Chapter XIII: Part II: Dr. Covel’s Diary (7)

I cannot give you an exact bill of fare, but as well as I can remember it was thus at every table: first we had 6 rost chickens brought pil’d one upon another, without sauce; we had no such finicallnesse[414] as knives or forkes onely the weapons that nature gave us, our hands and teeth. The Testerdare began by pinching the flesh with his fore finger and thumb, and invited us to fall to; I having seen the way of it many times before, fell on and brought on my companions. We had a dish of roast pigeons, which we eat in the same manner, nipping and tearing them apieces with hands and teeth, in any fashion. We had _Kibôbs_, bits of flesh, the first roasted, the last boyled; this was ready mammockt,[415] and cut to our hands. We had several sorts of _Dolmáh_,[416] which is minc’t meat stuffed into peices of gourds, or gobbeted[417] in vine leaves or the like, and so boyl’d. We had several _Cherbaws_, pottages made of rice, wheat, etc., some sweet, some savoury; we had _Pelo_, rice boyled with peices of a hen; _Rice gellyed_, a perfect _fool_ in a platter; another slip slop[418] of Dates and pine kernells; at all these we ployed[419] our wooden artillery of the spoon. We had a great _baked pye_ in a platter, with puff paste above and minced beaten meat, wel season’d underneath; a puf past pudding in a platter, plain; _another_, sweeten’d with honey. About half way of this horse feast we water’d with a hearty draught of excellent Lemmon sherbert, which was brought in a _fingeon_,[420] or Polish glasse, gilt on the verge at the top. The Testerdare began, and we caryed it round, then it was whipt away, and we saw it no more. We had my Ld.’s 2d Dragoman by us all the time, and the 1st Dragoman and _Mauro Cordato_, dragoman to the Vizier, attended my Ld. I sat so near him as I could have touched him, and I heard every word that past betwixt the Vizier and him, which was not much, but what it was was nothing of private businesse, but newes or such discourse; all past pleasantly.

The onely thing of notice was this: talking of the stirres that have been made at _Fustenberg_,[421] between the Emperor and K. of France, the Vizier, laughing, askt why they did not cut of his head at first? then, says he, there had been an end of all the embroglios that happen’d after. We were all served alike in costly (lordly) dishes, which are used every where at court, and I saw them at the Vizier’s and Mosaïf’s houses. They come from India, and are all in use in Persia, for the G. Sr. nor any great Turkes can use silver dishes by their law. They call the mettal of them _Martabáni_[422]; they are very dear and much heavier (in proportion) then China, which they call _Phorphoré_ (I suppose from πόρφωρα); their platters, which they call _Taback_,[423] of _Martábani_, are worth some of them 200 dollars. China is not half so dear here; your little sherbert cups and coffee dishes are made often times of the same earth; they ring like a bell; the earth is darkish, but the outside glazed colour is greenish. The last dish being taken from table, we all rose up together; the Grandees washt, and then my Ld. and me with him were caryed into the gallery, and there he sat on a long bench. Presently we were vested with Caphtans, which we wore all the time we were afterwards in the Seraglio; there were given but 19 in all; my Ld. Harvey had 22 when he was at Salonica, and the G. Sr. spoke to him a great deal; but now (as you shall hear immediately) he said not one word.

The meat which went from our tables was caryed out amongst inferior officers, where was such scrambling as I never saw. I saw much, much better order once at a feast at the Kaimacham’s of Stambol. The like was where our servants dined; yet all passed in silence, as the whole businesse above said was likewise acted even to a miracle, all being done with a nod or private sign (at which they are the best in the world) to the attendants and waiters, who stand like images with their hands acrosse before them. The same silence, gravity, and decorum is alwayes practised in all other places of justice or businesse throughout the whole Empire; _whish_, _whish_, _whish_, _whish_, or _kish_, _kish_, etc., is sometimes used if there should happen any the least _cavgá_, or disturbance. The Merchants that din’d without said some of them were hunch’t[424] about and _Heyda’d_[425] (a word which signifies _get you gon’_) with some rudenesse, as I am apt enough to beleive the rabble Turkes are like enough to do it.

After my Ld. and we had weighted about ½ an hour in the gallery, where Mauro Cordato had the impudence to sit by my Ld., the Vizier and the rest rose and past by us, and went into the G. Sr., who was in a low room. There was another doore going into some other room, and forwards run a high wall to the corner of the court. A quarter of an hour after they past by, my Ld. was cal’d; all we accompanyed him almost to the outward door, then he went forward with onely six persons who were appointed to accompany him, viz., the two chief Dragomen, Mr. North the Treasurer, Mr. Hyet the eldest merchant, my Ld.’s Secretary, who carry’d the king’s letter upon his head, and the Companyes Cancelleer.

My Ld. and Sr. Thos. B. promised me before we set out from _Stambol_, and all along assured me, that I should infallibly be one that should goe in, and no lesse then three dayes before did again secure me the same favour; but it happen’d otherwise on some other occasion, which I shall afterwards make you laugh withall. For my own part I repine not at it, for I have seen the G. Sr. again and again, and those that did goe in can onely say they did do so; for as to any thing that they saw there, the divel of any the least account could they give; onely something look’t like a thing they call the G. Sr.; yet the whole account I coul’d get from them, or observe myself, is this fully and exactly. My Ld. and all the rest were led in by two _Peskeshjes_ or _Chiauses_, one holding them under one arme, the other under the other, through the part of the court were we left them. So soon as ever they entered the room, their leaders, laying their hands upon their necks, bowed them down (my Ld. himselfe very low, the rest to the very ground); immediately Mr. North, Mr. Hyet, and the Cancelleir and the 2d Dragoman were hurryed out again so soon, as Mr. North, who was first, swore he observed nothing, onely in general that it was a very rich room, but in particular he remembred nothing in the world. The poor Cancellier, being a little man, was crushed quite down at the entrance, and Mr. Hyet had like to tumble over him as he lay sprawling on the ground: so they saw lesse then Mr. North. The Cancellier remember’d nothing, and Mr. Hyet said he had a pittyfull glance at the G. Sr., and indeed it was impossible they could look about them, these thre gentlemen being in (at that outward door, where we lost sight of them) but 48 of my pulses, which is not much above ½ a minute, as I have tryed by a half minute glasse at sea severall times. My Ld. stay’d after them about 200 of my pulses, so that in all he could not be there much above 4 minutes at most. He being led in and bowed (as is said) _pro more_, the chief Dragoman read his speech (and yet was out about the middle of it, as my Ld. himselfe told him before me afterwards), which I saw and was just 12 lines and a half in a small quarter of a sheet. That ended, the Secretary gave the king’s letter to the Dragoman, and he to the Vizier, and he lay’d it by the G. Sr.’s right hand upon his bolster, who cast a kind of scornful eye towards it. The Vizier immediately told them: It’s well, and he as Vikiel or deputy should take care of their businesse; and so, without one word or complement passing, they were all led out again. This my Ld. himself told me, and his Secretary and Dragoman confirm’d it.

Now for grandeur and state of what was there, my Ld. himself gave us this account. The G. Sr. was set leaning upon a bed, and had put on a most severe, terrible, stately look. The bed had four posts, like ours, but whether with silk curtaines, valence, etc., is not sayd. The counterpane was of crimson velvet embroyder’d and flour’d with pearl, and round the edges went eight rowes of the same, all as bigge and as fair as ever he saw in a necklace. The floor was crimson sattin, embroyder’d likewise and wrought with gold wire, which in some places was very big. The G. Sr. had a small, plain Turbant on, with a little feather in it; at the bottome it had a brooch of Jewels, amongst the rest one very large diamond. At the feet of his bed stood a large cabinet all cover’d over with jewels, which he first valued at 100,000_li._ (but in a second relation at 200,000_li._) sterling; he judged it to be full of jewels. His vest and delamon,[426] from his neck down before, were all set with fair large diamonds and pearles. What the roof of the room had, the walls, windowes, and the like had, or whether there were chimney, chimney-piece, balconyes, stooles, chayres, etc., he could give no account; onely he said he thought the windore was but small, for the room was dark, so as he wonder’d the old Dragoman could read at all. You were out a little (quoth he to him), but you soon recover’d yourself; in fine, my Ld. said in generall that it was the richest room for certain in the whole world; but I question much whether he could make out the particulars.

Now I declare to you the chief thing I desired to see was the furniture and embellishments of the room; for (as is said) I have seen the G. Sr. again and again. Here are adornments in building very costly and comely, utterly unknown in our parts of the world, of which I am able to give some pretty account; perhaps the sight of this might have added something to my observations. So soon as my Ld. come out, we all accompanyed him through the great court to the outer gate. There we mounted, and stay’d about half-an-houre, till the Vizier and Testerdare came out; after them came out all the _Chiauses_, who again conducted us out of the Town.

_Aug. 10th._ My Ld. went to visit the Mufti. He had audience, in the very same manner as before is said, with the G. Vizier[427]; and, after a little formall complimenting, we return’d. He was a swarthy man, yet a good-natured countenance; his beard somewhat grey (being above 54 yeares old, as is commonly said), the left corner something longer than the other; a full eye, lean, discreet nose, well-fashioned mouth and teeth; his forehead of a middle height; serene brow, cheekes enclining to leanesse; but no wayes a mortifyed look. He gave us no vests, but received ours (which we alwayes caryed wherever we went to audience) gladly; and without doubt that added to his cheer, which was very pleasant, as well as his countenance. He was set _Alla Turchesca_, with his feet cover’d and lapt with a course kind of linesay-woolsay blanket; the rest of his habit was no wayes distinguist from that of a common Turk. We were carryed into him, and he did not rise to my Ld., but onely bow’d; and my Ld. was placed on a stool just before him. He had three or 4 bookes lay’d by him, and round about the room on shelf lay severall more. His turbant in the middle being plain, and not in folds. We did not stay much above a quarter of an hour with him; soe we return’d to our old shop at Caragatch. Remember that these visits were in the height of the Plague; and several, I assure you, came amongst us with plague-sores running upon them at the Vizier’s at our last audience, of which by and by. There was a fellow gave me a dish of coffee who had then about him 2 filthy sores; and after he had served us with coffee, by chance talking with some of our Merchants (that spoke Turkish) about the plague, told them that he had lost three children the week before, and that he had been sick unto death, but now his swellings were broke he was much better. The Turkes used no other antidote against the plague then multitudes of Issues, which really I count a most divine thing to that effect, though otherwise a plague in themselves.

I have above mentioned to you _Vani Effendi_, the great preacher amongst the Turkes.[428] I shall here insert some little notices of him. He is an old huncht-back man, very gray, a crabb’d countenance, yet his shrivel’d flesh is clear, not black or swarthy, but pale; and Nature hath marked him in the face, for his right eye is lesse than his left, as if it were shrunk. He hath children at Brussa,[429] and is of such authority amongst the Turkes, as about 6 yeares since preach’d down all publick Tavernes and ale-houses, and the Dervises’ publick meetings; yet I believe there is as much wine drunk (or more) and as many tavernes by connivance and bribery as ever there was. The fame of this old cox comb is more then a Pope amongst them; he invited Sr. Thos. Baines to visite him; therefore, sending one of our dragomen and _Renegado Boccareschi_ to beg licence of him to come, he told them he should be wellcome. He is cal’d _Vani_, from a town of that name on the confines of Persia.[430] Sr. Tho. being come to him and set down, ask’t liberty of discourse; he told him he might say what he pleased, nothing would be taken amiss.

Sr. Tho. 1st Quest. was: Whether all soules were equall of men, women, children? After many shuffling answers, he said the prophet Mahomet was asked the same question, and answered it was _not yet revealed to him_.

2dly: Whether women shall be in Paradice? Answr.: They shall have many there of those which were here and lived well and virtuously according to their law, and besides God will create them many others; but of the two sortes, those that go from hence will be the better, because their obedience hath already been tryed and proved. He said that wicked men commonly drew their wives down to hell with them; yet if the wife be virtuous she may goe to heaven, though the Man goes to Hell.

Now I understande one notion of my own. Being once with our chief Dragoman in company with a great Doctor of their law, I had the curiosity to ask (amongst other things) what use they should have of women in Paradice, whether for procreation or no? He told me that they shall conceive there for certain, but not by members of generation, but onely by intellectual seed and spiritually, to make a spirituall ofspring. _Vaní_ told Sr. Thos. that there is a middle life or place cal’d (as Sr. Tho. hath set it down) _Asaph_ (it should be Aráf,[431] as in the chapter of Prisons, cap. 7), whither all that have lived a middle life shall goe; that is, sins and virtuous deeds being compared and weighed together.

3d: What people might be suffer’d to live amongst Turkes? Answr.: None but Jewes and Christians; all other are to be put to death. This toleration is given, because the Jewes had and yet have a true law, but most imperfect Christians have a true and perfecter law; but the onely perfect law is Mahomet’s, which all now are bound to believe and follow; if they doe not, though they live never so well, they cannot be saved. There were two little boyes (by Christian slaves), and Sr. Tho. put this case: If you had lost (it had been better put if he had said hidden) a jewell, and should bid these two seek it, and tell them where abouts it was to be found; one being more successful then the other, finds it; the other notwithstanding being very industrious, and leaving no stone or stick unturned, perhaps finds onely a crisstall: shall this son be blamed for his ill successe, notwithstanding his indeavours were as much, perhaps more then the other? Here, saith Sr. Tho. B., the teares stood in his eyes, and he answered: Every body had heard of their law and their Prophet, and were bound to believe. Sr. Tho. B. said he had heard many things which he now found not truly reported of them, and he had read their Alcoran, which he now sees wrongly translated; both which rather prejudic’d him then furthered him in his belief, and many there are who never heard of it at all; suppose such a one (who never heard) to be a Christian and live well, whether he might be saved? He answer’d not close to the point. Sr. Tho. told what kind of Christian he was, viz., he would rather dye then worship either crosse, Pictures, Images, or the like. He adored onely one true God, and lived in his fear onely; he believed a Mussulman, living up to the height of his law, may be undoubtedly saved. He thought himselfe obliged (though it was never so absolutely in his power to do it) not to touch a hair of a Mussulman’s head for his difference in religion, but rather to help, assist, relieve, and cherish them in every good office that he was able to doe for them. Here Sr. Th. B. saies he wept, and said he could not believe any Christian came so near true Musselmen, but that they all had been Idolaters; and the standers by (which were many) cryed out _E Adám_[432]—he was a _Good Man_. You may imagine this was odde for a Greek (who worships all these things, and curses a Turk to the Divel) to say as Draggerman. _Vaní_ pressing the perfection of his law, and the necessity of turning to it, Sr. Tho. said he was now about 55 years of age, and his bones were dryed and hardened to their forme; and his understanding was in like manner settled by long practice of his own religion, and it would be a hard task, and of some long time, to unrivet his notions. Vaní bad him welcome, desired more frequent converse, assuring him all security and freedome. The Dragoman told me he was afraid to speak, for though they might not touch Sr. Tho. B., yet they might chastise him for speaking anything about or against this Law.

Sr. Tho. Baines went no more; he sent to him severall questions by _Boccareschi_, till he was weary, first: To know if the soules of the dead (Men and Women) went immediately to heaven or hell, without any stay? Answr.: The blessed went not into Paradice till the day of Judgement, but had a continuall sight of it through a great windore. He said _Boccareschi_ was not a fitting messenger, and desir’d, if he had any more questions, that he might set them down in writing, and he would answer in like manner. Sr. Th. B. left of. For my own part, I believe he might have given his first Answer to most of Sr. Th. B.’s questions, viz.: The Prophet (nor God himself) hath not revealed those things. He sent word by _Boccareschi_ about Hell: 1st, there are 60 mountaines of fire, and millions of poysonous serpents and dragons to torment the damned. 2nd, that no Turke shall remain there to eternity; infidells and Idolaters never get out.

_Sept. 8th._ My Ld. went for the capitulations to the Vizier, and, to take leave, we were caryed into the Khiá’s (the Steward or Secretaryes) chamber, where we stay’d waiting two houres. We were treated in the mean time with coffee and sherbert. Mauro Cordato[433] (the Vizier’s Dragoman), who has studyed in Italy, and was at first a doctor of Physick, by nation a Greek, sat and bore my Ld. company. Amongst other discourse, he assured us that the first month (June) the plague began, there might die from 60 to 100 per diem; the 2d month it increased to at least 250; this month (Sept.) dyed at least 600 per diem (but others talked much lighter), and after our coming away it increased to double the number. It is a very bad place for fruits, and this year worse than ever. He said that it was banisht the court. There were abundance of Turkes, and many of them sick (as is above said), intermixt with us. At last we were caryed into another room, and, after a little pause, came in the Vizier, and he and my Ld. sat as before. He spoke cheerfully, and proved in very good humour; yet his face, especially about the eyes, look’d very swel’d and reddish. We understood he had been soundly _keiph’t_ the night before.

The Vizier began, and told him the Capitulations were renewed according to his desire. My Ld. thankt him, and signifyed what high respect our king would have for him for his particular care in it; and he would see that he had particular thanks for it from him. The Vizier ask’t what ships we had, and what were expected. Answer: Two dayly expected from Legorne, one generall ship in two months at Constantinople, 2 more at Smyrna. The Vizier ask’t what newes? Answer: The last was that the two Armyes were within 2 or three leagues one of the other, and that Brandenburgh had routed the Swead; that the Ragusian Ambassador reported a battle to have been fought, wherein 12,000 French, with Turein[434] himself, kil’d. The Vizier said he had heard the like. We had 12 vests. My Ld. received the Capitulations, G. Sr.’s letter, and Vizier’s letter to our king from his own hand, kissing them all, as the manner is. My host wish’t the G. Sr. and Vizier a long life, and that the Vizier might have all increase of honour and favour with the G. Sr. And so we came away.

_Sept. 16th._ My Ld. took leave of the Vizier’s _Khia_ and the _Rice effendi_, in whose familyes the plague was then very, very rife. Two men, with plague sores on them running, stood about a full quarter of an houre within a yard of him, yet God preserved both him and us. Onely, as is said, three or four servants dyed there. One or two had it all the way home to Stambole undiscovered, and there one, who allwayes was about my Ld. and Sr. Tho., dyed.

_Sept. 19th._ About 1 o’clock we set out for Stambole. Because the road was everywhere full of the plague, we every night lay in our Tents, which were caryed before us, and pitcht ready at every _conáck_, and all our waggons and coaches were drawn round us, and a great fire being made. There were men watch’t by turnes every night, for the road was very full of thieves. Not a day past but some newes or other came of their exploits. There were many in companyes, and if we had not had guards it would have been very easy cutting our throats. We made as many dayes coming home as we did going out, and pitcht under the same town sides; so that though we ourselves went not into Townes, most of our waggoners and servants did for wine, or women, or something or other, and so our danger was, in a manner, the same. I have been used to the fashion of the country of lying in my clothes, which I did both outwards and homewards, and once in a frolick to Brusa Baths I came not in a bed for 8 weekes together. Now I caryed a little sea bed with me, which I lay on at Adrianople, and upon the road. We first spread a carpet on the ground, and then lay’d our beds or quilts upon it, and so tumbled down upon them, booted, cloak’t, etc., as we rode. I was a little ill at Caragatch, or else I enjoy’d my health very well all the time. I came with my Ld. and companye along to _Caresteran_. There I left them with onely my man with me (wee were well arm’d) to go see _Misine_.[435] At Chiorlúh I met my Ld. and all the Company again.

_Sept. 24th._ Seeing the Sea from Chiorlúh, I thought it not much out of my way to goe to it, and thence to Selibria alongst the sea shore. I could perswade no man to accompany me for fear of Thieves, and a calf with a white face disheartened them all. Away went my man and I. There is from Chiorlúh, to your eye, a perfect streight valley to the Sea, which I thought was, at most within 5 miles, but I was horribly mistaken. Though in a right line it may be so, yet following a road that leads to it, by reason of a little rill that rises on the left hand out of the hills towards _Stambol_, which makes a moorish bottome, by windings and turnings I made it about as much more. This little rill, in most places, is so very narrow as I could easily step over it, and yet we reckon’d 7 or 8 Turkish mills upon it, so little water sufficing for each of them. In 2¼ houres we got to the sea, counting it at least 9 mile, all the hills on either side (especially the left) covered with vineyards, and they were then in the height of their vintage. We past severall very good fountaines in the way, and about a mile of the sea we past a little Turkish village. So soon as we arriv’d at the sea, we turn’d to the left hand for Heraclea. At the end of about 6 mile we met a good fountaine, which refresh’t us well. The country all champion, and many little villages were to our left hand on the hanging hills. We arriv’d at Heraclea in 2½ houres. At our rate it was about 13 or 14 miles, the country still champion, onely some few trees thinly set about Heraclea. In the playnes are many hills raysed (as sepulchres, I suppose). One large one is by the sea, upon a rising ground, not far from the town. It stands upon a peninsula. The Isthmus is on the N.W. side. To the sea is a pretty high cliff. On that upper ground stood the antient town, now inhabited most by Greekes. On the lower ground to the Isthmus live many Turkes, and have severall Moschés. There are yet standing, in all, 40 Greek churches, yet (as elsewhere) none deserve the name but the Metropole’s, which is a good old odde fashion’d building. It hath a Cupola and half cupolas about it like Sta. Sophia.

They show there, within the Metropolis, the top stone of Sta. Gluceria’s tomb, which they say was saved out of her monastery, which stood hard by, but was ruin’d and most part tumbled into the Sea. It is pure white marble, about a foot thick, most neatly covered and hollowed on the edges, with a coronite[436] round the head, and at the feet with two spires. At the head there is cut an archt hole, in which they say her head was kept; and there is a hole sideways of it which is like a saucer, and in the bottome of it is in another small one, out of which they say continually issued an holy oyle. All this arch’t hole was cover’d with a plate of gold; the pins that fasten’d it yet remain. I assure you the whole thing is absolutely the curiosest piece of work that is to be found in Greece of so modern artifice. On the upper side, between the arch’t hole and the bottome, rose an inscription in impure Iambick. It was wrote in a moderne character, which is very difficult to be read, and the latter end of each verse was wrote under the former part in very much smaller letters. I verily believe this whole thing was but a piece of Greekish monkery, and they might have some pretty contrivance to let oyl, or the like liquor, drop upon occasion, to work some miracle upon the credulous.

In the Greeks’ Hierology they observe the 23d of May[437] as a great holy day to her memory, and say that she was martyrd in the times of Antoninus, by his Proconsul Sabinus; that she was torn apieces by wild beasts, and afterwards translated to Heraclea. I am sure the story and the inscription savours of no such antiquity. This church is dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul, and is generally called τῶν μεγάλων ἀποστόλων. The Metropolite has very good accommodations there for himself and his _papas_. Below, in the cloyster, just at the foot of the staires going up to the Metropolite’s apartment, lyes buryed Mr. Edward Wych, brother to Sr. Peter,[438] who was Embassadore here. He went with our chief Dragoman (yet living) to Scio to meet Sr. Peter’s Lady, then coming out of England to her husband; and, coming back, he touched at Tenedos, where the plague was very rife, and he got it and dyed, and was brought here and buryed, 1628.

Coming out of the Greekes’ apartment, we went into St. George’s church (whome they call ἃγιος Γεώργιος), who is here reverenced as the greatest Saint imaginable, and they attribute many miracles to his image, which is a head cut flat in wood and trimm’d up with abundance of tinsel stuff; the candles have made it as black as soot. The chief thing he is famed for is the deliverance of poor mariners, and in the church was hang’d up to him infinites of ἀναθήματα, dedicated by poor creatures which had escaped shipwreck: most are little short pieces of halsers or cables, or smal ropes, having one end tipt with silver.

Upon the cliff to the S.E. stand 4 or 5 windmills immoveable, and are driven onely by the Embaty,[439] which never failes in the daye time to come of from the sea.

I came from _Selibria_ home with the rest. The Plague had been as hot at Stambol all last summer, and after our returne (which was Sept. 27th) it encreased. Upon the death of the foot boy in our house (of whom is above written), my Ld. and Sr. Tho., with 4 servants, withdrew to a house out of town. I took the opportunity at that time to go with some gentlemen of Smyrna (who had been at audience with us) as farre as Brusa, where the G. Sr. baths are; and indeed it is a brave place. I took some delight upon mount _Olympus Mysiæ_,[440] which is very, very high, and over looks the town; it is alwayes cover’d with snowe, as it was then whilst we were on the top of it. I took notice of many fine plants, trees, and other curiosyties there, as likewise about the Town and at the baths; and should certainly have been highly pleased with my voyage, had not a sad accident embitter’d all to me. One of the gentlemen, my dear friend, fell sick of a very high feavor: we fear’d it was the Plague. All the rest of the company left me and my man alone with him; and after 13 dayes he dyed there. I was ill treated by the Turkes; but I got leave to bury him with much adoe; and, writing to my Ld., I had a Chiaus and Dragoman came and chastised those Rogues very handsomely. I spent a month there, and have made remarques of many things; but I must leave the story of that and all the rest to another time to tell you by letter or word of mouth.

I will see Nice,[441] Nicomedia, Cyzicus, Mount Athos, Lemnos, Lesbos, Chios, and what else lyes in my way before I leave the countrey, though I shall make Inscriptions and such knackes but onely my passe time. Here are every year abundance of Whiflers[442] in those scraps of learning. Last year were here one Mr. Wheeler, a pretty ingenious youth, our countryman, and one Mr. Le Spòn,[443] a Frenchman, who certainely have made the best collection in the world, and intends to print them when he comes home. He hath gathered up and down at least 10,000 that never yet saw light in Greek or any other author. I have a very great intimacy with him, and maintein a strickt correspondency with him, and I shall certainely give him all I have which he wants; and I am sure I have one or two very rare, and not met with all by him. Here is now one Mr. Vernon (lately Secretary to Mr. Montague in France), who is mightily eager after all such things, and is going for Persia. So the main businesse will be caryed on by others, to the satisfaction of themselves, if not of others. For my own part, my heat and leachery after such things was soon over after I arrived in these places. But, when all is done, they goe but on the skirts of Asia all of them; whereas from hence to Aleppo, and all about Ancyra, and on the other side in Caria, etc., are the statelyest things in the world, and in very great numbers. He that thinks them worth his labour and expence and hazard, let him go fetch them; yet I confesse I have an itching after them, for I can assure you there are some things that will give great light to Church story, especially as to the Arians, Basilidians,[444] and other Heriticks. It is very troublesome to transcribe what I have collected; I must be pardoned herein till I see you. In the mean time, I joyn absolutely with you in your opinion of that part of learning, and in your censure of the professors of it. I have two or three pretty knackes which I have lighted upon very cheap, and yet I vallue them dear. I have a delicate cat’s eye; two or three _Seraphims_; two little cupids holding a lyon, imbossed admirably in a _Cameo_; severall petrifyed mushroomes; tiles; etc.

In truth, I am now weary, and I believe so are you by this time. I cannot read these papers over to correct them. You are my Friend: for your sake I have scribbled them at full gallop; for my sake passe by whatever is amisse, or twice over, or rudely and carelessly done. I did all to testify what you shall ever find—Fidum pectus amicitiae. You must communicate them to Sam. Th.; and for others I leave it to your discretion who you shall admitte to see my levityes. It would be some passetime to T. Fairmeddow over a pot of ale; but use your discretion. I shall tell him I have wrote you at large. Now, Dear friend, the Mighty God of heaven and Earth watch over us for our good; and, if it be his blessed will, bring us together once more. I am,

Thy faithfull and affectionate friend,

J. C.

* * * * *

The two volumes of Dr. Covel’s consecutive diary terminate with his visit to Adrianople. There are, however, several smaller diaries of different journeys, which would be too long to insert here. One is thus headed:

_Feb. 16, 1676/7._—OUR VOYAGE TO NICOMEDIA, NICÆA, ETC.

Dr. Covel sailed up the Gulf of Ismidt, and, on arriving at the town of Ismidt (Nicomedia), he was “nobly lodged at the monastery by Greeks”. He speaks in quaint terms of the numerous ἁγιάσματα, or sacred springs, at Ismidt, and describes more particularly one dedicated to St. Anne, and its supposed healing qualities.

“I saw”, he writes, “a man who, last 2nd of February, went to St. Anne’s ἁγίασμα for cure, being full of ulcers, and could receive no benefit otherwayes but washing all over. His ulcers were dryed up in less than a fortnight’s time, which made me reflect upon the story of Naaman.”

“_Feb. 22._ Got to Isnick (Nicæa), which is not now within the walls, a third part inhabited, or filled with houses, most being gardens or yards enclosed with mud walls. I do not remember that I saw one tolerably good house in the town; and most were intolerably bad, little, pittyfull, low, dirty hovels, instead of houses.”

As usual, Dr. Covel’s narrative is full of archæology, and as he only stopped one day at Nicæa, it is marvellous how much he saw and put down.

“If I had had any instrument in the world to have taken a plain angle withall, I should have plotted down everything exactly. Now I have done it by guesse and loose calculation, and let that suffice.”

On his return journey he visited the islands of Prinkipo and Chalcis. He was on this latter on Feb. 25, and visited the celebrated monastery there.

“This monastery about 5 or 6 yeares since, was unfortunately burnt down, and Panagiotes[445] (the late Vizier’s Dragoman), who lyes buryed here, rebuilt it at his own cost.”

“Our first ambassador, Sir Edw. Barton, lyes buried without the outward gate, to the right hand. His armes are rudely done, but I take them to be three stagges heads above. It was cut by a Turk, and thence came all the mistakes in the writing, and at the bottome are three Cypress trees, which are commonly put on the Turks’ tombs.”[446]

On April 2nd, 1677, Dr. Covel left Constantinople for good, and his return journey to England forms another MS. volume. He thus begins it:

“This day, in the year 1638, I was born at two o’clock in the morning, being Monday, and it pleased me to see so many things meet this day, whereby I might reckon it my second birth. Just at two o’clock Antonio called us to go to the Alloy. This day I left Stamboul, which, for many reasons, I may well liken to the prison of my mother’s belly.”

Dr. Covel and Sir John Finch, the ambassador, started together on the _Alloy_, and the new Grand Vizier, Kara Mustapha,[447] came to see them off, and brought them “large quantities of presents, and grand accompaniment.”

The homeward diary is very much scamped and badly written, but there are interesting passages in it. He gives us a good description of Cyzicus and the temple of Nemesis therein, and his account of Mt. Athos is also valuable, though prolix. The ship _Alloy_ then came to the island of Lemnos, “where we lay weather fast.” Dr. Covel here gives us an interesting account of what he saw in connection with the _terra Sigillata_ of Lemnos, the sacred earth with supposed curative properties, a superstition which has survived since the days of Galen, and still exists, so I will give Dr. Covel’s description in full.

“On the side hills, on the contrary side of the valley, directly over against the middle point betwixt this hill and Παναγιά κοτζινὰτζ, is the place where they dig the _terra sigillata_. At the foot of a hard rock of grey hard freestone enclining to marble is a little clear spring of most excellent water, which, falling down a little lower, looseth its water in a kind of milky bogge; on the East side of this spring, within a foot or my hand’s breadth of it, they every year take out the earth on the 6th of August, about three houres after the sun. Several papas, as well as others, would fain have persuaded me that, at the time of our Saviour’s transfiguration, this place was sanctifyed to have his virtuous earth, and that it is never to be found soft and unctuous, but always perfect rock, unlesse only that day, which they keep holy in remembrance of the Metamorphosis, and at that time when the priest hath said his liturgy; but I believe they take it onely that day, and set the greater price upon it by its Scarcenesse. Either it was the Venetian, or perhaps Turkish policy[448] for the Grand Signor to engrosse it all to himselfe, unless some little, which the Greekes steal; and they prefer no poor Greek to take any for his own occasions, for they count it an infallible cure of all agues taken in the beginning of the fit with water, and drank so two or three times. Their women drink it to hasten childbirth, and to stop the fluxes that are extraordinary; and they count it an excellent counter-poyson, and have got a story that no vessel made of it will hold poison, but immediately splinter in a thousand pieces. I have seen several finganes (Turkish cups) made of it in Stamboul; we had a good store of it presented to us by Agathone and others, all incomparably good. We had some such as it is naturally dig’d out and not wash’d. (There is no such chappel nigh as Bel talked of, called Sobiranon, to be found, unless he took Παναγιά κοτζινὰτζ for it.) Thus they take it out: before day they begin and digge a well about 1½ yards wide, and a little above a man’s height deep; and then the earth is taken out soft and loomy, some of it like butter, which the Greeks say, and the Turks believe, is turned out of rocky stone into soft clay by virtues of their mass. When they have taken out some 20 or 30 kintals for the Greeks’ use, they fill it up again, and so leave it stop’t without any guard in the world....

“We came down to a town called Hagiapate, where there is a great large fountain, where they wash and prepare the ἅγιον χώμα (sacred earth) for the Turkish seal. They first dissolve it in water, well working it with their hands; then let the water pass through a sive, and what remains they throw away. They let the water stand till settled, then take of the clear, and, when dry enough, they mould in their hands; and most of this we have is shaped from thence. It is all here white, yet I had some given me flesh-coloured. I enquired diligently about it, and they all told me it came out of the same pit; but I expect some of these fellows have found some other place which they conceal. We had some little quantity given us of several people, but very privately, for fear of the _Avaniás_. Agathone, being the Pasha’s favourite, feared nothing, but gave us at least 20 okes before 20 people. They tell a story that the earth is hollow from the holy well, when dig’d, to the fountain, where they wash it; and that a duck once dived in the water there and was taken up here; but it seemed an impossible thing to me, there being not water enough in the first place to cover a duck, and the water in the bogge so very shallow, and the earth not sinuous.”

* * * * *

Dr. Covel’s remarks on the sacred earth of Lemnos are particularly valuable, as this is one of the clearest instances of a pagan superstition being carried on through the influence of Christianity down to our own times. Pliny mentions it (_Hist. Nat._, 29, 5); also Dioscorides (_De Mater. Med._, 5, 113); and Galen made an expedition to Lemnos on purpose to see it, and gives us an account of it (_De Simpl. Med._, 9, 2, vol. xii). He mentions the disorders for which it was considered beneficial; he also gives us the ceremonies and mode of operation; on certain occasions a priestess of Artemis came, and, after certain rites, carried off a cartload to the city; she mixed it with water, kneaded it, and strained off both the moisture and gritty particles, and, when it was like wax, she impressed it with the seal of Artemis. During the Middle Ages, the reputed virtues of this earth remained unimpaired as a remedy for the plague. Belon saw it in the sixteenth century (_Observations de plusieurs singulaires_, p. 51). Here we have Dr. Covel’s account of it in the seventeenth century. Conze was able to buy specimens of it in 1858; but Dr. Tozer, who visited Lemnos three years ago, writes of it as an expiring superstition. In that year only twelve persons were present at the ceremony; and the Turkish governor, seeing so small a prospect of revenue, has ceased to be present in person. Dr. Tozer could not even obtain a specimen in a chemist’s shop; but the superstitious in remote parts of the island still use it.

Proceeding from Lemnos, the _Alloy_ went to Chios, where Dr. Covel gives us an account of the silk-trade carried on there, and the growth of the mastic, and the _avanias_ thereon imposed by the Turkish Government. “The poor sort of Greek women dayly scold and quarrell, and pull one another’s head gear of,[449] then in a fury run to Turkish justice; and, in conclusion, both pay soundly, though the richest purse always speeds best.”

When passing between Chios and the island of Psara, Dr. Covel tells two curious nautical yarns. “_The Plymouth_, which caryed my Lord Winchilsea to Stambol, passing between these two islands, strook twice or thrice upon a blind rock, and a great peice broke of, and stuck in the keel of the ship, and continued in quite till she returned to England, and was found when she came to be carin’d. The peice is now kept in the king’s closet. Captain Blake told me that a ship coming from the E. Indyes, the Doctor was very kind to a sick mariner, who thereupon made the Dr. his heir; he, tempted thereby, gave him something to sleep, and, taking opportunity, thrust in a small needle or bodkin under his ear, and kil’d him. He was thrown over board, and three days after, sayling with a very stiff gale, they spyed his body floting under the weather bow; as fast as the ship could make way, it kept pace. With wonder they took it up, and, after many consultations, the Captain came himself first and touch’t it; when the Dr. came, the blood spirt out of the dead man’s nose and the wound under his ear, upon him: he confest all, and was brought home and hang’d.”

After rounding Cape Matapan, the _Alloy_ sailed up the Adriatic to Venice, where Dr. Covel stayed some time and crossed Italy and France on his way to England.

“On Monday morning, Jan. 20th, 1679, we got over to Dover in four houres just; that night to Canterbury; next night to London.”

At the end of his _Diary_ there is this curious note on a London fog:—“Feb. 12, 1679, was Black Sunday; so dark about 9 or 10 o’clock for about ½ an hour, as candles were lighted in most churches in London. It is thought it came partly from a misty thick air, partly from a very black, thick cloud, which, being low, hindered in the third place the smoke to rise high, which increased the thickness of the air. I am informed the like hath been often before. Mr. Standish was lighted home with a torch at 3 in the afternoon.”

FOOTNOTES

[1] Queen Elizabeth and Amurath III.

[2] Sequins.

[3] Von Hammer.

[4] Clarke, _Travels_.

[5] Mr. John Chapman was sent out in September 1621, arriving in Constantinople December 12th, with orders for Eyre to return directly and leave Chapman in charge of the Embassy till the arrival of his successor.

[6] Sir Thomas Phillipps was appointed in October 1625 to succeed Roe, but, for some reason, he did not go.

[7] He arrived in Constantinople 13th October 1638, but did not assume office till the middle of 1639, owing to the Grand Seigneur’s absence.

