebuilt a church like a stable.

<_Place and date of his birth._>

Thomas Hobbes, Malmesburiensis, Philosophus, was borne at his father's house in Westport, being that extreme howse that pointes into, or[1249] faces, the Horse-fayre; the farthest howse on the left hand as you goe to Tedbury, leaving the church on your right. To prevent mistakes, and that hereafter may rise no doubt[1250] what house was famous for this famous man's birth; I doe here testifie that in April, 1659, his brother Edmond went with me into this house, and into the chamber where he was borne. Now things begin to be antiquated, and I have heard some guesse it might be at the howse where his brother Edmund lived and dyed. But this is so, as I here[1251] deliver it. This house was given by Thomas, the vicar, to his daughter[XCVII.] ... whose daughter or granddaughter possessed[1252] it, when I was there.[1253]It is a firme house, stone-built and tiled, of one roome (besides[1254] a buttery, or the like, within) below, and two chambers above. 'Twas in the innermost where he first drew breath.

[XCVII.] Quaere William Aubrey if ... Potluck[1255].

The day of his birth was April the fifth, Anno Domini 1588, on a Fryday morning, which that yeare was Good Fryday. His mother fell in labour with him upon the fright of the invasion of the Spaniards--

[[1256]Fama[1257] ferebat enim, sparsitque per oppida nostra
Extremum genti classe venire diem;
Atque metum tantum concepit tunc mea mater
Ut pareret geminos meque metumque simul.]

--[1258]he told me himself between the houres of four and six: but by rectification his nativity is found to be at ...[XCVIII.].

[XCVIII.] See my collection of genitures[FM], where I have it more exact from his owne mouth, viz. 5 h. 2´ mane.

His horoscope[FN] is Taurus, having in it a _satellitium_ of 5 of the 7 planets. It is a maxime in astrologie--vide Ptol. Centil.--that a native that hath a _satellitium_ in his ascendent becomes[1259] more eminent in his life then ordinary[1260], e.g. divers which see in Origanus, etc., and Oliver Cromwell had so, etc.

<_His school and college life._>

At four yeares old[FO] he went to schoole in Westport church, till eight; by that time[1261] he could read well, and number four figures. Afterwards he went to schoole to Malmesbury, to Mr. Evans, the minister of the towne; and afterwards to Mr. Robert Latimer, a young man of about nineteen or twenty, newly come from the University, who then kept a private schoole in Westport, where the broad place (quaere nomen) is, next dore north from the smyth's shop, opposite to the Three Cuppes[1262] (as I take it). He was a batchelour and delighted in his scholar, T. H.'s company, and used to instruct him, and two or three ingeniose youths more, in the evening till nine a clock. Here T. H. so well profited in his learning, that at fourteen yeares of age, he went away a good schoole-scholar to Magdalen-hall, in Oxford. It is not to be forgotten, that before he went to the University, he had turned Euripidis Medea[1263] out of Greeke into Latin Iambiques, which he presented to his master. Mr. H. told me that he would faine have had them, to have seen how he did grow in.... Twenty odde[1264] yeares agoe I searcht all old Mr. Latimer's papers, but could not find them; the[1265] good huswives had sacrificed them.

I have heard his brother Edmund and Mr. Wayte (his schoolefellowe) say that when he was a boy he was playsome enough, but withall he had even then a contemplative melancholinesse; he would gett him into a corner, and learne his lesson by heart presently. His haire was black, and his schoolfellows[1266] were wont to call him 'Crowe.'

This Mr. Latimer was a good Graecian, and the first that came into our parts hereabout since the Reformation. He was afterwards minister of Malmesbury, and from thence preferred to a better living of 100 _li._ per annum, or +, at Leigh-de-la-mere within this hundred.

At Oxford Mr. T. H. used, in the summer time especially, to rise very early in the morning, and would tye the leaden-counters (which they used in those dayes at Christmas, at post and payre) with pacthreds[1267], which he did besmere with[1268] birdlime, and bayte them with parings of cheese, and the jack-dawes would spye them a vast distance up in the aire[XCIX.] and as far as Osney-abbey, and strike at the bayte, and so be harled in the string, which the wayte of the counter would make cling about ther wings. He did not much care for logick, yet he learnd it, and thought himselfe a good disputant. He tooke great delight there to goe to the[1269] booke-binders' shops, and lye gaping on mappes, of which he takes notice in his life written by himselfe in verse:

[XCIX.] This story he happened to tell me, discoursing of the Optiques, to instance such sharpnes of sight in so little an eie.

Ergo ad amoena magis me verto, librosque revolvo,
Quos prius edoctus, non bene doctus eram.[1270]
Pascebamque animum chartis imitantibus orbem,
Telluris faciem, et sydera picta videns,
Gaudebam soli comes ire, et cernere cunctis
Terricolis justos qua facit arte dies; etc.

[1271]Quaere A<nthony> W<ood> what moneth and day he was matriculated?

[He[1272] came[1273] to Magdalen hall in the beginning of an. 1603, at what time, Dr. James Hussee, LL.D., was principall. This James Hussee was afterwards knighted by king James and was made Chancellour of Sarum. This Dr. Hussee was a great encourager of towardly youths. But he resigning his principallity about 1605, Mr. John Wilkinson succeeded him: so that Mr. Hobs was under the government of two principalls.[FP]--Thomas Hobs was admitted to the reading of any book of logic ('ad[1274] lectionem cujuslibet libri logices'), that is, he was admitted to the degree of Bachelaur of Arts, 5 Feb., 1607[1275], and in the Lent that then began did determine[1276], that is, did his exercise for the completion of that degree. Vide _Hist. <et Antiq. Univ.> Oxon._, lib. 2, pag. 376 a.]

<_Enters the earl of Devonshire's service._>

[1277]After he had taken his batchelor of Arts degree (quaere A. Wood de hoc), the than principall of Magdalen-hall (Sir James Hussey[1278]) recommended him to his yong lord when he left Oxon, who had a conceit[1279] that he should profitt more in his learning if he had a scholar of his owne age to wayte on him then if he had the information of a grave doctor. He was his lordship's page, and rode a hunting and hawking with him, and kept his privy-purse.

By this way of life he had almost forgott his Latin; vide Latin verses. He therefore[1280] bought him bookes of an Amsterdam print that he might carry in his pocket (particularly Caesar's Commentarys), which he did read in the lobbey, or ante-chamber, whilest his lord was making his visits.

<_Is servant to Francis Bacon._>

The Lord Chancellour Bacon loved to converse[C.] with him. He assisted his lordship in translating severall of his Essayes into Latin, one, I well remember, is[1281] that _Of the Greatnes of Cities_: the rest I have forgott. His lordship was a very contemplative person, and was wont to contemplate in his delicious walkes at Gorambery[FQ], and dictate to Mr. Thomas Bushell, or some other of his gentlemen, that attended him with inke and paper ready to sett downe presently his thoughts. His lordship would often say that he better liked Mr. Hobbes's taking his thoughts[1282], then any of the other, because he understood what he wrote, which the others not understanding, my Lord[1283] would many times have a hard taske to make sense of what they writt.

[C.] This, I beleeve, was after his first lord's death[1284].

It is to be remembred that about these times, Mr. T. H. was much addicted to musique, and practised on the base-violl.

<_Visits his native county, Wiltshire._>

1634: this summer--I remember 'twas in venison season[1285] (July or August)--Mr. T. H. came into his native country[1286] to visitt his friends, and amongst others he came then to see his old school-master, Mr. Robert Latimer[CI.], at Leigh-de-la-mer, where I was then at schoole[CII.] in the church[1287], newly entred into my grammar by him. Here was the first place and time that ever I had the honour to see this worthy, learned man, who was then pleased to take notice of me, and the next day visited[1288] my relations[1289]. He was then a proper man, briske, and in very good habit[1290]. His hayre was then quite black[1291]. He stayed at Malmsbury and in the neighborhood a weeke or better. 'Twas the last time that ever he was in Wiltshire.

[CI.] Robert Latimer obiit November 2, 1634; sed hoc nihil ad rhombum.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 35ᵛ.

[CII.] I had then a fine little horse and commonly rode--(but this is impertinent)--i.e. I was not a vulgar boy and carried not a satchell at my back.--Sed hoc inter nos.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31.

[1292]His conversation about those times was much about Ben: Jonson, Mr. Ayton, etc.

<_His mathematical studies._>

[1293]He was (vide his life) 40 yeares[1294] old before he looked on geometry; which happened accidentally. Being in a gentleman's library in ..., Euclid's Elements lay open, and 'twas the 47 El.[1295] libri I. He read the proposition. By[CIII.] G--,' sayd he, 'this is impossible!' So he reads the demonstration of it, which referred him back to such a proposition; which proposition he read. That referred him back to another, which he also read. Et sic deinceps, that at last he was demonstratively convinced of that trueth. This made him in love with geometry.

[CIII.] He would now and then sweare, by way of emphasis[1296].

I have heard Sir Jonas Moore (and others[FR]) say that 'twas a great pity he had not began the study of the mathematics sooner, for such a working head[1297] would have made great advancement in it. So had he donne[1298], he would not have layn so open to his learned mathematicall antagonists[1299]. But one may say of him, as one (quaere who) sayes of Jos. Scaliger, that where he erres, he erres so ingeniosely, that one had rather erre with him then hitt the mark[1300] with Clavius. I have heard Mr. Hobbes say[1301] that he was wont to draw lines[1302] on his thigh and on the sheetes, abed, and[1303] also multiply and divide. He would often complain that algebra[CIV.] (though of great use) was too much admired, and so followed after, that it made men not contemplate and consider so much the nature and power of lines, which was a great hinderance to the groweth of geometrie; for that though algebra did rarely well and quickly, and easily in right lines, yet 'twould not _bite_ in _solid_ (I thinke) geometrie. Quod N.B.

[CIV.] Vide de hoc in his _De corpore_, and also in his 5 Dialogue. Quaere Dr. Blackburne:--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 36.

[1304]Memorandum--After he began to reflect on[1305] the interest of the king of England as touching his affaires between him and the parliament, for ten yeares together his thoughts were much, or almost altogether, unhinged from the mathematiques; but chiefly intent on his _De Cive_, and after that on his _Leviathan_: which was a great putt-back to his mathematicall improvement[1306]--quod N.B.--for in ten yeares' (or better) discontinuance of that study (especially) one's mathematiques will become very rusty[1307].

<_Champions the king's cause against the parliament._>

[1308]Vide _Mr. Hobbes considered_, p. 4: printed London 1662 (since reprinted, 1680, by William Crooke):--

1640: 'when the parliament sate that began in April 1640 and was dissolved in May following, and in which many pointes of the regall power, which were necessary for the peace of the kingdome and safety of his majestye's person, were disputed[1309] and denyed, Mr. Hobbes wrote a little treatise in English, wherin he did sett-forth and demonstrate, that the sayd power and rights were inseperably annexed to the soveraignty, which soveraignty they did not then deny to be in the king; but it seemes understood not, or would not understand, that inseperability. Of this treatise, though not printed, many gentlemen had copies, which occasioned much talke of the author; and had not his majestie dissolved the parliament, it had brought him in danger of his life.'

[1310]Vide _Mr. Hobbes considered_, if more may not be inserted, scilicet as to the politiques. Sed cave--

Incedis per ignes
Suppositos cineri doloso.

HORATIUS _ad Asin. Pollionem_, ode 1, lib. 2.

Memorandum the parliament was then sitting and runne violently against the king's prerogative.

[1311]Memorandum he told me that bp. Manwaring[1312] (of St. David's) preach'd _his doctrine_; for which, among others, he was sent prisoner to the Tower. Then thought Mr. Hobbes, 'tis time now for me to shift for my selfe, and so withdrew[1313] into France, and resided[1314] at Paris. As I remember, there were others[1315] likewise did preach his doctrine. This little MS. treatise grew to be[1316] his book _De Cive_[1317], and at last grew there to be the so formidable and ... LEVIATHAN; the manner of writing of which booke (he told me) was thus. He walked much and contemplated, and he had in the head of his staffe[1318] a pen and inke-horne, carried alwayes a note-booke in his pocket, and as soon as a thought[1319] darted, he presently entred it into his booke, or otherwise he might[1320] perhaps have lost it. He had drawne the designe of the booke into chapters, etc. so he knew whereabout it would come in. Thus that booke was made.

'He wrote and published the Leviathan far from the intention either of disadvantage to his majestie, or to flatter Oliver (who was not made Protector till three or four yeares after) on purpose to facilitate his returne; for there is scarce a page in it that he does not upbraid him.'--_Mr. Hobbes considered_, p. 8.

[1321]''Twas written in the behalfe of the faithfull subjects of his majestie, that had taken his part in the war, or otherwise donne their utmost endeavour to defend his majestie's right and person against the rebells: wherby, having no other meanes of protection, nor (for the most part) of subsistence, were forced to compound with your masters, and to promise obedience for the saving of their lives and fortunes, which, in his booke he hath affirmed, they might lawfully doe, and consequently not bear arms against the victors. They had done their utmost endeavour to performe their obligation to the king, had done all they could be obliged unto; and were consequently at liberty to seeke the safety of their lives and livelihood wheresoever, and without treachery.'--<ibid.> p. 20.

'His majestie was displeased with him' (at Paris) 'for a while, but not very long, by means of some's complayning of and misconstruing his writing. But his majestie had a good opinion of him, and sayd openly that he thought Mr. Hobbes never meant him hurt.'--p. 28.

'Before his booke _De Homine_ came forth, nothing of the optiques writt intelligibly. As for the Optiques of Vitellio[1322], and several others, he accounts them rather geometry than optiques.'--p. 54. [Will not this p. 54 more aptly come in in another place?]

'So also of all other arts; not every one that brings from beyond seas a new gin, or other janty devise, is therfore a philosopher. For if you reckon that way, not only apothecaries and gardiners, but many other sorts of workmen will put-in for, and get the prize--

'Then,[1323] when I see the gentlemen of Gresham Colledge apply themselves to the doctrine of motion (as Mr. Hobbes has done, and will be ready to helpe them in it, if they please, and so long as they use him civilly), I will looke to know some causes of naturall events from them, and their register, and not before; for nature does nothing but by motion.

'The reason given by him, why the drop of glasse so much wondred at shivers into so many pieces by breaking only one small part of it, is approved for probable by the Royall Societie and registred in their colledge:[CV.] but he has no reason to take it for a favour, because hereafter the invention may be taken, by that means, not for his, but theirs.'--p. 55.

[CV.] This clause I leave to your judgment, if not fitt to be left out.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38ᵛ.

'As for his selfe-prayse[CVI.], they can have very little skill in morality, that cannot see the justice of commending a man's selfe, as well as of any thing else, in his own defence.'--p. 57.

[CVI.] Should these excerpts of his moralls come in here, or rather be cast-after to another place?--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38ᵛ.

'Then for his morosity and peevishnesse, with which some asperse him, all that know him familiarly, know the contrary. 'Tis true that when vain and ignorant young scholars, unknowne to him before, come to him on purpose to argue with him, and fall into undiscreet and uncivill expressions, and he then appeare not well contented, 'twas not his morosity, but their vanity, which should be blamed.'--<_Mr. Hobbes considered_> p. 59.

<_Residence in Paris._>

[1324]During his stay at Paris he went through a course of chymistry with Dr. ... Davison; and he there also studied Vesalius's Anatomie. This I am sure was before 1648; for that Sir William Petty (then Dr. Petty, physitian) studyed and dissected with him. Vide pag. 18b. A. W.[1325]

<_Return to England._>

[1326]Anno 165-[CVII.], he returned into England, and lived most part[CVIII.] in London, in Fetter lane, where he writt, or finished, his booke _De Corpore_, ...[1327], in Latin and then in English; and writt his lessons against the two Savillian professors at Oxon[1328], etc.; vide the anno Domini when printed. (Puto 1655 or 56.)

[CVII.] Quaere de hoc: vide his life.--'Twas 1650 or 1651.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38ᵛ.

[CVIII.] Quaere etiam de hoc. I thinke true as I remember.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38ᵛ.

<_Kindness to his nephew._>

[1329]1655 or 1656: about this time he setled the piece of land (aforesayd), given to him by his uncle, upon his nephew Francis[CIX.] for life, the remaynder to his nephew's eldest son, Thomas Hobbes. He also not long after[1330] dischardged a mortgage (to my knowledge[CX.], to Richard Thorne, an attorney) of two hundred pounds, besides the interest thereof, with which his nephew Francis (a careles[1331] husband) had incumbred his estate.

[CIX.] Or brother: I have now forgott. But surely 'twas to his nephewe[1332].--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30ᵛ.

[CX.] I doe not insert this to be published, but only my familiar way of writing to you and to give to you the greater testimonie.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39ᵛ.

<_Residence in London._>

He was much in London till the restauration of his majesty, having here convenience not only of bookes, but of learned conversation, as Mr. John Selden, Dr. William Harvey, John Vaughan, etc., wherof anon in the catalogue of his acquaintance.

I have heard him say, that at his lord's house in the countrey[1333] there was a good library, and bookes enough for him, and that his lordship stored the library with what bookes he thought fitt to be bought; but he sayd, the want of learned[1334] conversation[CXI.] was a very great inconvenience[1335], and that though he conceived[1336] he could order his thinking as well perhaps as another man, yet he found a great defect[1337].

[CXI.] Methinkes in the country, in long time, for want of good conservation, one's understanding (witt, invention) growes mouldy.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39ᵛ.

<_Acquaintance and studies._>

Amongst other of his acquaintance I must not forget our common friend, Mr. Samuel Cowper, the prince of limners of this last age, who drew his picture[CXII.] as like as art could afford, and one of the best pieces that ever he did: which his majesty, at his returne, bought of him, and conserves as one of his great rarities in his closet at Whitehall.

[CXII.] This picture I intend[1338] to be borrowed of his majesty, for Mr. <David> Loggan to engrave an accurate piece by, which will sell well both at home and abroad. Mr. Loggan is well acquainted.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 39ᵛ.

[1339]1659. In 1659 his lord was--and some yeares before--at Little Salisbury-house (now turned to the Middle-Exchange), where he wrot, among other things, a poeme, in Latin hexameter and pentameter, of the encroachment of the clergie (both Roman and reformed) on the civil power[FS]. I remember I saw then 500 + verses, for he numbred every tenth as he wrote. I remember he did read Cluverius's _Historia Universalis_, and made-up his poeme from thence. His amanuensis remembers this poeme, for he wrote them out, but knows <not what became of it>.

His place of meditation was then in the portico in the garden.

_His manner[1340] of thinking_:--he sayd that he sometimes would sett his thoughts upon researching[1341] and contemplating, always with this rule[1342] that he very much and deeply considered one thing at a time (scilicet, a weeke or sometimes a fortnight).

There was a report[CXIII.] (and surely true) that in parliament, not long after the king was setled, some of the bishops made a motion to have the good old gentleman burn't for a heretique. Which he hearing, feared that his papers might be search't by their order, and he told me he had burn't part of them.--I have received word[1343] from his amanuensis and executor that he 'remembers there were such verses[1344] for he wrote them out, but knowes not what became of them, unlesse he presented them to Judge Vaughan[1345], or burned them as I did seeme to intimate.' ☞ But I understand since by W. Crooke, that he can retrive a good[1346] many of them.

[CXIII.] Quaere[1347] the bishop of Sarum de hoc, i.e. pro tempore.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41ᵛ.

<_Secures the protection of Charles II._>

[1348]1660. The[1349] winter-time of 1659 he spent in Derbyshire. In[FT]March following was the dawning of the coming in of our gracious soveraigne, and in April the Aurora.

[1350]I then sent a letter to him in the countrey to advertise him of the Advent[1351] of his master the king and desired him by all meanes to be in London before his arrivall; and knowing[1352] his majestie was a great lover of good painting I must needs presume he could not but suddenly see Mr. Cowper's curious pieces, of whose fame he had so much heard abroad and seene some of his worke, and likewise that he would sitt to him for his picture, at which place and time he would have the best convenience[1353] of renewing his majestie's graces to him.[1354]He returned me thankes for my friendly intimation and came to London in May following.

It happened, about two or three dayes after his majestie's happy returne, that, as he was passing in his coach through the Strand, Mr. Hobbes was standing at Little Salisbury-house gate (where his lord then lived). The king espied him, putt of his hatt very kindly to him, and asked him how he did. About a weeke after he had[1355] orall conference with his majesty at[1356] Mr. S. Cowper's, where, as he sate for his picture, he was diverted[1357] by Mr. Hobbes's pleasant discourse[1358]. Here his majestie's favours were redintegrated to him, and order was given that he should have free accesse to his majesty, who was always much delighted in his witt and smart repartees.

The witts at Court were wont to bayte him. But he feared none of them[1359], and would make his part good. The king would call him _the beare_[CXIV.]: 'Here comes the beare to be bayted!'

[CXIV.] This is _too low_ witt to be published.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 40ᵛ.

_Repartees._ He was marvellous happy and ready in his replies, and that without rancor (except provoked)--but now[1360] I speake of his readinesse in replies as to witt and drollery. He would say that he did not care to give, neither was he adroit[1361] at, a present answer to a serious quaere: he had as lieve they should have expected an[1362] extemporary solution to an arithmeticall probleme, for he turned and winded and compounded in philosophy, politiques, etc., as if he had been at analyticall[1363] worke. He alwayes avoided, as much as he could, to conclude hastily (_Humane Nature_, p. 2). Vide[1364] p. 15 b.

<_Re-enters the household of the earl of Devonshire._>

[1365]Memorandum--from 1660 till the time[CXV.] he[1366] last went into Derbyshire, he spent most of his time in London at his lord's (viz. at Little Salisbury-howse; then, Queen Street; lastly, Newport-house), following his contemplation and study. ☞ He contemplated and invented (set downe a hint with a pencill or so) in the morning, but compiled[1367] in the afternoon.

[CXV.] Quaere when. Quaere W. Crooke de hoc. [You[1368] say somewhere[1369] that he went into Derbyshire, 1675. Here, while he was at London, he was much sought after and courted: taught and directed those that sought after him.-- MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41ᵛ.]

<_His treatise De Legibus._>

1664. In[1370] 1664 I sayd to him 'Me thinkes 'tis pitty that you that have such a cleare reason and working[1371] head did never take into consideration the learning of the lawes'; and I endeavoured to perswade him to it. But he answered that[1372] he was not like to have life enough left to goe through with such a long and difficult taske. I then presented him the lord chancellor Bacon's Elements of the Lawe (a thin quarto), in order therunto and to drawe him on; which he was pleased to accept, and perused; and the next time I came to him he shewed me therin two cleare paralogismes in the 2nd page (_one_, I well remember, was in page 2), which I am heartily sory are now out of my remembrance.[1373] I desponded, for his reasons, that he should make any _tentamen_[1374] towards this designe; but afterwards, it seemes, in the countrey he writt his treatise _De Legibus_[FU] (unprinted) of which Sir John Vaughan, Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas, had a transcript, and I doe affirme that he much admired it.

[1375]Insert here part of his lettre to me about it.

'Tis thus, viz., in a letter to me[1376], dated Aug. 18, 1679, among severall other things, he writes[1377]:--

'I have been told that my booke of the Civill Warr is come abroad and am heartily sorry for it, especially because I could not get his majestie to license it, not because it is ill printed or hath a foolish title set to it, for I beleeve that any ingeniose man may understand the wickednes of that time, notwithstanding the errors of the presse[CXVI.].

[CXVI.] Quaere is it best to let the letter stand whole[1378] or to let that part, of the Civill Warr, be referred to the catalogue of bookes?

'The treatise _De Legibus_ (at the end of it) is imperfect. I desire Mr. Horne[1379] to pardon me that I cannot consent to his motion; nor shall Mr. Crooke himselfe get my consent to print it.

'I pray you present my humble thankes to Mr. Sam. Butler.