Chapter XI: Education of Negroes and Indians (1)

EARLIEST TRACES OF THE NEGRO IN PENNSYLVANIA

[Sidenote: Negroes early in Pennsylvania]

To the reader of the history of Pennsylvania, the statement that the colony was established in 1681 by William Penn seems sufficient reason for thinking that was the first settlement. But there were other people already established there and among them were to be found Negroes, as is very readily ascertained from the records. The people who occupied the territory along the Delaware, later to be called Pennsylvania, before its charter as a colony was granted, were chiefly Swedes, English, and Dutch, who had crossed over the river from the neighboring colonies.[1129]

[Sidenote: 1639]

[Sidenote: 1664]

[Sidenote: Gradual abolition by law of 1780]

Negroes were not numerous. There remains rather scant evidence of their presence in any considerable number, but authentic record of certain instances. It is found, for example, that as early as 1639 a convict was sentenced to South River, as the Delaware was then called, to serve out his time with the Negroes.[1130] This is the earliest record found; though frequent mention is made of them after this date. In 1664, the West India Company agreed to furnish about fifty Negroes to work in the lowlands on the Delaware River.[1131] This is the earliest explicit record that is found of trafficking in Negroes in Pennsylvania. The slave trade, thus begun by the Dutch Company, was continued, now rising, now falling, till the final abolition of slavery in 1780.[1132] The law of 1780, which provided for a gradual abolition, was subjected to such frequent evasion that in 1788 it became necessary to pass another for its clarification and enforcement.[1133] By the middle of the seventeenth century, the importation of slaves had become a part of the regular work of the merchants of Philadelphia, with the exception of a few conscientious Quakers who refused to profit thereby. Records of the end of the century indicate that the number of Negroes had by that time become very considerable, though no exact figures are obtainable.[1134]

[Sidenote: Opposing factors]

But it is not to be assumed that because the slave trade began thus early and continued to grow, it did so without meeting any opposition. In fact it is probably due to a few years of opposition by various factors, which are here only mentioned briefly, that the slave trade did not become as prodigious in Pennsylvania as in other states, and that she was the first to pass an abolition law against it.[1135] Chief among the factors which opposed the increase of Negro serfdom were these: (1) the conscientious scruples of Friends in reference to the traffic;[1136] (2) the objection on the part of the German inhabitants (partially as Quakers, but not entirely);[1137] and, (3) the dissatisfaction caused among White laborers by the enforced competition of the Negroes.[1138]

[Sidenote: Restrictive legislation 1700, 1705, 1712]

[Sidenote: Slack demand for slaves indicated]

As a result of this opposition to the importation of slaves, there was enacted various legislation restricting it, although there was at the same time an urgent demand on the part of some for slave labor. One of the first attempts on the part of the Colonial Assembly to restrict slave traffic was the act of 1700, imposing the maximum duty of 20 shillings per head imported, which amount was in 1705 increased to 40 shillings.[1139] Not entirely satisfied with this stroke, the Assembly attempted (1712) practically to prohibit importation by placing a levy of £20 per head, but this act was at once repealed by the crown.[1140] However great may have been the failure in legislation, it seems that the feeling against importation was quite marked and, for that reason, the number imported fell considerably. If the statement of a merchant, Jonathan Dickinson, may be taken as indicative, we may judge that it was the slack demand that brought about a decrease in importation. He says, writing to Jamaica, April, 1715,

I must entreat you to send me no more Negroes for sale, for our
people don’t care to buy. They are generally against any coming
into the country.[1141]

[Sidenote: The trade formed by certain classes: (1) traders, (2) manufacturers]

However strongly the general public was opposed to the slave importation, it was nevertheless possible for the interests of the few to dominate. First, there was the desire on the part of the trading company for the rich profits derived, and the crown was loath to fail to safeguard the company in its demands; this service it performed by regularly repealing the obnoxious legislation, which was enacted and favored by the majority of the citizens represented in the Assembly.[1142] Second, certain influential classes of citizens, for example, the iron masters, wished for the continuance of importation because of the advantage accruing to them through the competition between Whites and slave labor. This is instanced in 1727 by a petition on their part for the removal of the duty because of the scarcity of available Whites.[1143]

[Sidenote: Trade accelerated]

[Sidenote: Decline in the trade about Revolution]

This conflict between the ideals of different classes, complicated by the economic problem of labor, continued to be fought out chiefly in words, and legislation, until by the middle of the eighteenth century it is estimated, by some historians of Pennsylvania, that importation had nearly ceased.[1144] The period following 1750, however, saw importation again positively accelerated, due to the greater security in the possession of Negro slaves compared with that of the White servants. Passing over the crest of this wave of increase, we find a rapid decline in importation and sale of Negroes during the years immediately preceding the American Revolution; but even after the Revolution, fought for the principles of freedom, independence and equality, there occur not infrequent instances of the traffic in human flesh and blood.[1145] These cases form the exception rather than the rule, however, and in 1780 there was secured the law for gradual prohibition, to which reference has already been made.[1146]

[Sidenote: Slaves: how circumstanced in Pennsylvania]

The condition of the slaves in Pennsylvania was in many respects better than in other states; especially is this true if they are compared with those in the South, who were employed mostly in plantation work. Their clothing, if we may judge by the descriptions which usually accompanied the advertisement of runaways, was usually good and very striking in its variety, as witnesses the following description.[1147]

Three hundred dollars reward. Runaway from the subscriber on
the evening of August 14, 1779. 20th of June, lost, a negro man
named Dan about 24 or 25 years of age; 5 feet, 5 or 6 inches;
something pitted with the smallpox; his dress when he went off
is uncertain, as he took sundry clothes with him, amongst which
are two coats, a light faggothy, and a brown jerkin with yellow
buttons, three jackets, light blue, brown, and striped linen,
a pair of new buckskin breeches, several pairs of old striped
and two pairs of tow trousers, three pairs of stockings, three
good shirts, and a round hat. Said negro is this country born,
and talks the English and German languages; is fond of playing
the fiddle, and is naturally left-handed, and what is very
remarkable, he bows with the left hand when performing on the
violin.[1148]

[Sidenote: Fewer social restrictions]

[Sidenote: Care for their religious welfare]

Socially they were less restricted and did not suffer the sharp separation from the Whites that was characteristic of the South. They were not on an equality, that was not to be expected, but they enjoyed considerable freedom among themselves,[1149] and the various religious societies were, at least to a considerable degree, interested in their spiritual welfare. We find, at any rate, no considerable opposition to their advancement as was present in Virginia, even at a much later date.[1150] The Moravians, as before stated, were usually opposed to holding slaves, and where they were held, they were on a basis of religious equality.[1151] The Lutherans were likewise tolerant, but it is to the credit of the Episcopalians that most is due. Negroes were baptized in their church and then instructed in religion by a minister provided for that purpose.[1152] Not only were the established congregations favorable to the aid of the Negro, but many itinerant ministers were desirous of educating him.

[Sidenote: Work of Whitefield]

There is one outstanding instance of the latter which may serve as an illustration. It is that of Reverend Whitefield, who took up five thousand acres of land on the forks of the Delaware in Pennsylvania, where he hoped to erect a Negro school. The movement was given wide publicity and subscriptions were asked for its support.[1153] In the papers which advertise the beginning of the project, there is found no statement as to the successful outcome of it; the whole scheme seems to have melted away as easily as it had arisen. The scheme of Whitefield, was equalled, and perhaps even excelled, by a much earlier proposal, 1722, which was made anonymously through the columns of the _Mercury_.[1154] The service was to be rendered to the servants of any religious denomination, and without any expense to them whatsoever. It was chiefly desired that the Negroes might be taught to read the Scriptures.[1155]

[Sidenote: Missionary work for Negroes not limited to Quakers]

If justice were to be done to the various attempts on the part of itinerant ministers and the regularly established churches to aid in bringing enlightenment to the Negroes in Pennsylvania, it would require volumes. Such mention as has been made is for the purpose of pointing out the universality of the missionary spirit, so that it may not be understood that the entire work was carried on under the direction of Friends, to whose activities much more space must necessarily be given in this work. In the pages following it will be attempted to outline as definitely as possible, from the available records, what was actually accomplished by the organization of Friends towards Negro education.

QUAKER LEADERS AND THE NEGRO PROBLEM

[Sidenote: Slavery’s opponents]

However auspicious may have been the opportunity for attempts to plant slavery on the soil of Pennsylvania, it was neither destined to meet unqualified success nor to pass without rigorous opposition. The German population from the very outset, as we have already stated, was hostile to the idea of slavery.[1156] Likewise, the Quakers were dominated by men who believed that slavery had no justification, and throughout their lives were actuated by this belief. Brief mention may be made of three of these leaders, sufficient at least to indicate their viewpoint and the remedy which they advocated.

[Sidenote: George Fox]

[Sidenote: Pleads for education of Negro and Indian]

George Fox, their revered founder, was quite naturally referred to in matters of importance and far reaching consequence. Through the influence of his ministry, the doctrine of the freedom of all men and of inherent rights, which they possessed by virtue of being men, came to be accepted in the church organization, and was published in the discipline and various letters of that body.[1157] These acts of the church organization will be dealt with presently. Fox defends his position mainly on the religious basis; it is quite likely that a religious training and education is uppermost in his mind throughout his plea for the Negro. He does not limit himself to their case, but insists, also, on the education of the Indian natives. The education (religious) which he specifically mentions, is for the purpose of their salvation, but the attention of Quakers was not limited to that alone. Religious education did, however, receive their first consideration. The essence of Fox’s influential utterances on this subject is contained in the following extract.

And, also, you must instruct and teach your Indians and
Negroes, and all others, how that Christ, by the grace of God,
tasted death for every man and gave himself a ransom for all
men to be testified in due time; and is the propitiation not
only for the sins of Christians, but for the sins of the whole
world; and that He doth enlighten every man that cometh into
the world, with His true light, which is the life in Christ by
Whom the world was made.[1158]

[Sidenote: John Woolman]

[Sidenote: His sermons, tracts, etc.]

From among the Quaker exponents of the freedom of all men, we can scarcely select one of greater influence than John Woolman. He was born in 1720,[1159] and thus grew up to manhood in a period when the opposition to slavery on the part of Friends was on the increase, and lived through its zenith, after which slavery among Pennsylvania Friends scarcely existed.[1160] He was well educated. The greater part of his life was spent travelling as a minister from place to place, now working among the Indians[1161] and again visiting meetings in the interest of the freedom of the Negro.[1162] His journeys throughout the colonies served to keep the individual meetings awake to the problem before them, and the firm conviction of the man won no less number of supporters than the eloquence of his appeal. The influence of Woolman did not, however, limit itself to the channels of his sermons; in 1754 appeared one of his best expressions on the traffic, entitled _Some Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes_. Nothing was permitted to stand in the light of his conviction as to the right; he refused to continue his practice of writing wills in all cases where the disposition of slaves was involved.[1163]

But it is impossible to give in this limited space an adequate resumé of the work of this great spokesman of freedom. A brief representative statement from his works, added to what has already been said, is perhaps the most satisfactory treatment that can be given.

[Sidenote: Woolman on slave holding]

Many slaves on this continent are oppressed, and their cries
have reached the ears of the most High. Such are the purity
and certainty of His judgments, that He can not be partial in
our favor. In infinite love and goodness He hath opened our
understandings from one time to another concerning our duty
to this people; and it is not a time for delay. Should we now
be sensible of what He requires of us, and through respect
to the interest of some persons, or through a regard to some
friendships which do not stand on an immutable foundation,
neglect to do our duty in firmness and constancy, still waiting
for some extraordinary means to bring about their deliverance,
it may be by terrible things in righteousness, God may answer
us in this matter.[1164]

Man is born to labor, and experience abundantly sheweth that it
is for our good; but where the powerful lay the burden on the
inferior, without affording a Christian education, and suitable
opportunity for improving the mind, and a treatment that we in
their case should approve, that themselves may live at ease and
fare sumptuously, and lay up riches for their posterity, this
seems to contradict the design of Providence and, I doubt not,
is sometimes the effect of a perverted mind; for while the life
of one is made grievous by the rigor of another, it entails
misery to both.[1165]

[Sidenote: Anthony Benezet; his influence through books, pamphlets, etc.]

While speaking of the life and work of the two above mentioned Quaker reformers, one other person seems to call imperatively for attention. His work was equally widespread and the public was kept open to his influence through several of his books and pamphlets published on the subject of slaves and slaveholding.[1166] A French Hugenot by birth, Anthony Benezet came early to America, where he was a staunch member of Friends, and in whose society he performed a continuous service for the freedom and education of the Negroes, until the time of his death in 1784.[1167] His immediate connection with the Negro School, established by Friends in 1770[1168] will be considered more fully elsewhere. The arguments advanced by him against slavery are based on the grounds of practicality and justice. The system is injurious to the slave and the master, and inconsistent with the ideals of a free community. We, ourselves, must agree with him in his position as set forth in the following selection.

[Sidenote: Extract from Benezet]

The bondage we have imposed on the Africans is absolutely
repugnant to Justice. It is highly inconsistent with civil
policy: First, as it tends to suppress all improvements in arts
and sciences, without which it is morally impossible that any
nation should be happy or powerful. Secondly, as it may deprave
the minds of the free men, steeling their hearts against the
laudable feelings of virtue and humanity. And _lastly_, as it
endangers the community by the destructive effects of civil
commotions; need I to add to these what every heart, which is
not callous to all tender feelings, will readily suggest—that
it is shocking to humanity, violative of generous sentiment,
abhorrent utterly from the Christian religion; for as
Montesquieu very justly observes, “We must suppose them not to
be men, or a suspicion would follow that we ourselves are not
Christians.” There can not be a more dangerous maxim than that
necessity is a plea for injustice. For who shall fix the degree
of this necessity? What villian so atrocious who may not urge
this excuse; or, as Milton has happily expressed it,—“and with
necessity, the tyrants plea, excuse his devilish deed”?[1169]

[Sidenote: George Keith and other antagonists of slavery]

Besides the three representatives mentioned, there were a host of others, many of them still earlier but perhaps none who exercised so great an influence. Among those worthy of mention were George Keith, a dissenter among Quakers, but one of the earliest teachers in Philadelphia, and a very ardent antagonist of slavery. Others, whose zeal outran their discretion, such as Ralph Sandiford, Benjamin Lay,[1170] and William Southeby, might be profitably discussed here, but lack of space eliminates their consideration. Still other itinerant ministers, Banks, Pennington, and Chalkley, though not so precipitous in their actions as the three above named, were none the less worthy spokesmen of the cause.

THE CHURCH ORGANIZATION AND THE NEGRO QUESTION

[Sidenote: Study of the meeting records referring to Negro education]

Under this head it is intended to present, (1) the activity of the society as an organization, and (2) the establishment of Negro education in the various meetings where any record of it remains. In doing so, let the reader keep in mind the principles set forth previously by the three representatives who have been mentioned as leaders in the cause of Negro education and liberation.

[Sidenote: The meeting organization against slave traffic]

[Sidenote: Germantown memorial against it]

As is quite naturally expected, after this brief introduction to the belief of the Quaker leaders, we find that the society placed itself as a unit opposed to the perpetuation of bondage among the Blacks. Friends were astonished to find, when they arrived, that slavery existed in Penn’s colony, and as early as 1688 those settled at Germantown entered a memorable protest against it.[1171] Five years later George Keith, a Quaker who a few years later came into disfavor with the society, entered a vigorous denunciation of the practice of holding slaves.[1172] The general tenor of these protests is against _perpetual bondage_, their idea being that since it already existed, there should be a time limit set at the expiration of which all those held should become free.

It would have been possible for individual protests and those of smaller meetings to have gone on indefinitely and still have accomplished but little in the way of influencing others. Similar expressions from a central organization, speaking with some semblance of authority, could have accomplished much more, and did so, though not till some years later. The advices issued by the yearly meeting were usually in the nature of reproof, scarcely or never mandatory. One of the earliest was drawn up at the yearly meeting in 1727 and sent to the meetings subject thereto.

[Sidenote: Yearly Meeting regarding slave trade]

It is the sense of this meeting that the importation of negroes
from their native country and relations by Friends, is not a
commendable or allowable practice, and is therefore censured by
this meeting.[1173]

It is difficult to understand how any communication of this nature could have force in a situation that seemed to demand something in the way of command. But when it is recalled with what persistence such advices were given, and again repeated in the appropriate meetings, and that they were received by the monthly and preparative meetings very much as dutiful children would listen to the advice of father or mother, then the influence exerted by them does not seem so strange.

[Sidenote: Reports made to yearly meeting concerning slaves]

Moreover, there is ample evidence in the reports of various meetings at all times that the advices of the yearly meeting were being followed with considerable success. Philadelphia reported (1756) that they knew of no Friends who had been concerned in importing Negroes or other slaves.[1174] By 1772 the yearly meeting reported by way of letter that, due to the discouragement of the practice of slaveholding on the part of Friends in the colonies, it had greatly diminished in some parts, and in others disappeared almost altogether, as was true in the case of Pennsylvania.[1175] For the sake of more complete illustration of the type of expression issued, the following is quoted more at length.

[Sidenote: Warning of 1758 against being concerned with slaves]

We fervently warn all in profession with us that they be
careful to avoid being in any way concerned in reaping the
unrighteous profits arising from the iniquitous practice of
dealing in Negroes and other slaves; whereby in the original
purchase one man selleth another, as he doth the beast that
perisheth, without any better pretension to a property in him
than that of superior force; in direct violation of the gospel
rule, which teaches all to do as they would be done by and to
do good to all; being the reverse of that covetous disposition,
which furnishes encouragement to those poor ignorant people to
perpetuate their savage wars, in order to supply the demands
of this unnatural traffic, whereby great numbers of mankind,
free by nature, are subjected to inextricable bondage; and
which hath often been observed to fill their possessors with
haughtiness, tyranny, luxury, and barbarity, corrupting the
minds and debasing the morals of their children, to the
unspeakable prejudice of religion and virtue, and the exclusion
of that holy spirit of universal love, meekness, and charity,
which is the unchangeable nature, and the glory of true
Christianity. 1758.[1176]

[Sidenote: Freedom had to come before their education]

[Sidenote: Local meetings persistent in their investigation of slave conditions]

The reader will have noticed that the chief emphasis is placed upon the wrongfulness of bartering slaves; this may be explained by saying that that was the first problem they had to face. Not until they were able to secure the Negroes’ freedom could an education be of much value to him, for all that he made of his life belonged to his master. But as soon as he became free, there arose other needs, other desires. New prospects opened before him, and there was a possibility that he might accomplish something for himself and his posterity. This was realized by the church organization and it followed the move for freedom by emphatic requests that the meetings take care of the spiritual and intellectual education of the negroes. The following will illustrate very clearly the insistence with which the local church investigated the activity of its members, and the penalty levied on the disobedient one. In 1759, it was reported that ... had purchased several Negroes; this being a breach of discipline, two members were appointed to speak with him on the subject, according to their custom. The final report on his case was made in 1762. They may be praised for longsuffering and condemned for inefficiency.

... appeared at this meeting and after much weighty advice
given him in that affair, it is left for him weightily to
consider whether he can not find freedom to bring up such
of his negroes as are young in useful learning, endeavoring
to instruct them in the principles of Christianity, and at
a proper age, if they desire it, to set them free, and if
otherwise, that he can not have the unity of Friends.[1177]

Instances similar to this one are almost without number; reference is made to a few of them only.[1178] The work of each of the particular meetings is more completely brought out in the following pages.

[Sidenote: No early school recorded]

[Sidenote: Meetings for Negroes]

Of all meetings in the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, there were none which accomplished more for the education of the Negro than did Philadelphia Monthly. As has already been noted elsewhere in this work, there was quite early a considerable interest manifested by the meeting in regard to the question of servitude, and also the masters’ care in giving them Christian instruction.[1179] There is no record to show that at these early dates there was any permanent school; all care was, without question, left to those who had Negroes in their employ, education being tutorial entirely. The master’s care was well guarded by the meeting’s committee on Negroes, however, and in this way a central responsible party was provided. In addition, there was also established a meeting which was held once each three months in the interest of Negroes.[1180]

[Sidenote: Committee appointed on Negroes]

In 1770 there came to the front a definite movement for the establishment of a systematic means of educating Negro children. The proposal for its consideration, made first month, 26th, was referred to the meeting in second month for action.[1181] On that occasion, there being expressed a definite sentiment in favor of action, a committee was appointed consisting of twenty-two members with permission for any other Friends to attend its deliberations who cared to do so.[1182] The date for the committee meeting was set by the monthly meeting. At the subsequent monthly meeting, the committee made its first report, which being acceptable to all was approved, and further steps were taken to secure immediate action. A digest of the report and proposals of the committee is here presented.[1183]

[Sidenote: Digest of committee’s report]

1. The instruction of Negro and mulatto children in reading, writing, arithmetic, and other useful learning—sewing and knitting, according to their capacity, is to be provided.

2. The instruction is to be under the care of Friends.

3. The monthly meeting to nominate a committee of Friends, whose duties are:

_a._ To employ a suitable master or mistress for not more than
thirty children at once.

_b._ To have the charge of admitting pupils to the school.

_c._ A subscription of £100 a year for three years to be
promoted.

_d._ To employ another master or mistress if necessary and
funds adequate.

_e._ To visit the school at least once a month, and to observe
the improvement and conduct of the pupils.

_f._ Rules to be prepared for teachers and pupils; provision
for attendance at religious services at least on Sunday.

_g._ The committee to appoint a treasurer from its number who
is to make payments upon an order signed by at least four of
them.

_h._ Four members are sufficient number to transact business;
in difficulties, they are advised to consult the monthly
meeting.

_i._ To keep a record of proceedings, receipts, and
expenditures, and make a report to the meeting once a year or
more.

4. The children of free Negroes and mulattoes are to be given preferment.

5. Tuition to be free of any expense to the parents.

6. If enrollment of such children is not large enough, the committee may admit others according to their judgment.

[Sidenote: Subscriptions for school solicited]

[Sidenote: Moses Patterson in the Negro school]

Acting upon the recommendations incorporated in the report, a subscription paper was at once prepared, and the campaign for funds began.[1184] A committee of the following named Friends was appointed to assume the direction of the school agreeable to the articles of the report, viz.; Israel Pemberton, Samuel Emlen, James Pemberton, Richard Blackham, John Drinker, Hugh Forbes, and Edward Jones.[1185] Their term of service was stated as “until a new nomination be made by this meeting” and any vacancy occurring in the meantime was to be filled in the same way.[1186] Only three months later (sixth month) the committee of seven reported they had agreed with Moses Patterson as teacher, hired a house, and that a number of children were already admitted for instruction.[1187] In first month of the following year the committee requested permission to erect a school for the use of the Blacks, on the same lot occupied by the almshouse. The request was at once granted.[1188]

[Sidenote: Full yearly reports not made]

Though it was originally stated that the committee should report once a year to the monthly meeting, there was by no means a full report recorded in the minutes each year. They are adequate enough, however, to furnish some idea of the progress made with the school.

[Sidenote: Reports taken as a measure of the school’s success]

The details of a few reports will be presented. It appears from the records that the committee’s reports were always made the basis of judgment as to whether the meeting would continue the school or abandon it.[1189] Fortunately, the reports were usually favorable, excepting in matters of financial consideration; in this respect there was quite often a shortage.[1190] In the report of the first twelve years there is little that deserves repetition. The school continued regularly, according to statements made at intervals, and all things seemed to convince Friends that it was worthy of their support. Let us note the condition of the school at the end of twelve years, 1782.

[Sidenote: John Houghton and Anthony Benezet]

For the five years preceding the instruction had been under the care of John Houghton, who, unfortunately, had to retire because of failing health.[1191] His place was taken two months later by Anthony Benezet, a teacher of great merit, and one who perhaps had the welfare of the Negro more at heart than any other man in the colony.[1192] At his suggestion, the school was removed from the house erected for that purpose and established in his own home. Great tribute was paid to the character of the work done by Houghton, with special reference to his painstaking visiting of families, seeking thus to increase the interest of parents, and ultimately the school attendance. It is stated that during the five years he was employed, two hundred and fifty children and grown persons had entered the school.[1193] The chief value derived, according to the committee’s view, was the increased appreciation aroused among the Whites for the Blacks. They were forced to realize that the Negro had talents which might be developed as their own, giving him an insight into greater possibilities which were not beyond his reach.

[Sidenote: Financially the school was no success]

[Sidenote: Payments in depreciated money]

[Sidenote: Legacies and subscriptions used for support]

The report on the financial status was not so hopeful. The fees for the master, for the years 1779, 1780, and 1781 were eighty, ninety, and one hundred pounds respectively; in addition, there was the expense of odd jobs of work, wood for winter use, and also the item of books.[1194] To increase the difficulties arising from mere items of expense, there was introduced another factor, the payment to the treasurer of paper money which had greatly depreciated in value since it was subscribed.[1195] The result of the experiment, up to date, financially, was a deficit of £74/7/10. A part of this amount was covered by outstanding subscriptions, a considerable number of which could not be collected.[1196] The meeting was appealed to, to make up the deficit as usual by subscription. This method, though commonly resorted to, was in most places supplemented by special legacies left to trustees for any purpose the donor might designate.[1197] Legacies for schools were particularly urged by the quarterly and yearly meetings.

[Sidenote: Irregular attendance]

In 1784 there seems to have been but one school for the Blacks, the one taught by Benezet. The report stated that there was a decided need for another one in the near future; in 1786 it appears by answers to the queries that the school has been added and that both are supported by the voluntary contributions of Friends.[1198] The attendance problem was evidently not yet solved satisfactorily; it would perplex a teacher to-day. About one hundred were under the instruction of Benezet in 1784, but only fifteen to thirty-five generally attended.[1199] The progress of this number in reading, writing, and arithmetic was deemed satisfactory, though it was admitted it might be improved with more regular attendance.

[Sidenote: Salary paid Benezet]

The salary paid Benezet at this time was £100 plus the £20 which was allowed as the rent for his dwelling, which he continued to use as a school house.

[Sidenote: Two Negro schools under Daniel Britt, Sarah Dougherty, and Elizabeth Meccum]

[Sidenote: School receives gift from England]

From 1786 two schools continued. In 1790 the incumbent of the master’s position was Daniel Britt; the mistress of the other was Sarah Dougherty. The latter served only to sixth month, 1790, at which time she was replaced by Elizabeth Meccum who later became the wife of Daniel Britt.[1200] Though there was a very large enrollment at this time, the actual attendance was between eighteen and thirty in each of the schools.[1201] The instruction continued as above stated and was recognized on the whole as satisfactory, its only failure being due to irregular attendance, occasioned by illiberal masters, who detained the Negroes in their service. The master’s salary for the year, £100, was double that paid to the mistress. Finances were generally in a bad state, though they had been considerably augmented by a generous gift of £175 from England, and a special donation by William Craig.[1202] In spite of this, the committee was still indebted to the estate of Anthony Benezet to the extent of about £100.[1203] These difficulties do not seem to have been insuperable, however; the regular annual income (about 1784) was fairly well established, being derived from the rental of property and grounds.[1204]

[Sidenote: Regular attendance about eighty]

[Sidenote: Elisha Pickering, master]

Under the direction of Daniel Britt and his wife the school continued to progress; most gratifying was the increase of the regular attendance to about eighty, which was as large as could be conveniently accommodated in the two schools.[1205] The services of Britt and his wife ceased in the period from 1795 to 1798, the latter having died and the former being aged and infirm. The master’s place was taken by Elisha Pickering, at a salary now grown to £150 per year. That of the mistress still remained at the mark of former years, £50. The amount of annual rents had increased to £190/9/11 and besides this there was an interest from £146/7 which was a part of the bequest of Anthony Benezet.[1206] The annual expenditures were estimated at £230, which considerably exceeded the income. It was customary to require tuition for the children whose masters were “bound by indenture to give them school learning,” and from this source was eked out the sum necessary to defray expenses.[1207] There is found no statement in the committee’s reports to indicate the amount of tuition usually demanded. The following bill may be of interest, however, since it shows various items of expenditures of the school committee.[1208]

Committee of education, to Othneil Alsop, Dr.

1797 9-23. Cash advance to Bustill $ 10.00
9-30. Paid J. Schæffer for 4 benches for
North Liberties School 3.50
24 printed alphabets .27
6 spelling books 1.50
10-2. Paid A. Williams quarter’s salary 25.00
10-28. Advanced Cyrus Bustill 10.00
11-6. Two cords of wood, hauling, etc. 12.35
------
Total $62.62

[Sidenote: Summer and winter sessions]

From available records it is impossible to give more than an elementary knowledge of how the school was run. Nothing is found concerning the inner organization. We can know its purposes, its means at command for attaining them, and approximately the number of children it was able to reach. The length of school term is not quite clear; it seems evident that there were summer and winter sessions, how long we do not know, and that there was scarcely any interruption of their continuity. Occurrences which caused an interruption of the session usually were commented on in the committee’s reports.[1209] A summary of the report showing the status of the schools in 1800 is given below.[1210] At that time they were under the direction of committees of the northern, central, and southern districts.

[Sidenote: Status of Negro schools in 1800]

1. Benjamin Mears, master at $500 a year; Elizabeth Meccum, mistress at £50 per year.

2. Schools have been kept open throughout the year 1798-99 with the exception of twelve weeks on account of sickness.

3. The attendance, from seventy to eighty day scholars, winter and autumn.

4. Some applicants for admission have been refused because of a lack of room; room enough for all in summer.

5. Finance:

_a._ Total bequest of Anthony Benezet, plus that which
was owing to him at the time of his death, makes
an income of £193/ 4

_b._ Annual amount of donations from other sources £117/ 5/11
----------
Total £220/ 9/11
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In hands of treasurer £ 8/12/ 6

For two reasons it has been thought advisable to present as fully as possible the situation in regard to the Negro’s education in Philadelphia. _First_, they were present in Philadelphia in so considerable numbers that it necessitated a complete organization on the part of the society if any aid was to be offered; _second_, the method of dealing with them was closely followed in other localities, in case there were sufficient numbers to warrant it. The activity of other monthly meetings in this question of oversight and education of the Negro will be touched upon briefly.

[Sidenote: Not enough Negroes for a separate school]

As was above suggested, and will be shown more explicitly hereinafter, there were many of the country districts where the Negro problem scarcely existed.[1211] In many others the number of the race was so small that a separate school was entirely out of the question; but more was needed than the mere presence of a White school, to make certain that they received even the rudiments of an education. A constant readjustment of the general ideal of attitude toward them was necessary for each individual community. The details of information concerning the work of each meeting was interesting enough, but perhaps it will be more instructive to point out and illustrate the general characteristics which applied to most, or at least a large number of them.

[Sidenote: Negro education usually delegated to a committee]

As a general rule, if Negro inhabitants were numerous, a committee was delegated to the service of their care and education.[1212] In some places this was made a standing committee having specified duties; in others, the committees were appointed only to investigate conditions and make a report, so that further action might be taken by the meeting. It may be well to note the type of this service which the committees were required to perform. The duties, performed by the two kinds of committees, were but slightly differentiated; the chief difference lay in the length of the term of service.

[Sidenote: Seven duties for the committees to perform]

The _first_ task for them was to actually visit the Negro families within the compass of the particular meeting;[1213] the _second_, to determine as exactly as possible the economic status of the home;[1214] the _third_, to ascertain the number of children capable of receiving schooling;[1215] _fourth_, to inform themselves as to the attitude of the parents towards their children’s education;[1216] _fifth_, to deal with members of Friends who possessed slaves or paid servants, endeavoring to point out to them the obligation for their education, and also for their freedom;[1217] _sixth_, to inform themselves as to the occupation pursued by the Negroes, if any;[1218] and _finally_, to make a report of conditions, in such shape that it might be transmitted to the quarterly meeting, and outline the plan of procedure, according to the demands of the situation.[1219] From such a range of information, considering the characteristic thoroughness of the people, it must be inferred that they were able to understand the needs, which is always a first requisite for their satisfaction. Moreover, the knowledge that the quarterly meetings demanded written statements of what they had done always worked to facilitate prompt action as soon as the situation was defined. Rather late in the century, 1779, the yearly meeting became insistent as to the treatment of those who held slaves, though the punishment for failure to educate them was not so drastic. Extracts sent to the meetings in that year required that all members holding slaves should be disowned.[1220] Instances where this punishment was used are not wanting.[1221]

[Sidenote: Support similar to that of other schools]

The financial burden of Negro education usually fell on the local meeting. Those owning slaves were required to pay for their education, but when they became free, as most of them did by the time of the Revolution, it was impossible for them to pay for themselves. This burden, which the society assumed, was usually met: (1) by subscription,[1222] (2) by special legacies, and (3) by income from investments in property. In the smaller localities, the first was the predominate means; in the larger, such as Philadelphia, a larger proportion was derived from the second and third,[1223] though the first was common to all.

[Sidenote: Negro education at Exeter]

The situation at Exeter Monthly Meeting seems to have been well disposed of, if one may judge by the brevity of their annals. Writing, 1764, in answer to an inquiry on the part of Philadelphia Quarterly Meeting, to which they belonged, they report:

But one negro amongst us, who has sufficient food and raiment,
but his religious education is still neglected, which is now
under notice.[1224]

In 1758 they had reported two Negroes only, and with substantially the same comments.[1225] The report may either mean they had no problem at the outset, or that they were remarkably successful in their attempt to solve it.

[Sidenote: Radnor]

[Sidenote: No early mention of their schooling at Radnor]

Radnor Monthly Meeting reported in 1756 that they were clear with respect to buying, importing, disposing of, or holding slaves,[1226] and continued substantially the same report until 1768.[1227] They were all, according to reports, well fed and clothed and many attended meetings,[1228] but no statement is made at that early date concerning any attempt to educate them. From sundry reports after 1768 it seems necessary to assume that the earlier reports were not entirely accurate in stating that the meeting was “clear” of slaves. Without this assumption, it is difficult to understand the great increase in the cases of discipline for that offense. This increase was doubtless due to a closer scrutiny of the Negro question than had been formerly customary.

[Sidenote: Report of committee on slaves]

Beginning with 1768, there were several cases reported of dealing in slaves, either buying, selling, or holding. First, there was “one slave sold,”[1229] and two years later the records state “none imported but some purchased and some sold since last account.”[1230] It was further admitted (1770) that “nothing has yet been done by us in visiting those who hold slaves,”[1231] but a few years later (1776) there is ample evidence cited that they attended to each individual case; there are several instances where expulsion from the society was threatened,[1232] and actually carried into execution.[1233] In 1778 the committee on slaves reported: (1) they had visited all members holding slaves, (2) obtained manumissions from David Harvard for two slaves, (3) Anthony Tunnis also released a slave, and (4) mentioned two other cases for consideration—(a) that of John Harvard, holding one slave though he admits it to be wrong, and (b) that of Samuel Harvard who refuses to set free a Negro man aged forty, though he condemns the slaveholding practice.[1234] In 1780 the meeting reported _none imported_, _sold_, or _purchased_, and almost none _held_,[1235] and by 1790 even the latter had disappeared.[1236]

[Sidenote: Some schooled without charge]

There was at this time constant oversight of the freed Negroes and some of the children were given the opportunity of schooling without charge to the parents.[1237]

[Sidenote: Slavery in Bucks County]

Negro slavery flourished early in Bucks County,[1238] and still continued to persist until after the abolition in 1780,[1239] which resulted in a gradual diminution of slavery throughout the state. A little later we shall notice the distribution of slaves as indicated by the registration which was required by the law in 1782.[1240]

[Sidenote: Slaves mentioned at Middletown 1703]

The presence of Negroes in the compass of Middletown is first made known through the record of 1703 which stated that Robert Heaton and Thomas Stackpole were appointed to fence off a portion of the ground to bury Negroes in.[1241] The first reference to their liberation (other than by death) is the case of Jeremiah Langhorne, who in 1742 freed all of his Negroes, the entire number being about thirty or forty.[1242] Just how frequently such liberations occurred and how generally they were participated in by Friends is not accurately ascertainable from the records, but by the year 1782 just following the stringent abolition act we have the following report:

[Sidenote: No slaves held; the children schooled]

We have none to charge with buying or holding slaves, and care
is taken to give the young ones learning and some care has been
taken to encourage them in a religious and virtuous life.[1243]

In 1783 a similar report issued from the monthly meeting, stating that a noteworthy care was evident among them for the Negroes, both old and young, but that a more considerable care was necessary to be taken in regard to their education.[1244]

[Sidenote: Buckingham]

[Sidenote: Negro to be educated and given religious instruction]

[Sidenote: No evidence of separate Negro school]

In 1759 Buckingham Meeting appointed John Ely and Isaac Pickering to speak with one of their members who had purchased slaves.[1245] This was done because it was a conflict with the discipline. The burden of their advice is that he should bring up the young Negroes in useful learning and Christianity, and later set them free if they desired it. There is nothing further to indicate the nature of the education, and since there is no evidence of a school for them, it was probably in their homes or in connection with the White schools. No other references are found which point to any progress until 1778 when the meeting appointed Thomas Watson and Oliver Paxson to advise and assist the free Negroes in their religious duties and also in regard to their school education.[1246] This appointment was made in accordance with the more stringent regulations which were given out by the quarterly and yearly meetings in 1777.[1247] These regulations requested only that committee be appointed to look into the status of the Negroes and seek to better their conditions, but the one next following, 1779, required those holding slaves to be disowned.[1248]

[Sidenote: Slave holding debated in meeting]

The records of Bucks Quarterly Meeting are in very substantial agreement with those of the individual meetings, Falls, Wrightstown, Middletown and Buckingham, which constituted it.[1249] The question of the rightfulness of buying or owning slaves seems to have come first to a conscious consideration about 1730, when it was debated in the meeting.[1250] They were unable to come to a decision in the matter and accordingly referred it back to the yearly meeting.[1251] Though unsuccessful in debating the question satisfactorily, their practical success seems to have been very commendable, for in 1766 there is reported only one Negro purchased lately throughout the quarter.[1252] This does not mean that no Negroes were held, for as will be shown later there were many in that region; it does mean, however, that their control of any increase in slaves was very satisfactory to the yearly meeting’s demands. By 1772 the record has still been greatly improved, as they report:

clear of importing or buying negroes as far as appears, but
their religious education is not so strictly attended to as the
import of the query seems to require.[1253]

Though all indications are to the effect that slave purchasing was near the minimum, the meetings were clearly not satisfied. Committees were at all times kept by both the quarterly and monthly meetings,[1254] to visit with those who held slaves to persuade them to give them their freedom. The committee for this service in the quarterly meeting reported in 1777:

[Sidenote: Report of committee on slaves]

We of the committee appointed by the quarterly meeting in
order to treat with our members who hold their fellowmen in
bondage, in connection with the several meetings committees,
now report that there has been considerable time spent in
laboring with them in order to convince them of the evil of
the practice, which labors of love have been by some kindly
received, and they have complied so far as to give those they
had in bondage their liberty by instruments of writing ... but
there are others who still persist in holding them as slaves,
notwithstanding the repeated care and labor of Friends extended
towards them.[1255]

[Sidenote: Meetings set up for Negroes]

The next report made in the eleventh month of the year is substantially the same, several slaves having been “manumitted or set free,” and, also, the defiant attitude being still present among some members.[1256] The similarity of these reports continues till the very last years of the century, with however a few additions. At some time prior to 1795, not more than three years, there were established meetings for Negroes which were held at stated times, always under the direction of Friends.[1257] In 1799 the quarterly meeting was able to report “no slaves among us” and that “some care” is extended to those set free.[1258]

[Sidenote: No mention made of separate school]

[Sidenote: Social approval given those who freed slaves]

Very early, the meetings were urged to give their attention to the religious and school education of the negroes that were in their possession,[1259] but a majority of the reports from meetings are to the effect that this did not receive satisfactory attention.[1260] No evidence remains in any records to show that there was a separate school ever established for Negroes, and it is quite possible that there never was during the 18th century. The demands transmitted through Bucks Quarterly were not so strictly enforced in regard to education as in regard to liberation, and it is more than probable that it was in most cases determined by the individual conscience than by the group. In regard to forcing liberation by public opinion, there are many examples where individuals were singled out and threatened with ejection from the society if they refused their slaves freedom,[1261] but there are few references to such action taken for failure to educate them; there are, however, occasional ones mentioned. Most references to their education were in the nature of advice, which doubtless was followed in many cases,[1262] and disregarded in many more.

[Sidenote: Registration of 1782 showed large proportion of slaves in Quaker townships]

In spite of the continuous exertions of the Friends’ meetings to keep down the number of slaves purchased, and to increase the number of liberations among those already possessed by their members, it appears from an investigation of the matter made by Davis, that almost one-third of the total number of slaves in 1782 (Bucks County) were to be found in the townships Falls, Middletown, Lower and Upper Makefield, Bristol and Wrightstown, where the Quakers were most numerous.[1263] The entire number of slaves registered in 1782 was five hundred and twenty, and this may be regarded as fairly accurate since failure to register them meant the loss of the slave.[1264] The number registered in the townships where Baptists and Presbyterians were settled, Warwick, Warrington, New Britain, Newtown and Bedminster, was very small, while the German districts registered but thirty-two.[1265]

[Sidenote: Early records of slave holding meagre]

The meetings constituting Western Quarterly Meeting (Chester County), Kennett, London Grove, and New Garden have very meagre references to slaves or slave holding up to about 1770. One of the monthly meetings, London Grove, was not established until 1792,[1266] and between that date and 1800 made no reports of any consequence.

[Sidenote: Visit performed to all slave holders]

In 1770 Kennett Meeting’s committee performed a general visit to all possessed of slaves and found there was not the desired willingness to manumit them which they had expected.[1267] From the report made seven years later, we must judge the situation had not changed very considerably since we find one member signified to them that he did not incline to release his Negroes from bondage, nor did he know that ever he should.[1268]

It does not, however, seem that the occasional stubborn brother had a discouraging effect on the rest of the meeting. In 1779 the records stated,

It is desired that Friends attend to the circumstances and the situation of such negroes as have been set free, that we may fully discharge our duty to them, by endeavoring to instruct them, both for their spiritual and temporal good....[1269]