[8] In 1653 Mr. Richard Lawrance was sent out by Cromwell to replace Bendysh, but, apparently owing to the latter’s influence, the Grand Seigneur refused to receive Lawrance, and Bendysh remained as Ambassador till 1661.

[9] Though appointed in 1672, Finch did not reach Constantinople till 1674.

[10] _Carsaye_ = _Kersey_, a kind of stuff. The ordinances for upholding the Levant Company merchants, 9th March 1643, speak of the “venting of Kerseys, sayes (silks), perpetuanas (a stuff so called for its durability), and several other articles.”

[11] Points were laces for fastening up clothes; _e.g._,

“_F._ Their points being broken,—
_P._ Down fell the hose.”

(Shaks., _Hen. IV_, ii, 4.)

[12] Pantables = pantofles. “Swearing by the pantables of Paris.” (Sidney, _Arcadia_.)

[13] The hangers were that part of the sword-belt to which the weapon was suspended. “Sir, French rapiers and poniards, with their assigns, as girdle, hangers, and so.” (_Hamlet_, v, 2.)

[14] _Rosa solis_ = a cordial.

“We abandon all ale
And beer that is stale,
Rosa solis and damnable hum;
But we will rack
In the place of sack
’Gainst _Omne quod exit in um_.”

(_Witts Recreations_, 1654.)

[15] Compostie = compost, a mixture. “Compostes and confites.” (_Babees Boke_, p. 121.)

[16] Algiers.

[17] Asia Minor.

[18] These words are in a later hand.

[19] Virginals were spinetts, so called from being played by young girls. The term “a pair of virginals”, “a pair of organs”, was common, and only denoted one instrument. Cf. the phrases “a pair of stairs”, “a pair of bellows”, still exist.

[20] “The Sleeve” is a literal translation of the French “La Manche”.

“Along the Celtic sea, called oftentimes ‘the Sleeve’.”

(Drayton, _Polyolb._, xxiii.)

[21] Lanneret = a hawk.

[22] Probably the dangerous “Pommier Rocks” in the Casquets.

[23] The captain.

[24] _Dunkirks._ The Dunkirkers were at that time the pirates of the Channel, and their privateers did much damage to English trade.

“This was a rail
Bred by a zealous brother in Amsterdam,
Which being sent unto an English lady,
Was ta’en at sea by Dunkirkers.”

(_The Bird in a Cage_, O. Pl., viii, 267.)

[25] _Carvel_, _caravel_, Italian form of ship in the Middle Ages. Word extant in modern Greek καρὰβι.

[26] Faightes = fightes. Waste-cloths formerly hung about a ship to conceal the men from the enemy. Shaks., _Merry Wives of Windsor_, Act ii, Scene 2: “Clap on more sails: pursue, up with your fights.” Close fights = close quarters.

[27] Bandeleer = leathern cases or belts containing charges for firelocks, used before modern cartouche-boxes were invented.

[28] Chase peeses = chase-guns, which were placed during an engagement at the chase-ports at the bows.

[29] Written on the opposite blank page of the MS. is: “We gave them 3 chase peeces before they woulde strike.”

[30] Drablings = the drabler, or a piece of canvas laced on the bonnet of a sail to give it more drop.

[31] Spardecke. This is a loose term applied to the quarter-deck, gangways, and forecastle.

[32] The paragraphs inserted between brackets are written, in the original, on the opposite blank page.

[33] Tarifa.

[34] Still known as Ape Hill.

[35] Gibraltar.

[36] Ceuta.

[37] Marbella.

[38] Malaga.

[39] Salobreña.

[40] Algiers.

[41] _Assinego_, a Portuguese word to signify “ass”. “Thou hast no more brain than I have in mine elbow; an assinego may tutor thee.” (_Troilus and Cressida_, ii, 1.)

[42] Cf. French, _renier_ = renegade.

[43] Bagno.

[44] Dellys.

[45] Bougie.

[46] Zembra el Jamoor, over against Carthage.

[47] Cape Bon.

[48] Tunis.

[49] Sicily.

[50] Grand Master of Knights of Rhodes.

[51] _Watchet silk_, so called from the colour of the dye of woad, Saxon _Wadchet_.

“Who like a mighty king doth cast his Watchet robe
Far wider than the land, quite round the globe.”

(Drayton, Bk. xx, p. 1044.)

[52] Chios.

[53] Marseilles.

[54] _Saffranee_ = Sovrano, or Windward, the modern Bay of Argostoli in Cephalonia.

[55] Each of the Ionian Islands was governed by a _Proveditore_ from Venice until the downfall of the Republic in 1797.

[56] Castel Tornese.

[57] Pratique.

[58] The γυναικεῖον, or woman’s quarter in a Greek church.

[59] _Vide_ note 3, p. 17.

[60] Easter eggs.

[61] Eggs for a country festivity.

[62] “Many shiftes and subtle traverses were overwrought by this occasion.” (_Proceedings against Garnet_, 1606.)

[63] A game with a beam and sack of sand.

[64] Probably the Strophades, the largest of which is still called Convent Island, and has a convent on it of monks only.

[65] Cerigo, anc. Cythera.

[66] Milos and Antimilos.

[67] Cassos and Carpathos.

[68] _I.e._, the Knights of Rhodes.

[69] Caramania.

[70] Paphos.

[71] Ras el Khanzir.

[72] Dallam’s constant use of the word _butt_ for _boat_ sufficiently explains the following passage in Shakspeare, where _butt_ is supposed to have been a misprint: