Chapter III: Modern Greek Literature (1453-1908) (2)

Yet as Greek religion was always in the service of the state, and the priest a state-official, society was the reverse of theocratic. Secular advance, moral progress and the march of science, could never long be thwarted by religious tradition; on the contrary, speculative thought and artistic creation were considered as attributes of divinity. We may say that the religion of Hellas penetrated the whole life of the people, but rather as a servant than as a master.

Distinct and apart from these public worships and those of the clan and family were the mystic cults of Eleusis, Andania and Samothrace, and the private services of the mystic brotherhoods. The latter were scattered broadcast over Hellas, and the influence of the former was strengthened and their significance intensified by the wave of mysticism that spread at first from the north from the beginning of the 7th century onwards, and derived its strength from the power of Dionysus and the Orphic brotherhoods. New ideals and hopes began to stir in the religious consciousness, and we find a strong Salvationist tendency, the promise of salvation relying on mystic communion with the deity. Also a new and vital principle is at work; Orphism is the only force in Greek religion of a clear apostolic purpose, for it broke the barriers of the old tribal and civic cults, and preached its message to bond and free, Hellene and barbarian.

The later history of Greek paganism is mainly concerned with its gradual penetration by Oriental ideas and worships, and the results of this [Greek: theokrasia] are discerned in an ever increasing mysticism and a tendency towards monotheism. Obliterated as the old Hellenic religion appeared to be by Christianity, it nevertheless retained a certain life, though transformed, under the new creed to which it lent much of its hieratic organization and religious terminology. The indebtedness of Christianity to Hellenism is one of the most interesting problems of comparative religion; and for an adequate estimate a minute knowledge of the ritual and the mystic cults of Hellas is one of the essential conditions.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--Older Authorities: A. Maury, _Histoire des religions de
la Grece antique_ (3 vols., 1857-1859); Welcker, _Griechische
Gotterlehre_ (3 vols., 1857-1863); Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_,
2 vols. (4th edition by C. Robert, 1887), all antiquated in regard to
theory, but still of some value for collection of materials. Recent
Literature--(a) General Treatises: O. Gruppe, "Griechische Mythologie
und Religionsgeschichte" in Iwan von Muller's _Handbuch der
klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_, v. 2. 2 (1902-1906); L. R.
Farnell's _Cults of the Greek States_, 4 vols. (1896-1906, vol. 5,
1908); Miss Jane Harrison's _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek
Religion_ (ed. 1908); Chantepie de la Saussaye's _Lehrbuch der
Religionsgeschichte_ (Greek section, 1904); (b) Special Works or
Dissertations: articles in Roscher's _Ausfuhrliches Lexikon der
griechischen und romischen Mythologie_, and Pauly-Wissowa
_Encyklopadie_ (1894- ); Immerwahr, _Kulte und Mythen Arkadiens_
(1891); Wide, _Lakonische Kulte_ (1893); de Visser, _De Graecorum diis
non referentibus speciem humanam_ (Leiden, 1900). Greek Ritual and
Festivals--A. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen_ (1898); P. Stengel,
"Die griechischen Sacralaltertumer" in Iwan von Muller's _Handbuch_,
v. 3 (1898); W. H. D. Rouse, _Greek Votive Offerings_ (1902). Greek
Religious Thought and Speculation--L. Campbell's _Religion in Greek
Literature_ (1898); Ducharme, _La Critique des traditions religieuses
chez les Grecs des origines au temps de Plutarque_ (Paris, 1904). See
also articles on individual deities, and cf. ROMAN RELIGION;
MYSTERIES; MITHRAS. (L. R. F.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] This has often been explained as a result of _Mutterrecht_, or
reckoning descent through the female: for reasons against this
hypothesis see L. R. Farnell in _Archiv fur vergleichende
Religionswissenschaft_ (1904); cf. A. J. Evans, "Mycenaean Tree and
Pillar Cult," in _Journ. of Hellenic Studies_ (1901).

[2] V. Berard has recently revived the discredited theory of a
prevalent Phoenician influence in his ingenious but uncritical work,
_L'Origine des cultes arcadiens_. M. P. Foucart believes in very
early borrowing from Egypt, as explaining much in the religion of
Demeter and Dionysus; see _Les Grands Mysteres d'Eleusis_ and _Le
Culte de Dionysos en Attique_.

[3] This became very powerful from the 7th century onward, and there
are reasons for supposing that it existed in the pre-Homeric, or
Mycenaean, period; _vide_ Rohde's _Psyche_ (new edition), Tsountas
and Manatt, _The Mycenaean Age_.

[4] See L. R. Farnell, _Evolution of Religion_ (Hibbert Lectures,
1905), pp. 139-152.

GREELEY, HORACE (1811-1872), American statesman and man of letters, was born at Amherst, New Hampshire, on the 3rd of February 1811. His parents were of Scottish-Irish descent, but the ancestors of both had been in New England for several generations. He was the third of seven children. His father, Zaccheus Greeley, owned a farm of 50 acres of stony, sterile land, from which a bare support was wrung. Horace was a feeble and precocious lad, taking little interest in the ordinary sports of childhood, learning to read before he was able to talk plainly, and the prodigy of the neighbourhood for accurate spelling. Before Horace was ten years old (1820), his father became bankrupt, his home was sold by the sheriff, and Zaccheus Greeley himself fled the state to escape arrest for debt. The family soon removed to West Haven, Vermont, where, all working together, they made a scanty living as day labourers. Horace from childhood desired to be a printer, and, when barely eleven years old, tried to be taken as an apprentice in an office at Whitehall, New York, but was rejected on account of his youth. After three years more with the family as a day labourer at West Haven, he succeeded, with his father's consent, in being apprenticed in the office of _The Northern Spectator_, at East Poultney, Vermont. Here he soon became a good workman, developed a passion for politics and especially for political statistics, came to be depended upon for more or less of the editing of the paper, and was a figure in the village debating society. He received only $40 a year, but he sent most of his money to his father. In June 1830 _The Northern Spectator_ was suspended. Meantime his father had removed to a small tract of wild land in the dense forests of Western Pennsylvania, 30 m. from Erie. The released apprentice now visited his parents, and worked for a little time with them on the farm, meanwhile seeking employment in various printing offices, and, when he got it, giving nearly all his earnings to his father. At last, with no further prospect of work nearer home, he started for New York. He travelled on foot and by canal-boat, entering New York in August 1831, with all his clothes in a bundle carried over his back with a stick, and with but $10 in his pocket. More than half of this sum was exhausted while he made vain efforts to find employment. Many refused to employ him, in the belief that he was a runaway apprentice, and his poor, ill-fitting apparel and rustic look were everywhere greatly against him. At last he found work on a 32mo New Testament, set in agate, double columns, with a middle column of notes in pearl. It was so difficult and so poorly paid that other printers had all abandoned it. He barely succeeded in making enough to pay his board bill, but he finished the task, and thus found subsequent employment easier to get.

In January 1833 Greeley formed a partnership with Francis V. Story, a fellow-workman. Their combined capital amounted to about $150. Procuring their type on credit, they opened a small office, and undertook the printing of the _Morning Post_, the first cheap paper published in New York. Its projector, Dr Horatio D. Shepard, meant to sell it for one cent, but under the arguments of Greeley he was persuaded to fix the price at two cents. The paper failed in less than three weeks, the printers losing only $50 or $60 by the experiment. They still had a _Bank Note Reporter_ to print, and soon got the printing of a tri-weekly paper, the _Constitutionalist_, the organ of some lottery dealers. Within six months Story was drowned, but his brother-in-law, Jonas Winchester, took his place in the firm. Greeley was now asked by James Gordon Bennett to go into partnership with him in starting _The Herald_. He declined the venture, but recommended the partner whom Bennett subsequently took. On the 2nd of March 1834, Greeley and Winchester issued the first number of _The New Yorker_, a weekly literary and news paper, the firm then supposing itself to be worth about $3000. Of the first number they sold about 100 copies; of the second, nearly 200. There was an average increase for the next month of about 100 copies per week. The second volume began with a circulation of about 4550 copies, and with a loss on the first year's publication of $3000. The second year ended with 7000 subscribers and a further loss of $2000. By the end of the third year _The New Yorker_ had reached a circulation of 9500 copies, and had sustained a total loss of $7000. It was published seven years (until the 20th of September 1841), and was never profitable, but it was widely popular, and it gave Greeley, who was its sole editor, much prominence. On the 5th of July 1836 Greeley married Miss Mary Y. Cheney, a Connecticut school teacher, whom he had met in a Grahamite (vegetarian) boarding-house in New York.

During the publication of _The New Yorker_ he added to the scanty income which the job printing brought him by supplying editorials to the short-lived _Daily Whig_ and various other publications. In 1838 he had gained such standing as a writer that he was selected by Thurlow Weed, William H. Seward, and other leaders of the Whig Party, for the editorship of a campaign paper entitled _The Jeffersonian_, published at Albany. He continued _The New Yorker_, and travelled between Albany and New York each week to edit the two papers. The _Jeffersonian_ was a quiet and instructive rather than a vehement campaign sheet, and the Whigs believed that it had a great effect upon the elections of the next year. When, on the 2nd of May 1840, some time after the nomination by the Whig party of William Henry Harrison for the Presidency, Greeley began the publication of a new weekly campaign paper, _The Log Cabin_, it sprang at once into a great circulation; 40,000 copies of the first number were sold, and it finally rose to 80,000. It was considered a brilliant political success, but it was not profitable, and in September 1841 was merged in the _Weekly Tribune_. On the 3rd of April 1841, Greeley announced that on the following Saturday (April 10th) he would begin the publication of a daily newspaper of the same general principles, to be called _The Tribune_. He was now entirely without money. From a personal friend, James Coggeshall, he borrowed $1000, on which capital and the editor's reputation _The Tribune_ was founded. It began with 500 subscribers. The first week's expenses were $525 and the receipts $92. By the end of the fourth week it had run up a circulation of 6000, and by the seventh reached 11,000, which was then the full capacity of its press. It was alert, cheerful and aggressive, was greatly helped by the attacks of rival papers, and promised success almost from the start.

From this time Greeley was popularly identified with _The Tribune_, and its share in the public discussion of the time is his history. It soon became moderately prosperous, and his assured income should have placed him beyond pecuniary worry. His income was long above $15,000 per year, frequently as much as $35,000 or more. But he lacked business thrift, inherited a disposition to endorse for his friends, and was often unable to distinguish between deserving applicants for aid and adventurers. He was thus frequently straitened, and, as his necessities pressed, he sold successive interests in his newspaper. At the outset he owned the whole of it. When it was already firmly established (in July 1841), he took in Thomas McElrath as an equal partner, upon the contribution of $2000 to the common fund. By the 1st of January 1849 he had reduced his interest to 31-1/2 shares out of 100; by July 2nd, 1860, to 15 shares; in 1868 he owned only 9; and in 1872, only 6. In 1867 the stock sold for $6500 per share, and his last sale was for $9600. He bought wild lands, took stock in mining companies, desiccated egg companies, patent looms, photo-lithographic companies, gave away profusely, lent to plausible rascals, and was the ready prey of every new inventor who chanced to find him with money or with property that he could readily convert into money.

In September 1841 Greeley merged his weekly papers, _The Log Cabin_ and _The New Yorker_, into _The Weekly Tribune_, which soon attained as wide circulation as its predecessors, and was much more profitable. It rose in a time of great political excitement to a total circulation of a quarter of a million, and it sometimes had for successive years 140,000 to 150,000. For several years it was rarely much below 100,000. Its subscribers were found throughout all quarters of the northern half of the Union from Maine to Oregon, large packages going to remote districts beyond the Mississippi or Missouri, whose only connexion with the outside world was through a weekly or semi-weekly mail. The readers of this weekly paper acquired a personal affection for its editor, and he was thus for many years the American writer most widely known and most popular among the rural classes. The circulation of _The Daily Tribune_ was never proportionately great--its advocacy of a protective tariff, prohibitory liquor legislation and other peculiarities, repelling a large support which it might otherwise have commanded in New York. It rose within a short time after its establishment to a circulation of 20,000, reached 50,000 and 60,000 during the Civil War, and thereafter ranged at from 30,000 to 45,000. After May 1845 a semi-weekly edition was also printed, which ultimately reached a steady circulation of from 15,000 to 25,000.

From the outset it was a cardinal principle with Greeley to hear all sides, and to extend a special hospitality to new ideas. In March 1842 _The Tribune_ began to give one column daily to a discussion of the doctrines of Charles Fourier, contributed by Albert Brisbane. Gradually Greeley came to advocate some of these doctrines editorially. In 1846 he had a sharp discussion upon them with a former subordinate, Henry J. Raymond, then employed upon a rival journal. It continued through twelve articles on each side, and was subsequently published in book form. Greeley became personally interested in one of the Fourierite associations, the North American Phalanx, at Red Bank, N. J. (1843-1855), while the influence of his discussions doubtless led to or gave encouragement to other socialistic experiments, such as that at Brook Farm. When this was abandoned, its leader George Ripley, with one or two other members, sought employment from Greeley upon _The Tribune_. Greeley dissented from many of Fourier's propositions, and in later years was careful to explain that the principle of association for the common good of working men and the elevation of labour was the chief feature which attracted him. Co-operation among working men he continued to urge throughout his life. In 1850 the Fox Sisters, on his wife's invitation, spent several weeks in his house. His attitude towards their "rappings" and "spiritual manifestations" was one of observation and inquiry; and in his _Recollections_ he wrote concerning these manifestations: "That some of them are the result of juggle, collusion or trick I am confident; that others are _not_, I decidedly believe."

From boyhood he had believed in a protective tariff, and throughout his active life he was its most trenchant advocate and propagandist. Besides constantly urging it in the columns of _The Tribune_, he appeared as early as 1843 in a public debate on "The Grounds of Protection," with Samuel J. Tilden and Parke Godwin as his opponents. A series of popular essays on the subject were published over his own signature in _The Tribune_ in 1869, and subsequently republished in book form, with a title-page describing protection to home industry as a system of national co-operation for the elevation of labour. He opposed woman suffrage on the ground that the majority of women did not want it and never would, and declared that until woman should "emancipate herself from the thraldom to etiquette," he "could not see how the 'woman's rights theory' is ever to be anything more than a logically defensible abstraction." He aided practical efforts, however, for extending the sphere of woman's employments. He opposed the theatres, and for a time refused to publish their advertisements. He held the most rigid views on the sanctity of marriage and against easy divorce, and vehemently defended them in controversies with Robert Dale Owen and others. He practised and pertinaciously advocated total abstinence from spirituous liquors, but did not regard prohibitory laws as always wise. He denounced the repudiation of state debts or the failure to pay interest on them. He was zealous for Irish repeal, once held a place in the "Directory of the Friends of Ireland," and contributed liberally to its support. He used the occasion of Charles Dickens's first visit to America to urge international copyright, and was one of the few editors to avoid alike the flunkeyism with which Dickens was first received, and the ferocity with which he was assailed after the publication of his _American Notes_. On the occasion of Dickens's second visit to America, Greeley presided at the great banquet given him by the press of the country. He made the first elaborate reports of popular scientific lectures by Louis Agassiz and other authorities. He gave ample hearing to the advocates of phonography and of phonographic spelling. He was one of the most conspicuous advocates of the Pacific railroads, and of many other internal improvements.

But it is as an anti-slavery leader, and as perhaps the chief agency in educating the mass of the Northern people to that opposition through legal forms to the extension of slavery which culminated in the election of Abraham Lincoln and the Civil War, that Greeley's main work was done. Incidents in it were his vehement opposition to the Mexican War as a scheme for more slavery territory, the assault made upon him in Washington by Congressman Albert Rust of Arkansas in 1856, an indictment in Virginia in the same year for circulating incendiary documents, perpetual denunciation of him in Southern newspapers and speeches, and the hostility of the Abolitionists, who regarded his course as too conservative. His anti-slavery work culminated in his appeal to President Lincoln, entitled "The Prayer of Twenty Millions," in which he urged "that all attempts to put down the rebellion and at the same time uphold its inciting cause" were preposterous and futile, and that "every hour of deference to slavery" was "an hour of added and deepened peril to the Union." President Lincoln in his reply said: "My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or destroy slavery.... What I do about slavery and the coloured race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union ... I have here stated my purpose according to my views of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere could be free." Precisely one month after the date of this reply the Emancipation Proclamation was issued.

Greeley's political activity, first as a Whig, and then as one of the founders of the Republican party, was incessant; but he held few offices. In 1848-1849 he served a three months' term in Congress, filling a vacancy. He introduced the first bill for giving small tracts of government land free to actual settlers, and published an exposure of abuses in the allowance of mileage to members, which corrected the evil, but brought him much personal obloquy. In the National Republican Convention in 1860, not being sent by the Republicans of his own state on account of his opposition to William Seward as a candidate, he was made a delegate for Oregon. His active hostility to Seward did much to prevent the success of that statesman, and to bring about instead the nomination of Abraham Lincoln. This was attributed by his opponents to personal motives, and a letter from Greeley to Seward, the publication of which he challenged, was produced, to show that in his struggling days he had been wounded at Seward's failure to offer him office. In 1861 he was a candidate for United States senator, his principal opponent being William M. Evarts. When it was clear that Evarts could not be elected, his supporters threw their votes for a third candidate, Ira Harris, who was thus chosen over Greeley by a small majority. At the outbreak of the war he favoured allowing the Southern states to secede, provided a majority of their people at a fair election should so decide, declaring "that he hoped never to live in a Republic whereof one section was pinned to the other by bayonets." When the war began he urged the most vigorous prosecution of it. The "On to Richmond" appeal, which appeared day after day in _The Tribune_, was incorrectly attributed to him, and it did not wholly meet his approval; but after the defeat in the first battle of Bull Run he was widely blamed for it. In 1864 he urged negotiations for peace with representatives of the Southern Confederacy in Canada, and was sent by President Lincoln to confer with them. They were found to have no sufficient authority. In 1864 he was one of the Lincoln Presidential electors for New York. At the close of the war, contrary to the general feeling of his party, he urged universal amnesty and impartial suffrage as the basis of reconstruction. In 1867 his friends again wished to elect him to the Senate of the United States, and the indications were all in his favour. But he refused to be elected under any misapprehension of his attitude, and with what his friends thought unnecessary candour re-stated his obnoxious views on universal amnesty at length, just before the time for the election, with the certainty that this would prevent his success. Some months later he signed the bail bond of Jefferson Davis, and this provoked a torrent of public indignation. He had written a popular history of the late war, the first volume having an immense sale and bringing him unusually large profits. The second was just issued, and the subscribers, in their anger, refused by thousands to receive it. An unsuccessful attempt was also made to expel him from the Union League Club of New York.

In 1867 he was a delegate-at-large to the convention for the revision of the state constitution, and in 1869 and 1870 he was the Republican candidate for controller of the state and member of Congress respectively, but in each case was defeated.

He was dissatisfied with General Grant's administration, and became its sharp critic. The discontent which he did much to develop ended in the organization of the Liberal Republican party, which held its National Convention at Cincinnati in 1872, and nominated Greeley for the presidency. For a time the tide of feeling ran strongly in his favour. It was first checked by the action of his life-long opponents, the Democrats, who also nominated him at their National Convention. He expected their support, on account of his attitude toward the South and hostility to Grant, but he thought it a mistake to give him their formal nomination. The event proved his wisdom. Many Republicans who had sympathized with his criticisms of the administration, and with the declaration of principles adopted at the first convention, were repelled by the coalition. This feeling grew stronger until the election. His old party associates regarded him as a renegade, the Democrats gave him a half-hearted support. The tone of the canvass was one of unusual bitterness, amounting sometimes to actual ferocity. In August, on representations of the alarming state of the contest, he took the field in person, and made a series of campaign speeches, beginning in New England and extending throughout Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, which aroused great enthusiasm, and were regarded at the time by both friends and opponents as the most brilliant continuous exhibition of varied intellectual power ever made by a candidate in a presidential canvass. General Grant received in the election 3,597,070 votes, Greeley 2,834,079. The only states Greeley carried were Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Tennessee and Texas.

He had resigned his editorship of _The Tribune_ immediately after the nomination; he now resumed it cheerfully; but it was soon apparent that his powers had been overstrained. For years he had suffered greatly from sleeplessness. During the intense excitement of the campaign the difficulty was increased. Returning from his campaign tour, he went immediately to the bedside of his dying wife, and for some weeks had practically no sleep at all. This resulted in an inflammation of the upper membrane of the brain, delirium and death. He expired on the 29th of November 1872. His funeral was a simple but impressive public pageant. The body lay in state in the City Hall, where it was surrounded by crowds of many thousands. The ceremonies were attended by the President and Vice-President of the United States, the Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court, and a large number of eminent public men of both parties, who followed the hearse in a solemn procession, preceded by the mayor and other civic authorities, down Broadway. He had been the target of constant attack during his life, and his personal foibles, careless dress and mental eccentricities were the theme of endless ridicule. But his death revealed the high regard in which he was generally held as a leader of opinion and faithful public servant. "Our later Franklin" Whittier called him, and it is in some such light his countrymen remember him.

In 1851 Greeley visited Europe for the first time, serving as a juryman at the Crystal Palace Exhibition, appearing before a committee of the House of Commons on newspaper taxes, and urging the repeal of the stamp duty on advertisements. In 1855 he made a second trip to Europe. In Paris he was arrested on the suit of a sculptor, whose statue had been injured in the New York World's Fair (of which he had been a director), and spent two days in Clichy, of which he gave an amusing account. In 1859 he visited California by the overland route, and had numerous public receptions. In 1871 he visited Texas, and his trip through the southern country, where he had once been so hated, was an ovation. About 1852 he purchased a farm at Chappaqua, New York, where he afterwards habitually spent his Saturdays, and experimented in agriculture. He was in constant demand as a lecturer from 1843, when he made his first appearance on the platform, always drew large audiences, and, in spite of his bad management in money matters, received considerable sums, sometimes $6000 or $7000 for a single winter's lecturing. He was also much sought for as a contributor, over his own signature, to the weekly newspapers, and was sometimes largely paid for these articles. In religious faith he was from boyhood a Universalist, and for many years was a conspicuous member of the leading Universalist church in New York.

His published works are: _Hints Toward Reforms_ (1850); _Glances at Europe_ (1851); _History of the Struggle for Slavery Extension_ (1856); _Overland Journey to San Francisco_ (1860); _The American Conflict_ (2 vols., 1864-1866); _Recollections of a Busy Life_ (1868; new edition, with appendix containing an account of his later years, his argument with Robert Dale Owen on Marriage and Divorce, and Miscellanies, 1873); _Essays on Political Economy_ (1870); and _What I know of Farming_ (1871). He also assisted his brother-in-law, John F. Cleveland, in editing _A Political Text-book_ (1860), and supervised for many years the annual issues of _The Whig Almanac_ and _The Tribune Almanac_, comprising extensive political statistics.

The best Lives of Greeley are those by James Parton (New York, 1855;
new ed., Boston, 1872) and W. A. Linn (N.Y. 1903). Lives have also
been written by L. U. Reavis (New York, 1872), and L. D. Ingersoll
(Chicago, 1873); and there is a _Memorial of Horace Greeley_ (New
York, 1873). (W. R.)

GREELEY, a city and the county-seat of Weld county, Colorado, U.S.A., about 50 m. N. by E. of Denver. Pop. (1890) 2395; (1900) 3023 (286 foreign-born); (1910) 8179. It is served by the Union Pacific and the Colorado & Southern railways. In 1908 a franchise was granted to the Denver & Greeley Electric railway. The city is the seat of the State Normal School of Colorado (1889). There are rich coal-fields near the city. The county is naturally arid and unproductive, and its agricultural importance is due to an elaborate system of irrigation. In 1899 Weld county had under irrigation 226,613 acres, representing an increase of 102.2% since 1889, and a much larger irrigated area than in any other county of the state. Irrigation ditches are supplied with water chiefly from the Cache la Poudre, Big Thompson and South Platte rivers, near the foothills. The principal crops are potatoes, sugar beets, onions, cabbages and peas; in 1899 Weld county raised 2,821,285 bushels of potatoes on 23,195 acres (53% of the potato acreage for the entire state). The manufacture of beet sugar is a growing industry, a large factory having been established at Greeley in 1902. Beets are also grown as food for live stock, especially sheep. Peas, tomatoes, cabbages and onions are canned here. Greeley was founded in 1870 by Nathan Cook Meeker (1817-1879), agricultural editor of the New York _Tribune_. With the support of Horace Greeley (in whose honour the town was named), he began in 1869 to advocate in _The Tribune_ the founding of an agricultural colony in Colorado. Subsequently President Hayes appointed him Indian agent at White River, Colorado, and he was killed at what is now Meeker, Colorado, in an uprising of the Ute Indians. Under Meeker's scheme, which attracted mainly people from New England and New York state, most of whom were able to contribute at least a little capital, the Union Colony of Colorado was organized and chartered, and bought originally 11,000 acres of land, each member being entitled to buy from it one residence lot, one business lot, and a tract of farm land. The funds thus acquired were, to a large extent, expended in making public improvements. A clause inserted in all deeds forbade the sale of intoxicating liquors on the land concerned, under pain of the reversion of such property to the colony. The initiation fees ($5) were used for the expenses of locating the colony, and the membership certificate fees ($150) were expended in the construction of irrigating ditches, as was the money received from the sale of town lots, except about $13,000 invested in a school building (now the Meeker Building). Greeley was organized as a town in 1871, and was chartered as a city of the second class in 1886. The "Union Colony of Colorado" still exists as an incorporated body and holds reversionary rights in streets, alleys and public grounds, and in all places "where intoxicating liquors are manufactured, sold or given away, as a beverage."

See Richard T. Ely, "A Study of a 'Decreed' Town," _Harper's
Magazine_, vol. 106 (1902-1903), p. 390 sqq.

GREEN, ALEXANDER HENRY (1832-1896), English geologist, son of the Rev. Thomas Sheldon Green, master of the Ashby Grammar School, was born at Maidstone on the 10th of October 1832. He was educated partly at his father's school, Ashby-de-la-Zouch, and afterwards at Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, where he graduated as sixth wrangler in 1855 and was elected a fellow of his college. In 1861 he joined the Geological Survey of Great Britain, and surveyed large areas of the midland counties, Derbyshire and Yorkshire. He wrote (wholly or in part) memoirs on the Geology of Banbury (1864), of Stockport (1866), of North Derbyshire (1869, 2nd ed. 1887), and of the Yorkshire Coal-field (1878). In 1874 he retired from the Geological Survey, having been appointed professor of geology in the Yorkshire College at Leeds; in 1885 he became also professor of mathematics, while for many years he held the lectureship on geology at the school of military engineering at Chatham. He was elected F.R.S. in 1886, and two years later was chosen professor of geology in the university of Oxford. His manual of _Physical Geology_ (1876, 3rd ed. 1882) is an excellent book. He died at Boar's Hill, Oxford, on the 19th of August 1896.

A portrait of him, with brief memoir, was published in _Proc. Yorksh.
Geol. and Polytechnic Soc._ xiii. 232.

GREEN, DUFF (1791-1875), American politician and journalist, was born in Woodford county, Kentucky, on the 15th of August 1791. He was a school teacher in his native state, served during the War of 1812 in the Kentucky militia, and then settled in Missouri, where he worked as a schoolmaster and practised law. He was a member of the Missouri Constitutional Convention of 1820, and was elected to the state House of Representatives in 1820 and to the state Senate in 1822, serving one term in each house. Becoming interested in journalism, he purchased and for two years edited the St Louis _Enquirer_. In 1825 he bought and afterwards edited in Washington, D.C., _The United States Telegraph_, which soon became the principal organ of the Jackson men in opposition to the Adams administration. Upon Andrew Jackson's election to the presidency, the _Telegraph_ became the principal mouthpiece of the administration, and received printing patronage estimated in value at $50,000 a year, while Green became one of the coterie of unofficial advisers of Jackson known as the "Kitchen Cabinet." In the quarrel between Jackson and John C. Calhoun, Green supported the latter, and through the columns of the _Telegraph_ violently attacked the administration. In consequence, his paper was deprived of the government printing in the spring of 1831. Green, however, continued to edit it in the Calhoun interest until 1835, and gave vigorous support to that leader's nullification views. From 1835 to 1838 he edited _The Reformation_, a radically partisan publication, devoted to free trade and the extreme states' rights theory. In 1841-1843 he was in Europe on behalf of the Tyler administration, and he is said to have been instrumental in causing the appointment of Lord Ashburton to negotiate in Washington concerning the boundary dispute between Maine and Canada. In January 1843 Green established in New York City a short-lived journal, _The Republic_, to combat the spoils system and to advocate free trade. In September 1844 Calhoun, then secretary of state, sent Green to Texas ostensibly as consul at Galveston, but actually, it appears, to report to the administration, then considering the question of the annexation of Texas, concerning the political situation in Texas and Mexico. After the close of the war with Mexico Green was sent to that country in 1849 by President Taylor to negotiate concerning the moneys which, by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the United States had agreed to pay; and he saved his country a considerable sum by arranging for payment in exchange instead of in specie. Subsequently Green was engaged in railway building in Georgia and Alabama. On the 10th of June 1875 he died in Dalton, Georgia, a city which in 1848 he had helped to found.

GREEN, JOHN RICHARD (1837-1883), English historian, was born at Oxford on 12th December 1837, and educated at Magdalen College School and at Jesus College, where he obtained an open scholarship. On leaving Oxford he took orders and became the incumbent of St Philip's, Stepney. His preaching was eloquent and able; he worked diligently among his poor parishioners and won their affection by his ready sympathy. Meanwhile he studied history in a scholarly fashion, and wrote much for the _Saturday Review_. Partly because his health was weak and partly because he ceased to agree with the teaching of the Church of England, he abandoned clerical life and devoted himself to history; in 1868 he took the post of librarian at Lambeth, but his health was already breaking down and he was attacked by consumption. His _Short History of the English People_ (1874) at once attained extraordinary popularity, and was afterwards expanded in a work of four volumes (1877-1880). Green is pre-eminently a picturesque historian; he had a vivid imagination and a keen eye for colour. His chief aim was to depict the progressive life of the English people rather than to write a political history of the English state. In accomplishing this aim he worked up the results of wide reading into a series of brilliant pictures. While generally accurate in his statement of facts, and showing a firm grasp of the main tendency of a period, he often builds more on his authorities than is warranted by their words, and is apt to overlook points which would have forced him to modify his representations and lower the tone of his colours. From his animated pages thousands have learned to take pleasure in the history of their own people, but could scarcely learn to appreciate the complexity inherent in all historical movement. His style is extremely bright, but it lacks sobriety and presents some affectations. His later histories, _The Making of England_ (1882) and _The Conquest of England_ (1883), are more soberly written than his earlier books, and are valuable contributions to historical knowledge. Green died at Mentone on the 7th of March 1883. He was a singularly attractive man, of wide intellectual sympathies and an enthusiastic temperament; his good-humour was unfailing and he was a brilliant talker; and his work was done with admirable courage in spite of ill-health. It is said that Mrs Humphry Ward's _Robert Elsmere_ is largely a portrait of him. In 1877 Green married Miss Alice Stopford; and Mrs Green, besides writing a memoir of her husband, prefixed to the 1888 edition of his _Short History_, has herself done valuable work as an historian, particularly in her _Henry II._ in the "English Statesmen" series (1888), her _Town Life in the 15th Century_ (1894), and _The Making of Ireland and its Undoing_ (1908).

See the _Letters of J. R. Green_ (1901), edited by Leslie Stephen.
(W. Hu.)

GREEN, MATTHEW (1696-1737), English poet, was born of Nonconformist parents. He had a post in the custom house, and the few anecdotes that have been preserved of him show him to have been as witty as his poems would lead one to expect. He died unmarried at his lodging in Nag's Head Court, Gracechurch Street, in 1737. His _Grotto_, a poem on Queen Caroline's grotto at Richmond, was printed in 1732; and his chief poem, _The Spleen_, in 1737 with a preface by his friend Richard Glover. These and some other short poems were printed in Dodsley's collection (1748), and subsequently in various editions of the British poets. They were edited In 1796 with a preface by Dr Aikin and in 1883 by R. E. A. Willmott with the poems of Gray and others. _The Spleen_ is an epistle to Mr Cuthbert Jackson, advocating cheerfulness, exercise and a quiet content as remedies. It is full of witty sayings. Thomas Gray said of it: "There is a profusion of wit everywhere; reading would have formed his judgment, and harmonized his verse, for even his wood-notes often break out into strains of real poetry and music."

GREEN, THOMAS HILL (1836-1882), English philosopher, the most typical English representative of the school of thought called _Neo-Kantian_, or _Neo-Hegelian_, was born on the 7th of April 1836 at Birkin, a village in the West Riding of Yorkshire, of which his father was rector. On the paternal side he was descended from Oliver Cromwell, whose honest, sturdy independence of character he seemed to have inherited. His education was conducted entirely at home until, at the age of fourteen, he entered Rugby, where he remained five years. In 1855 he became an undergraduate member of Balliol College, Oxford, of which society he was, in 1860, elected fellow. His life henceforth, was devoted to teaching (mainly philosophical) in the university--first as college tutor, afterwards, from 1878 until his death (at Oxford on the 26th of March 1882) as Whyte's Professor of Moral Philosophy. The lectures he delivered as professor form the substance of his two most important works, viz. the _Prolegomena to Ethics_ and the _Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation_, which contain the whole of his positive constructive teaching. These works were not published until after his death, but Green's views were previously known indirectly through the _Introduction_ to the standard edition of Hume's works by Green and T. H. Grose (d. 1906), fellow of Queen's College, in which the doctrine of the "English" or "empirical" philosophy was exhaustively examined.

Hume's empiricism, combined with a belief in biological evolution (derived from Herbert Spencer), was the chief feature in English thought during the third quarter of the 19th century. Green represents primarily the reaction against doctrines which, when carried out to their logical conclusion, not only "rendered all philosophy futile," but were fatal to practical life. By reducing the human mind to a series of unrelated atomic sensations, this teaching destroyed the possibility of knowledge, and further, by representing man as a "being who is simply the result of natural forces," it made conduct, or any theory of conduct, unmeaning; for life in any human, intelligible sense implies a personal self which (1) _knows_ what to do, (2) has _power_ to do it. Green was thus driven, not theoretically, but as a practical necessity, to raise again the whole question of man in relation to nature. When (he held) we have discovered what man in himself is, and what his relation to his environment, we shall then know his function--what he is fitted to do. In the light of this knowledge we shall be able to formulate the moral code, which, in turn, will serve as a criterion of actual civic and social institutions. These form, naturally and necessarily, the objective expression of moral ideas, and it is in some civic or social whole that the moral ideal must finally take concrete shape.

To ask "What is man?" is to ask "What is experience?" for experience means that of which I am conscious. The facts of consciousness are the only facts which, to begin with, we are justified in asserting to exist. On the other hand, they are valid evidence for whatever is necessary to their own explanation, i.e. for whatever is logically involved in them. Now the most striking characteristic of man, that in fact which marks him specially, as contrasted with other animals, is _self_-consciousness. The simplest mental act into which we can analyse the operations of the human mind--the act of sense-perception--is never merely a _change_, physical or psychical, but is the _consciousness_ of a change. Human experience consists, not of processes in an animal organism, but of these processes recognized as such. That which we perceive is from the outset an apprehended fact--that is to say, it cannot be analysed into isolated elements (so-called sensations) which, as such, are not constituents of consciousness at all, but exists from the first as a synthesis of relations in a consciousness which keeps distinct the "self" and the various elements of the "object," though holding all together in the unity of the act of perception. In other words, the whole mental structure we call knowledge consists, in its simplest equally with its most complex constituents, of the "work of the mind." Locke and Hume held that the work of the mind was _eo ipso_ unreal because it was "made by" man and not "given to" man. It thus represented a subjective creation, not an objective fact. But this consequence follows only upon the assumption that the work of the mind is arbitrary, an assumption shown to be unjustified by the results of exact science, with the distinction, universally recognized, which such science draws between truth and falsehood, between the real and "mere ideas." This (obviously valid) distinction logically involves the consequence that the object, or content, of knowledge, viz. reality, is an intelligible ideal reality, a system of thought relations, a spiritual cosmos. How is the existence of this ideal whole to be accounted for? Only by the existence of some "principle which renders all relations possible and is itself determined by none of them"; an eternal self-consciousness which knows in whole what we know in part. To God the world _is_, to man the world _becomes_. Human experience is God gradually made manifest.

Carrying on the same analytical method into the special department of moral philosophy, Green held that ethics applies to the peculiar conditions of social life that investigation into man's nature which metaphysics began. The faculty employed in this further investigation is no "separate moral faculty," but that same reason which is the source of all our knowledge--ethical and other. Self-reflection gradually reveals to us human capacity, human function, with, consequently, human responsibility. It brings out into clear consciousness certain potentialities in the realization of which man's true good must consist. As the result of this analysis, combined with an investigation into the surroundings man lives in, a "content"--a moral code--becomes gradually evolved. Personal good is perceived to be realizable only by making actual the conceptions thus arrived at. So long as these remain potential or ideal, they form the motive of action; motive consisting always in the idea of some "end" or "good" which man presents to himself as an end in the attainment of which he would be satisfied, that is, in the realization of which he would find his true self. The determination to realize the self in some definite way constitutes an "act of will," which, as thus constituted, is neither arbitrary nor externally determined. For the motive which may be said to be its cause lies _in_ the man himself, and the identification of the self with such a motive is a _self_-determination, which is at once both rational and free. The "freedom of man" is constituted, not by a supposed ability to do anything he may choose, but in the power to identify himself with that true good which reason reveals to him as _his_ true good. This good consists in the realization of personal character; hence the final good, i.e. the moral ideal, as a whole, can be realized only in some society of persons who, while remaining ends to themselves in the sense that their individuality is not lost but rendered more perfect, find this perfection attainable only when the separate individualities are integrated as part of a social whole. Society is as necessary to form persons as persons are to constitute society. Social union is the indispensable condition of the development of the special capacities of the individual members. Human self-perfection cannot be gained in isolation; it is attainable only in inter-relation with fellow-citizens in the social community.

The law of our being, so revealed, involves in its turn civic or political duties. Moral goodness cannot be limited to, still less constituted by, the cultivation of self-regarding virtues, but consists in the attempt to realize in practice that moral ideal which self-analysis has revealed to us as _our_ ideal. From this fact arises the ground of political obligation, for the institutions of political or civic life are the concrete embodiment of moral ideas in terms of our day and generation. But, as society exists only for the proper development of persons, we have a criterion by which to test these institutions, viz. do they, or do they not, contribute to the development of moral character in the individual citizens? It is obvious that the final moral ideal is not realized in any body of civic institutions actually existing, but the same analysis which demonstrates this deficiency points out the direction which a true development will take. Hence arises the conception of rights and duties which _should_ be maintained by law, as opposed to those actually maintained; with the further consequence that it may become occasionally a moral duty to rebel against the state in the interest of the state itself, that is, in order better to subserve that end or function which constitutes the _raison d'etre_ of the state. The state does not consist in any definite concrete organization formed once for all. It represents a "general will" which is a desire for a common good. Its basis is not a coercive authority imposed upon the citizens from without, but consists in the spiritual recognition, on the part of the citizens, of that which constitutes their true nature. "Will, not force, is the basis of the state."

Green's teaching was, directly and indirectly, the most potent
philosophical influence in England during the last quarter of the 19th
century, while his enthusiasm for a common citizenship, and his
personal example in practical municipal life, inspired much of the
effort made, in the years succeeding his death, to bring the
universities more into touch with the people, and to break down the
rigour of class distinctions.

Of his philosophical doctrine proper, the most striking characteristic
is Integration, as opposed to Disintegration, both in thought and in
reality. "That which is" is a _whole_, not an _aggregate_; an organic
complex of parts, not a mechanical mass; a "whole" too not material
but spiritual, a "world of thought-relations." On the critical side
this teaching is now admittedly valid against the older empiricism,
and the cogency of the reasoning by which his constructive theory is
supported is generally recognized. Nevertheless, Green's statement of
his conclusions presents important difficulties. Even apart from the
impossibility of conceiving a whole of relations which are relations
and nothing else (this objection is perhaps largely verbal), no
explanation is given of the fact (obvious in experience) that the
spiritual entities of which the Universe is composed _appear_
material. Certain elements present themselves in feeling which seem
stubbornly to resist any attempt to explain them in terms of thought.
While, again, legitimately insisting upon personality as a fundamental
constituent in any true theory of reality, the relation between human
individualities and the divine Person is left vague and obscure; nor
is it easy to see how the existence of several individualities--human
or divine--in one cosmos is theoretically possible. It is at the
solution of these two questions that philosophy in the immediate
future may be expected to work.

Green's most important treatise--the _Prolegomena to
Ethics_--practically complete in manuscript at his death--was
published in the year following, under the editorship of A. C. Bradley
(4th ed., 1899). Shortly afterwards R. L. Nettleship's standard
edition of his _Works_ (exclusive of the _Prolegomena_) appeared in
three volumes: vol. i. containing reprints of Green's criticism of
Hume, Spencer, Lewes; vol. ii. Lectures on Kant, on Logic, on the
Principles of Political Obligation; vol. iii. Miscellanies, preceded
by a full _Memoir_ by the Editor. The _Principles of Political
Obligation_ was afterwards published in separate form. A criticism of
_Neo-Hegelianism_ will be found in Andrew Seth (Pringle Pattison),
_Hegelianism and Personality_. See also articles in _Mind_ (January
and April 1884) by A. J. Balfour and Henry Sidgwick, in the _Academy_
(xxviii. 242 and xxv. 297) by S. Alexander, and in the _Philosophical
Review_ (vi., 1897) by S. S. Laurie; W. H. Fairbrother, _Philosophy of
T. H. Green_ (London and New York, 1896); D. G. Ritchie, _The
Principles of State Interference_ (London, 1891); H. Sidgwick,
_Lectures on the Philosophy of Kant_ (London, 1905); J. H. Muirhead,
_The Service of the State: Four Lectures on the Political Teaching of
T. H. Green_ (1908); A. W. Benn, _English Rationalism in the XIXth
Century_ (1906), vol. ii., pp. 401 foll. (W. H. F.,* X.)