Chapter XVII (1)

Failure of free colored people in attaining an
equality with the whites--Their failure also in
checking Slavery--Have they not aided in its
extension? Yes--Facts in proof of this
view--Abolitionists bad Philosophers--Colored
men's influence destructive of their
hopes--Summary manner in which England acts in
their removal--Lord Mansfield's
decision--Granville Sharp's labors and their
results--Colored immigration into
Canada--Information supplied by Major
Lachlan--Demoralized condition of the blacks as
indicated by the crimes they committed--Elgin
Association--Public meeting protesting against its
organization--Negro meeting at Toronto--Memorial
of municipal council--Negro riot at St.
Catherines--Col. Prince and the Negroes--Later
cases of presentation by Grand Jury--Opinion of
the Judge--Darkening prospects of the colored
race--Views of Rev. Henry Ward Beecher--Their
accuracy--The lesson they teach.

BUT little progress, it will be seen, has been made, by the free colored people, toward an approximation of equality with the whites. Have they succeeded better in aiding in the abolition of slavery? They have not, as is abundantly demonstrated by the triumph of the institution. This is an important point for consideration, as the principal object influencing them to remain in the country, was, that they might assist in the liberation of their brethren from bondage. But their agency in the attempts made to abolish the institution having failed, a more important question arises, as to whether the free colored people, by refusing to emigrate, may not have contributed to the advancement of slavery? An affirmative answer must be given to this inquiry. Nor is a protracted discussion necessary to prove the assertion.

One of the objections urged with the greatest force against colonization, is, its tendency, as is alleged, to increase the value of slaves by diminishing their numbers. "Jay's Inquiry," 1835, presents this objection at length; and the Report of the "Anti-Slavery Society of Canada," 1853, sums it up in a single proposition thus:

"The first effect of beginning to reduce the number of slaves, by colonization, would be to increase the market value of those left behind, and thereby increase the difficulty of setting them free."

The practical effect of this doctrine, is to discourage all emancipations; to render eternal the bondage of each individual slave, unless all can be liberated; to prevent the benevolence of one master from freeing his slaves, lest his more selfish neighbor should be thereby enriched; and to leave the whole system intact, until its total abolition can be effected. Such philanthropy would leave every individual, of suffering millions, to groan out a miserable existence, because it could not at once effect the deliverance of the whole. This objection to colonization can be founded only in prejudice, or is designed to mislead the ignorant. The advocates of this doctrine do not practice it, or they would not promote the escape of fugitives to Canada.

But abolitionists object not only to the colonization of liberated slaves, as tending to perpetuate slavery; they are equally hostile to the colonization of the free colored people, for the same reason. The "American Reform Tract and Book Society," the organ of the abolitionists, for the publication of anti-slavery works, has issued a Tract on "Colonization," in which this objection is stated as follows:

"The Society perpetuates slavery, by removing the free laborer, and thereby increasing the demand for, and the value of, slave labor."

The projectors and advocates of such views may be good philanthropists, but they are bad philosophers. We have seen that the power of American slavery lies in the demand for its products; and that the whole country, North of the sugar and cotton States, is actively employed in the production of provisions for the support of the planter and his slaves, and in consuming the products of slave labor. This is the constant vocation of the whites. And how is it with the blacks? Are they competing with the slaves, in the cultivation of sugar and cotton, or are they also supporting the system, by consuming its products? The latitudes in which they reside, and the pursuits in which they are engaged, will answer this question.

The census of 1850, shows but 40,900 free colored persons in the nine sugar and cotton States, including Texas, Louisiana, Arkansas, Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, while 393,500 are living in the other States. North Carolina is omitted, because it is more of a tobacco and wool-growing, than cotton-producing State.

Of the free colored persons in the first-named States, 19,260 are in the cities and larger towns; while, of the remainder, a considerable number may be in the villages, or in the families of the whites. From these facts it is apparent, that less than 20,000 of the entire free colored population (omitting those of North Carolina,) are in a position to compete with slave labor, while all the remainder, numbering over 412,800, are engaged, either directly or indirectly, in supporting the institution. Even the fugitives escaping to Canada, from having been producers necessarily become consumers of slave-grown products; and, worse still, under the Reciprocity Treaty, they must also become growers of provisions for the planters who continue to hold their brothers, sisters, wives and children, in bondage.

These are the practical results of the policy of the abolitionists. Verily, they, also, have dug their ditches on the wrong side of their breastworks, and afforded the enemy an easy entrance into their fortress. But, "Let them alone; they be blind leaders of the blind. And if the blind lead the blind, both shall fall into the ditch."[84]

But we are not yet prepared to estimate the full extent of the influence, for ill, exerted by the free colored people upon public sentiment. The picture of their degraded moral condition, drawn by the abolitionists, is a dark one indeed, and calculated to do but little toward promoting emancipation, or in placing themselves in a position of equality with the whites. According to their testimony, the condition of the slave, under the restraints of Christian masters, must be vastly more favorable to moral progress, than that of the majority of those who have received their freedom. While they have all the animal appetites and passions fully developed, they seem to remain, intellectually, child-like, with neither the courage nor the foresight enabling them to seize upon fields of enterprise that would lead to wealth and fame. Look at the facts upon this point. They were offered a home and government of their own in Africa, with the control of extensive tropical cultivation; but they rejected the boon, and refused to leave the land of their birth, in the vain belief that they could, by remaining here, assist in wrenching the chains from the slaves of the South. They expected great aid, too, in their work, from the moral effect of West Indian emancipation; but that has failed in the results anticipated, and the free colored laborer is about to be superseded there by imported coolie labor from abroad. They expected, also, that the emigrants and fugitives to Canada, rising into respectability under British laws, would do the race much honor, and show the value of emancipation; but even there the hope has not been realized, and it will be no uncommon thing should the Government set its face against them as most unwelcome visitors. A few scraps of history will be of service, in illustrating the feeling of the subjects of the British North American colonies, in relation to the inroads made upon them by the free colored people.

In 1833, an English military officer, thus wrote:

"There is a settlement of negroes a few miles from Halifax, Nova Scotia, at Hammond's Plains. Any one would have imagined that the Government would have taken warning from the trouble and expense it incurred by granting protection to those who emigrated from the States during the Revolution; 1200 of whom were removed to Sierra Leone in 1792 by their own request. Again when 600 of the insurgent negroes--the Maroons of Jamaica--were transported to Nova Scotia in 1796, and received every possible encouragement to become good subjects, by being granted a settlement at Preston, and being employed upon the fortifications at Halifax; yet they, too, soon became discontented, and being unwilling to earn a livelihood by labor, were, in 1800, removed to the same colony, after costing the island of Jamaica more than $225,000, and a large additional expense to the Province, _i. e._ Nova Scotia. Notwithstanding which, when the runaway slaves were received on board the fleet, off the Chesapeake, during the late war, permission was granted to them to form a settlement at Hammond's Plains, where the same system of discontent arose--many of the settlers professing that they would prefer their former well-fed life of slavery, in a more congenial climate, and earnestly petitioning to be removed, were sent to Trinidad in 1821. Some few of those who remained are good servants and farmers, disposing of the produce of their lands in the Halifax market; but the majority are idle, roving, and dirty vagabonds."[85]

Thus it appears, that as late as 1821, the policy of the British colonies of North America, was to remove the fugitive negroes from their territories. The 1200 exported from Halifax, in 1792, were fugitive slaves who had joined the English during the American Revolutionary war, and had been promised lands in Nova Scotia; but the Government having failed to meet its pledge, and the climate proving unfavorable, they sought refuge in Africa. These shipments of the colored people, from the British colonies at the North to those of the Tropics, was in accordance with the plan that England had adopted at home, in reference to the same class of persons--that of removing a people who were a public burden, to where they could be self-supporting. This is a matter of some interest, and is deserving of notice in this connection. On the 22d of May, 1772, Lord Mansfield decided the memorable Somerset case, and pronounced it unlawful to hold a slave in Great Britain. The close of that decision reads thus:

"Immemorial usage preserves a positive law, after the occasion or accident which gave rise to it, has been forgotten; and tracing the subject to natural principles, the claim of slavery never can be supported. The power claimed was never in use here, or acknowledged by the law. Upon the whole, we can not say the cause returned is sufficient by the law; therefore the man must be discharged."

Previous to this date, many slaves had been introduced into English families, and, on running away, the fugitives had been delivered up to their masters, by order of the Court of King's Bench, under Lord Mansfield; but now the poor African, no longer hunted as a beast of prey, in the streets of London, slept under his roof, miserable as it might be, in perfect security.[86]

To Granville Sharp belonged the honor of this achievement. By the decision, about 400 negroes were thrown upon their own resources. They flocked to Mr. Sharp as their patron; but considering their numbers, and his limited means, it was impossible for him to afford them adequate relief. To those thus emancipated, others, discharged from the army and navy, were afterward added, who, by their improvidence, were reduced to extreme distress. After much reflection, Mr. Sharp determined to colonize them in Africa; but this benevolent scheme could not be executed at once, and the blacks--indigent, unemployed, despised, forlorn, vicious--became such nuisances, as to make it necessary they should be sent somewhere, and no longer suffered to infest the streets of London.[87] Private benevolence could not be sufficiently enlisted in their behalf, and fifteen years passed away, when Government, anxious to remove what it regarded as injurious, at last came to the aid of Mr. Sharp, and supplied the means of their transportation and support. In April, 1787, these colored people, numbering over 400, were put on shipboard for Africa, and in the following month were landed in Sierra Leone.[88]

But to return to Canada. We have at hand a flood of information, to enable us to present a true picture of the colored population of that Province, and to discern the feelings entertained toward them by the white inhabitants. On the 27th April, 1841, the Assistant Secretary to Government, addressed MAJOR ROBERT LACHLAN, Chairman of the Quarter Sessions for the Western District, requesting information relating to the colored immigrants in that quarter. Major Lachlan replied at length to the inquiries made, and kept a record of his Report. This volume he has had the goodness to place in our hands, from which to make such extracts as may be necessary to a true understanding of this question.

The Major entered the public service of the British Government in 1805, and was connected with the army in India for twenty years. Having retired from that service, he settled in Canada in 1835, with the intention of devoting himself to agriculture; but he was again called into public life, as sheriff, magistrate, colonel of militia, Chairman of the Quarter Sessions, and Associate Judge at the Assizes. In 1857 he removed to Cincinnati, where he now resides. A true Briton, he is an enemy of the system of slavery; but having been a close observer of the workings of society, under various circumstances, systems of law, degrees of intelligence, and moral conditions, he is opposed to placing two races, so widely diverse as the blacks and whites, upon terms of legal equality; not that he is opposed to the elevation of the colored man, but because he is convinced that, in his present state of ignorance and degradation, the two races cannot dwell together in peace and harmony. This opinion, it will be seen, was the outgrowth of his experience and observation in Canada, and not the result of a prejudice against the African race. The Western District, the field of his official labors, is the main point toward which nearly all the emigration from the States is directed; and the Major had, thus, the best of opportunities for studying this question. Besides the facts of an official nature, in the volume from which we quote, it has a large amount of documentary testimony, from other sources, from which liberal extracts have also been made.

FOOTNOTES:

[84] Matthew's Gospel, xv: 14.

[85] "A Subaltern's Furlough," by Lt. Coke, 45th Regiment, being a description of scenes in various parts of America, in 1833.

[86] Clarkson's History of the Slave Trade.

[87] Wadstrom, page 220.

[88] Memoirs of Granville Sharp.

_To the Honorable S. B. Harrison, Secretary, etc., etc._

COLCHESTER, 28th _May_, 1841.

"SIR:--I have to apologize for being thus late in
acknowledging the receipt of Mr. Assistant
Secretary Hopkirk's letter of the 27th ult.,
requesting me to furnish Government with such
information as I might be able to afford,
'respecting the colored people settled in the
Western District;'[89] and beg to assure you that
the delay has neither arisen from indifference to
the task, nor indisposition to comply with the
wishes of Government upon the subject--being one
upon which I have long and anxiously bent my most
serious reflections,--but owing to bad health, and
want of leisure, coupled with the difficulty I
have experienced, (without entering into an
extended correspondence,) in arriving at any thing
like a correct account of the gradual _increase_
of these people, or even a fair estimate of their
present numbers. I trust, therefore, that should
the particulars furnished by me upon these heads,
be found more meager and defective than might be
expected, it will either be assigned to these
causes, or to others which may be given in the
course of the following remarks: and if these
remarks, themselves, be found to be drawn up with
more of loose unmethodical freedom than official
conciseness, I trust that that feature will rather
be regarded in their favor than otherwise.

"The exact period at which the colored people
began to make their appearance in the Western
District, _as settlers_, I have not been able to
ascertain to my satisfaction; but it is generally
believed to have been about the time of the War
with the Americans, in 1812. Before then, however,
there had been a few scattered about, who,
generally speaking, had, prior to the passing of
the Emancipation Bill, been slaves to different
individuals in the District. From 1813 to 1821,
the increase was very trifling; and they were
generally content to hire themselves out as
domestic or farm servants; but about the latter
period the desire of several gentlemen residing
near Sandwich and Amherstburgh to place settlers
on their lands, induced them, in the absence of
better, to resort to the unfortunate, impolitic
expedient of leasing out or selling small portions
of land to colored people on such inviting
conditions as not only speedily allowed many of
those who had already settled in the country to
undertake 'farming on their own account,' but
encouraged many more to escape from their American
masters, to try their fortunes in this now
far-famed 'land of liberty and promise.' The
stream having thus begun to flow, the secret
workings of the humane, but not unexceptionable
abolitionist societies, existing in the American
States, speedily widened and deepened the channel
of approach, until a flood of colored immigrants,
of the very worst classes, has been progressively
introduced into the District, which had, last
year, reached an aggregate of about 1500 souls,
and which threatens to be doubled in the course of
a very short time, unless it be within the power
of the Government to counteract it;--but which,
_if suffered to roll on unchecked_, will sooner or
later lead to the most serious, if not most
lamentable consequences.

"From my making so strong an observation at the
very threshold of my remarks, it will be readily
perceived that my opinion of these unfortunate
people is unfavorable. I am therefore anxious,
before proceeding further, to shield myself from
the imputation of either groundless antipathy or
pre-indisposition toward men of color, and to have
it thoroughly understood that, as far as I can
judge of my own feelings, _they_ are the very
reverse, having not only been warmly in favor of
the poor enslaved negro, but having for near
twenty years of my life been surrounded by free
colored people, and retained my favorable leaning
toward even the African race, till some time after
my arrival in this Province. Unfortunately,
however, for this pre-disposition, as well as for
the character of this ill-fated race, my attention
was shortly after directed by particular
circumstances to the quiet study of their
disposition and habits, and ended in a thorough
conviction that without a radical change they
would ere long, like the snake in the bosom of the
husbandman, prove a curse, instead of a benefit to
the country which fosters and protects them.

"The first time that I had occasion to express
myself thus strongly on the subject, in an
official way, was less than two years after my
arrival in the District, while holding the office
of sheriff,--when, in corresponding with Mr.
Secretary Joseph, during the troubles in January,
1838, I, in a postscript to a letter in which I
expressed unwillingness to call in aid from other
quarters, while our own population were allowed to
remain inactive, was led to add the following
remarkable words: 'My vote has been equally
decided against employing the colored people,
except on a similar emergency;--in fact, though a
cordial friend to the emancipation of the poor
African, I regard the rapidly increasing
population rising round us, as destined to be a
bitter curse to the District; and do not think our
employing them as our _defenders_ at all likely to
retard the progress of such an event;'--an opinion
which all my subsequent observation and
experience, whether as a private individual, as
Sheriff of the District, as a local Magistrate, as
Chairman of the Quarter Sessions, or as an anxious
friend to pure British immigration, have only the
more strongly confirmed."

After these preliminary remarks, the Records of
Major Lachlan, proceed to the details of the
various points upon which he was required by
Government to report. Much of this, though the
whole is interesting, must be omitted in our
extracts. In speaking of the several townships to
which the colored immigration was directed, he
says of Amherstburgh:

"That place may now be regarded as the Western
rendezvous of the colored race,--being the point
to which all the idle and worthless, as well as
the well disposed, first direct their steps,
before dispersing over other parts of the
District,--a distinction of which it unfortunately
bears too evident marks in the great number of
petty crimes committed by or brought home to these
people,--to the great trouble of the investigating
local magistrates, and the still greater annoyance
of the inhabitants generally,--arising from the
constant nightly depredations committed on their
orchards, barns, granaries, sheep-folds, fowl-yards,
and even cellars." . . . . "In Gosfield, I am given
to understand their general character is rather
above par; . . . . while in the next adjoining
township of Mersea, so much are they disliked by
the inhabitants, that they are, in a manner,
proscribed by general consent--a colored man being
there scarcely suffered to travel along the
highroads unmolested.

"The first thing that forcibly struck me, in these
people, was a total absence of that modest and
unpresuming demeanor which I had been some how led
to expect, and the assumption, instead, of a 'free
and easy' independence of manner as well as
language toward all white inhabitants, except
their immediate employers, together with an
apparent utter indifference to being hired on
reasonable average wages, though, as already
stated, seemingly without any visible means of a
livelihood, and their also, at all times,
estimating the value of their labor on a par, if
not above that of the white man. And I had
scarcely recovered from my surprise, at such
conduct, as a private individual, when, as a
magistrate, I was still more astonished at the
great amount of not only petty offenses, but of
crime of the most atrocious dye, perpetrated by so
small a body of strangers compared with the great
bulk of the white population: and such still
continuing to be the unabating case, Session after
Session, Assize after Assize, it at length became
so appalling to my feelings, that on being placed
in the chair of the Quarter Sessions, I could not
refrain from more than once pointing to it in
strong language in my charges to the Grand Juries.
In July last year, for instance, I was led, in
connection with a particular case of larceny, to
observe . . . . 'The case itself will, I trust,
involve no difficulty so far as the Grand Jury is
concerned; but it affords the magistrates another
opportunity of lamenting that there should so
speedily be furnished no less than five additional
instances of the rapid increase of crime in this
(hitherto in that respect highly fortunate)
District, arising solely from the recent great
influx of colored people into it from the
neighboring United States,--and who unfortunately
not only furnish the major part of the crime
perpetrated in the District, but also thereby a
very great portion of its rapidly increasing
debt,--from the expense attending their
maintenance in jail before trial, as well as after
conviction! . . . .

"In spite of these solemn admonitions, a large
proportion of the criminals tried at the ensuing
September Assizes were colored people; and among
them were two aggravated cases of rape and arson;
the former wantonly perpetrated on a respectable
farmer's wife, in this township, to whom the
wretch was a perfect stranger; the latter
recklessly committed at a merchant's store in the
vicinity of Sandwich, for the mere purpose of
opening a hole through which to convey away his
plunder. And, notwithstanding 'the general jail
delivery' that then took place, the greater part
of the crimes brought before the following mouth's
Quarter Sessions (chiefly larceny and assaults)
were furnished by the same people!--a circumstance
of so alarming and distressing a character, that I
was again led to comment upon it in my charge to
the Grand Jury in the following terms. 'Having
disposed of the law relating to these offenses, I
arrive at a very painful part of nay observations,
in once more calling the particular attention of
the Grand Jury, as well as the public at large, to
the remarkable and appalling circumstance that
among a population of near 20,000 souls,
inhabiting this District, the greater portion of
the crime perpetrated therein should be committed
by less than 2,000 refugees from a life of _abject
slavery_, to a land of _liberty, protection and
comfort_,--and from whom, therefore, if there be
such generous feelings as thankfulness and
gratitude, a far different line of conduct might
reasonably be expected. I allude to the alarming
increase of crime still perpetrated by the colored
settlers, and who, in spite of the late numerous,
harrowing, _convicted examples_, unhappily furnish
_the whole of the offenses now likely to be
brought before you_!'. . . . .

"But, sir, the wide spreading current of crime
among this unfortunate race was not to be easily
arrested;--and I had long become so persuaded that
it must sooner or later force itself upon the
notice of the Legislature, that on feeling it my
duty to draw the attention of my brother
magistrates to the embarrassed state of the
District finances, and to the greater portion of
its expenses arising from this disreputable
source, I was led, in framing the report of a
special committee (of which I was chairman)
appointed to investigate our pecuniary
difficulties, to advert once more to the great
undue proportion of our expenses arising from
crime committed by so small a number of colored
people, compared with the great body of the
inhabitants, in the following strong but
indisputable language: 'It is with pain and regret
that your committee, in conclusion, feel bound to
recur to the great additional burthen thrown upon
the District, as well as the undeserved stigma
cast upon the general character of its population,
whether native or immigrant British, by the late
great influx of colored people of the worst
description from the neighboring States--a great
portion of whom appear to have no visible means of
gaining a livelihood,--and who, therefore, not
only furnish a large proportion of the basest
crimes perpetrated in the country, such as murder,
rape, arson, burglary, and larceny, besides every
other description of minor offense,--untraceable
to the _color_ of the perpetrators in a
miscellaneous published calendar; but also,
besides the constant trouble they entail upon
magistrates who happen to reside in their
neighborhood, produce a large portion of the debt
incurred by the District, from the great number
committed to and subsisted in prison, etc.; and
they would with all respect for the liberty of the
subject, and the sincerest good will toward their
African brethren generally,--whom they would wish
to regard with every kindly feeling, venture to
suggest, for the consideration of Government,
whether any legislative check can possibly be
placed upon the rapid importation of the most
worthless of this unfortunate race, such, as the
good among themselves candidly lament, has of late
inundated this devoted section of the Province, to
the great detriment of the claims of the poor
emigrant from the mother country upon our
consideration, the great additional and almost
uncontrollable increase of crime, and the
proportionate demoralization of principle among
the inhabitants of the country.' . . . . . .

"Notwithstanding all these strenuous endeavors,
added to the most serious and impressive
admonitions to various criminals after conviction
and sentence, no apparent change for the better
occurred; for at the Quarter Sessions of last
January, the usual preponderance of negro crime
struck me so forcibly as again to draw from me, in
my charge to the Grand Jury, the following
observations: 'I am extremely sorry to be unable
to congratulate you or the country on a light
calendar, the matters to be brought before you
embracing no less than three cases of larceny, and
one of enticing soldiers to desert, besides
several arising from that ever prolific source,
assaults, etc. I cannot, however, pass the former
by altogether without once more emphatically
remarking, that it is as much to the disgrace of
the free colored settlers in our District, as it
is creditable to the rest of our population, that
the greater part of the culprits to be brought
before us are still men of color: and I lament
this the more, as I was somewhat in hopes that the
earnest admonitions that I had more than once felt
it my duty to address to that race, would have
been attended with some good effect.'. . . . .

"In spite of all these reiterated, anxious
endeavors, the amount of crime exhibited in the
Calendar of the following Quarter Sessions, in
April last, consisted solely (I think) of five
cases of larceny, perpetrated by negroes; and at
the late Assizes, held on the 20th instant, out of
five criminal cases, one of enticing soldiers to
desert, and two of theft, were, as usual,
committed by men of color!!!

"Having thus completed a painful retrospect of the
appalling amount of crime committed by the colored
population in the District at large, compared with
the general mass of the white population, I now
consider it my duty to advert more particularly to
what has been passing more immediately under my
own observation in the township of Colchester."

The record from which we quote, has, under this head, the statement of the township collector, as to the moral and social condition of the colored people of the township, in which he says, "that, in addition to the black women there were fourteen yellow ones, and fifteen _white_ ones--that they run together like beasts, and that he did not suppose one third of them were married; and further, that they would be a curse to this part of Canada, unless there is something done to put a stop to their settling among the white people.'

In referring to the enlistment of the blacks as soldiers, to the prejudice of the legitimate prospects of the deserving European emigrants, the record says: "With regard to continuing to employ the colored race to discharge--in some instances exclusively, as is now the case at Chatham--the duties of regular soldiers, in such times as these, _in a country peopled by BRITONS_, I regard it as not only impolitic in the extreme, but even _dangerous_ also,--besides throwing a stigma of degradation on the honorable profession of which I was for twenty-four years of my life a devoted member. And I even put it to yourself, sir, what would have been your feelings, if, amid the great political excitement prevalent during the late Kent election,[90] there had been a serious disturbance and some unthinking magistrate had called in '_the aid of the military_' to quell it, and blood had been shed!--for the thing was within possibility, and for some time gave me much uneasiness. Had such been the case,--what would have been the appalling, and probable, nay, almost _certain_ result,--if I may judge from the well known feelings of the white population generally,--_that that unfortunate company would have been instantly turned upon, by men of all parties, and massacred on the spot with their own weapons!_" . . . . . "Allow me, therefore, at all events briefly to remark, that before any thing can be accomplished connected with the moral and religious improvement of the negro settlers, they must be rescued from the hands of the utterly ignorant and uneducated, yet conceited coxcombs of their own color, who assume to themselves the grave character and holy office of ministers and preachers of the gospel, and lead their still more ignorant followers into all the extravagancies of 'Love Feasts' and 'Camp Meetings,' without at all comprehending their import, and at the same time utterly neglecting all other essentials!--an object well deserving of the most serious and anxious consideration of an enlightened Government, as far as those who are already settled in the country are concerned; while it would be a most sound and politic measure to take every lawful step to discourage as much as possible, if we can not altogether _prevent_ the further introduction of so objectionable and deleterious a class of settlers into a BRITISH _colony_. ". . . . "Perhaps one of the wisest measures that could be devised--(since our friends, the American abolitionists, will insist on peopling Canada with run-away negro slaves)--will be to throw every possible obstacle in the way of the sadly deteriorating _amalgamation of color_ already in progress, by Government allotting, at least, a distinct and separate location to all negro settlers, except those who choose to occupy the humble but useful station of farm and domestic servants; and even, if possible, purchasing back at the public expense, on almost any terms, whatever scattered landed property they may have elsewhere acquired in different parts of the Province."

The Report of Major Lachlan is very extensive, and embraces many topics connected with the question of negro immigration into Canada. His response to Government led to further investigation, and to some legislative action in the Canadian Parliament. The latest recorded communications upon the subject, from his pen, are dated November 9th, 1849, and June 4th, 1850, from which it appears that up to that date, there had been no abatement of the hostile feeling of the whites toward the blacks, nor any improvement in the social and moral condition of the blacks themselves.

In 1849, the Elgin Association went into operation. Its object was to concentrate the colored people at one point, and thus have them in a more favorable position for intellectual and moral culture. A large body of land was purchased in the Township of Raleigh, and offered for sale in small lots to colored settlers. The measure was strongly opposed, and called out expressions of sentiment adverse to it, from the people at large. A public meeting, held in Chatham, August 18, 1849, thus expressed itself:

"The Imperial Parliament of Great Britain has forever banished slavery from the Empire. In common with all good men, we rejoice at the consummation of this immortal act; and we hope, that all other nations may follow the example. Every member of the human family is entitled to certain rights and privileges, and no where on earth are they better secured, enjoyed, or more highly valued, than in Canada. Nature, however, has divided the same great family into distinct species, for good and wise purposes, and it is no less our interest, than it is our duty, to follow her dictates and obey her laws. Believing this to be a sound and correct principle, as well as a moral and a Christian duty, it is with alarm we witness the fast increasing emigration, and settlement among us of the African race; and with pain and regret, do we view the establishment of an association, the avowed object of which is to encourage the settlement in old, well-established communities, of a race of people which is destined by nature to be distinct and separate from us. It is also with a feeling of deep resentment that we look upon the selection of the Township of Raleigh, in this District, as the first portion of our beloved country, which is to be cursed, with a systematic organization for setting the laws of nature at defiance. Do communities in other portions of Canada, feel that the presence of the negro among them is an annoyance? Do they feel that the increase of the colored people among them, and amalgamation its necessary and hideous attendant, is an evil which requires to be checked? With what a feeling of horror, would the people of any of the old settled townships of the eastern portion of this Province, look upon a measure which had for its avowed object, the effect of introducing several hundreds of Africans, into the very heart of their neighborhood, their families interspersing themselves among them, upon every vacant lot of land, their children mingling in their schools, and all claiming to be admitted not only to political, but to social privileges? and when we reflect, too, that many of them must from necessity, be the very worst species of that neglected race; the fugitives from justice; how much more revolting must the scheme appear? How then can you adopt such a measure? We beseech our fellow subjects to pause before they embark in such an enterprise, and ask themselves, 'whether they are doing by us as they would wish us to do unto them.' . . . . Surely our natural position is irksome enough without submitting to a measure, which not only holds out a premium for filling up our district with a race of people, upon whom we can not look without a feeling of repulsion, and who, having been brought up in a state of bondage and servility, are totally ignorant both of their social and political duties; but at the same time makes it the common receptable into which all other portions of the Province are to void the devotees of misery and crime. Look at your prisons and your penitentiary, and behold the fearful preponderance of their black over their white inmates in proportion to the population of each. . . . . We have no desire to show hostility toward the colored people, no desire to banish them from the Province. On the contrary, we are willing to assist in any well-devised scheme for their moral and social advancement. Our only desire is, that they shall be separated from the whites, and that no encouragement shall hereafter be given to the migration of the colored man from the United States, or any where else. The idea that we have brought the curse upon ourselves, through the establishment of slavery by our ancestors, is false. As Canadians, we have yet to learn that we ought to be made a vicarious atonement for European sins.

"Canadians: The hour has arrived when we should arouse from our lethargy; when we should gather ourselves together in our might, and resist the onward progress of an evil which threatens to entail upon future generations a thousand curses. Now is the day. A few short years will put it beyond our power. Thousands and tens of thousands of American negroes, with the aid of the abolition societies in the States, and with the countenance given them by our philanthropic institutions, will continue to pour into Canada, if resistance is not offered. Many of you who live at a distance from this frontier, have no conception either of the number or the character of these emigrants, or of their poisonous effect upon the moral and social habits of a community. You listen with active sympathy to every thing narrated of the sufferings of the poor African; your feelings are enlisted, and your purse strings unloosed, and this often by the hypocritical declamation of some self-styled philanthropist. Under such influences many of you, in our large cities and towns, form yourselves into societies, and, without reflection, you supply funds for the support of schemes prejudicial to the best interests of our country. Against such proceedings, and especially against any and every attempt to settle any township in this District with negroes, we solemnly protest, and we call upon our countrymen, in all parts of the Province, to assist in our opposition.

"Fellow Christians: Let us forever maintain the sacred dogma, that all men have equal, natural, and inalienable rights. Let us do every thing in our power, consistent with international polity and justice, to abolish the accursed system of slavery in the neighboring Republic. But let us not, through a mistaken zeal to abate the evil of another land, entail upon ourselves a misery which every enlightened lover of his country must mourn. Let the slaves of the United States be free, but let it be in their own country. Let us not countenance their further introduction among us; in a word, let the people of the United States bear the burthen of their own sins.

"What has already been done, can not now be avoided; but it is not too late to do justice to ourselves, and retrieve the errors of the past. Let a suitable place be provided by the Government, to which the colored people may be removed, and separated from the whites, and in this scheme we will cordially join. We owe it to them, but how much more do we owe it to ourselves? But we implore you that you will not, either by your counsel, or your pecuniary aid, assist those who have projected the association for the settlement of a horde of ignorant slaves in the town of Raleigh. It is one of the oldest and most densely settled townships, in the very center of our new and promising District of Kent, and we feel that this scheme, if carried into operation, will have the effect of hanging like a dead weight upn our rising prosperity. What is our case to-day, to-morrow may be yours; join us then, in endeavoring to put a stop to what is not only a general evil, but in this case an act of unwarrantable injustice; and when the time may come when you shall be similarly situated to us, we have no doubt that, like us, you will cry out, and your appeal shall not be in vain."

On the 3d of September, 1849, the colored people of Toronto, Canada, held a meeting, in which they responded at length to the foregoing address. The spirit of the meeting can be divined from the following resolutions, which were unanimously passed:

"1st. _Resolved_, That we, as a portion of the inhabitants of Canada, conceive it to be our imperative duty to give an expression of sentiment in reference to the proceedings of the late meeting held at Chatham, denying the right of the colored people to settle where they please.

"2d. _Resolved_, That we spurn with contempt and burning indignation, any attempt, on the part of any person, or persons, to thrust us from the general bulk of society, and place us in a separate and distinct classification, such as is expressly implied in an address issued from the late meeting above alluded to.

"3d. _Resolved_, That the principle of selfishness, as exemplified in the originators of the resolutions and address, we detest, as we do similar ones emanating from a similar source; and we can clearly see the workings of a corrupt and depraved heart, arranged in hostility to the heaven-born principle of _liberty_, in its broadest and most unrestricted sense."

On the 9th of October, 1849, the Municipal Council of the Western District, adopted a Memorial to His Excellency, the Governor General, protesting against the proposed Elgin Association, in which the following language occurs:

. . . . . "Clandestine petitions have been got up, principally, if not wholly, signed by colored people, in order to mislead Government and the Elgin Association. These petitions do not embody the sentiments or feelings of the respectable, intelligent, and industrious yeomanry of the Western District. We can assure your Excellency that any such statement is false, that there is but one feeling, and that is of disgust and hatred, that they, the negroes, should be allowed to settle in any township where there is a white settlement. Our language is strong; but when we look at the expressions used at a late meeting held by the colored people of Toronto, openly avowing the propriety of amalgamation, and stating that it must, and will, and shall continue, we cannot avoid so doing. . . . . . The increased immigration of foreign negroes into this part of the Province is truly alarming. We cannot omit mentioning some facts for the corroboration of what we have stated. The negroes, who form at least one-third of the inhabitants of the township of Colchester, attended the township meeting for the election of parish and township officers, and insisted upon their right to vote, which was denied them by every individual white man at the meeting. The consequence was, that the Chairman of the meeting was prosecuted and thrown into heavy costs, which costs were paid by subscription from white inhabitants. In the same township of Colchester, as well as in many others, the inhabitants have not been able to get schools in many school sections, in consequence of the negroes insisting on their right of sending their children to such schools. No white man will ever act with them in any public capacity; this fact is so glaring, that no sheriff in this Province would dare to summons colored men to do jury duty. That such things have been done in other quarters of the British dominions we are well aware of, but we are convinced that the Canadians will never tolerate such conduct."

A Toronto paper of December 24, 1847, says: "The white inhabitants are fast leaving the vicinity of the proposed colored settlement, for the United States."

The _St. Catharines Journal_, June, 1852, under the head of "the fruits of having colored companies and colored settlements," says: "On the occasion of the June muster of the militia, a pretty large turn out took place at St. Catharines. We regret exceedingly that the day did not pass over without a serious riot. It seems that on the parade ground some insult was offered to the colored company, which was very properly restrained by Colonel Clark, and others. If the affair had ended here, it would have been fortunate; but the bad feeling exhibited on the parade ground was renewed, by some evil-minded person, and the colored population, becoming roused to madness, they proceeded to wreak their vengeance on a company in Stinson's tavern, after which a general melee took place, in which several men were wounded, and it is likely some will die of the injuries received. The colored village is a ruin, and much more like a place having been beseiged by an enemy than any thing else. This is the reward which the colored men have received for their loyalty, and the readiness with which they turned out to train, and no doubt would if the country required their services. This is a most painful occurrence, and must have been originated by some very ignorant persons. How any man possessing the common feelings of humanity, to say nothing of loyalty, could needlessly offer insult to so many men, so cheerfully turning out in obedience to the laws of the country, exceeds belief, if it were not a matter of fact. Too much credit cannot be given to those worthy citizens who used their best efforts to restrain the excitement, and prevented any further blood-shedding."

But here we have testimony of a later date. Hon. Colonel Prince, member of the Canadian Parliament in 1857, had resided among the colored people of the Western District; and, like other humane men, had sympathized with them, at the outset, and shown them many favors. Time and observation changed his views, and, in the course of his parliamentary duties, we find him taking a stand adverse to the further increase of the negro population in Canada. Hear him, as reported at the time:

"On the order of the day for the third reading of the emigrants' law amendment bill being called, Hon. Col. Prince said he was wishful to move a rider to the measure. The black people who infested the land were the greatest curse to the Province. The lives of the people of the West were made wretched by the inundation of these animals, and many of the largest farmers in the county of Kent have been compelled to leave their beautiful farms, because of the pestilential swarthy swarms.--What were these wretches fit for? Nothing. They cooked our victuals and shampooned us; but who would not rather that these duties should be performed by white men? The blacks were a worthless, useless, thriftless set of beings--they were too indolent, lazy and ignorant to work, too proud to be taught; and not only that, if the criminal calendars of the country were examined, it would be found that they were a majority of the criminals. They were so detestable that unless some method were adopted of preventing their influx into this country by the "underground rail road," the people of the West would be obliged to drive them out by open violence. The bill before the House imposed a capitation tax upon emigrants from Europe, and the object of his motion was to levy a similar tax upon blacks who came hither from the States. He now moved, seconded by Mr. Patton, that a capitation tax of 5_s_ for adults, and 3_s_ 9_d_ for children above one year and under fourteen years of age, be levied on persons of color emigrating to Canada from any foreign country.

"Ought not the Western men to be protected from the rascalities and villainies of the black wretches? He found these men with fire and food, and lodging when they were in need; and he would be bound to say that the black men of the county of Essex would speak well of him in this respect. But he could not admit them as being equal to white men; and, after a long and close observation of human nature, he had come to the conclusion that the black man was born to and intended for slavery, and that he was fit for nothing else. [Sensation.] Honorable gentlemen might try to groan him down, but he was not to be moved by mawkish sentiment, and he was persuaded that they might as well try to change the spots of the leopard as to make the black a good citizen. He had told black men so, and the lazy rascals had shrugged their shoulders and wished they had never ran away from their "good old massa" in Kentucky. If there was any thing unchristian in what he had proposed, he could not see it, and he feared that he was not born a Christian."

The _Windsor Herald_, of July 3d, 1857, contains the proceedings of an indignation meeting, held by the colored people of Toronto, at which they denounced Colonel Prince in unmeasured terms of reproach. The same paper contains the reply of the Colonel, copied from the _Toronto Colonist_, and it is given entire, as a specimen of the spicy times they have, in Canada, over the negro question. The editor remarks, in relation to the reply of Colonel Prince, that it has given general satisfaction in his neighborhood. It is as follows: