Chapter III: THE SOUTHERN ZONE.--Characterized by absence of Cyprinidae and (5)

IGNATIEV, NICHOLAS PAVLOVICH, COUNT (1832-1908), Russian diplomatist, was born at St Petersburg on the 29th of January 1832. His father, Captain Paul Ignatiev, had been taken into favour by the tsar Nicholas I., owing to his fidelity on the occasion of the military conspiracy in 1825; and the grand duke Alexander (afterwards tsar) stood sponsor at the boy's baptism. At the age of seventeen he became an officer of the Guards. His diplomatic career began at the congress of Paris, after the Crimean War, where he took an active part as military attaché in the negotiations regarding the rectification of the Russian frontier on the Lower Danube. Two years later (1858) he was sent with a small escort on a dangerous mission to Khiva and Bokhara. The khan of Khiva laid a plan for detaining him as a hostage, but he eluded the danger and returned safely, after concluding with the khan of Bokhara a treaty of friendship. His next diplomatic exploit was in the Far East, as plenipotentiary to the court of Peking. When the Chinese government was terrified by the advance of the Anglo-French expedition of 1860 and the burning of the Summer Palace, he worked on their fears so dexterously that he obtained for Russia not only the left bank of the Amur, the original object of the mission, but also a large extent of territory and sea-coast south of that river. This success was supposed to prove his capacity for dealing with Orientals, and paved his way to the post of ambassador at Constantinople, which he occupied from 1864 till 1877. Here his chief aim was to liberate from Turkish domination and bring under the influence of Russia the Christian nationalities in general and the Bulgarians in particular. His restless activity in this field, mostly of a semi-official and secret character, culminated in the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878, at the close of which he negotiated with the Turkish plenipotentiaries the treaty of San Stefano. As the war which he had done so much to bring about did not eventually secure for Russia advantages commensurate with the sacrifices involved, he fell into disfavour, and retired from active service. Shortly after the accession of Alexander III. in 1881, he was appointed minister of the interior on the understanding that he would carry out a nationalist, reactionary policy, but his shifty ways and his administrative incapacity so displeased his imperial master that he was dismissed in the following year. After that time he exercised no important influence in public affairs. He died on the 3rd of July 1908.

IGNATIUS ([Greek: Ignatios]), bishop of Antioch, one of the "Apostolic Fathers." No one connected with the history of the early Christian Church is more famous than Ignatius, and yet among the leading churchmen of the time there is scarcely one about whose career we know so little. Our only trustworthy information is derived from the letters which he wrote to various churches on his last journey from Antioch to Rome, and from the short epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians. The earlier patristic writers seem to have known no more than we do. Irenaeus, for instance, gives a quotation from his Epistle to the Romans and does not appear to know (or if he knew he has forgotten) the name of the author, since he describes him (_Adv. haer._ v. 28. 4) as "one of those belonging to us" ([Greek: tis tôn hêmeterôn]). If Eusebius possessed any knowledge about Ignatius apart from the letters he never reveals it. The only shred of extra information which he gives us is the statement that Ignatius "was the second successor of Peter in the bishopric of Antioch" (_Eccles. hist._ iii. 36). Of course in later times a cloud of tradition arose, but none of it bears the least evidence of trustworthiness. The martyrologies, from which the account of his martyrdom that used to appear in uncritical church histories is taken, are full of anachronisms and impossibilities. There are two main types--the Roman and the Syrian--out of which the others are compounded. They contradict each other in many points and even their own statements in different places are sometimes quite irreconcilable. Any truth that the narrative may contain is hopelessly overlaid with fiction. We are therefore limited to the Epistles for our information, and before we can use even these we are confronted with a most complex critical problem, a problem which for ages aroused the most bitter controversy, but which happily now, thanks to the labours of Zahn, Lightfoot, Harnack and Funk, may be said to have reached a satisfactory solution.

I. _The Problem of the Three Recensions._--The Ignatian problem arises from the fact that we possess three different recensions of the Epistles. (a) _The short recension_ (often called the Vossian) contains the letters to the Ephesians, Magnesians, Trallians, Romans, Philadelphians, Smyrnaeans and to Polycarp. This recension was derived in its Greek form from the famous Medicean MS. at Florence and first published by Vossius in 1646 (see _Theol. Literaturzeitung_, 1906, 596 f., for an early papyrus fragment in the Berlin Museum, containing _Ad Smyrn._ iii. fin. xii. init.). In the Medicean MS. the Epistle to the Romans is missing, but a Greek version of this epistle was discovered by Ruinart, embedded in a _martyrium_, in the National Library at Paris and published in 1689. There are also (1) a Latin version made by Robert Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, about 1250, and published by Ussher in 1644--two years before the Vossian edition appeared; (2) an Armenian version which was derived from a Syriac not earlier than the 5th century and published at Constantinople in 1783; (3) some fragments of a Syriac version published in Cureton's edition of Ignatius; (4) fragments of a Coptic version first published in Lightfoot's work (ii. 859-882). (b) _The long recension_ contains the seven Epistles mentioned above in an expanded form and several additional letters besides. The Greek form of the recension, which has been preserved in ten MSS., has thirteen letters, the additional ones being to the Tarsians, the Philippians, the Antiochians, to Hero, to Mary of Cassobola and a letter of Mary to Ignatius. The Latin form, of which there are thirteen extant MSS., omits the letter of Mary of Cassobola, but adds to the list the Laus Heronis, two Epistles to the apostle John, one to the Virgin Mary and one from Mary to Ignatius. (c) _The Syriac or Curetonian recension_ contains only three Epistles, viz. to Polycarp, to the Romans, and to the Ephesians, and these when compared with the same letters in the short and long recensions are found to be considerably abbreviated. The Syriac recension was made by William Cureton in 1845 from three Syriac MSS. which had recently been brought from the Nitrian desert and deposited in the British Museum. One of these MSS. belongs to the 6th century, the other two are later. Summed up in a word, therefore, the Ignatian problem is this: which of these three recensions (if any) represents the actual work of Ignatius?

II. _History of the Controversy._--The history of the controversy may be divided into three periods: (a) up to the discovery of the short recension in 1646; (b) between 1646 and the discovery of the Syriac recension in 1845; (c) from 1845 to the present day. In the first stage the controversy was theological rather than critical. The Reformation raised the question as to the authority of the papacy and the hierarchy. Roman Catholic scholars used the interpolated Ignatian Epistles very freely in their defence and derived many of their arguments from them, while Protestant scholars threw discredit on these Epistles. The Magdeburg centuriators expressed the gravest doubts as to their genuineness, and Calvin declared that "nothing was more foul than those fairy tales (_naeniis_) published under the name of Ignatius!" It should be stated, however, that one Roman Catholic scholar, Denys Petau (Petavius), admitted that the letters were interpolated, while the Protestant Vedelius acknowledged the seven letters mentioned by Eusebius. In England the Ignatian Epistles took an important place in the episcopalian controversy in the 17th century. Their genuineness was defended by the leading Anglican writers, e.g. Whitgift, Hooker and Andrewes, and vigorously challenged by Dissenters, e.g. the five Presbyterian ministers who wrote under the name of Smectymnuus and John Milton.[1] The second period is marked by the recognition of the superiority of the Vossian recension. This was speedily demonstrated, though some attempts were made, notably by Jean Morin or Morinus (about 1656), Whiston (in 1711) and Meier (in 1836), to resuscitate the long recension. Many Protestants still maintained that the new recension, like the old, was a forgery. The chief attack came from Jean Daillé, who in his famous work (1666) drew up no fewer than sixty-six objections to the genuineness of the Ignatian literature. He was answered by Pearson, who in his _Vindiciae epistolarum S. Ignatii_ (1672) completely vindicated the authenticity of the Vossian Epistles. No further attack of any importance was made till the time of Baur, who like Daillé rejected both recensions. In the third stage--inaugurated in 1845 by Cureton's work--the controversy has ranged round the relative claims of the Vossian and the Curetonian recensions. Scholars have been divided into three camps, viz. (1) those who followed Cureton in maintaining that the three Syriac Epistles alone were the genuine work of Ignatius. Among them may be mentioned the names of Bunsen, A. Ritschl, R. A. Lipsius, E. de Pressensé, H. Ewald, Milman, Bohringer. (2) Those who accepted the genuineness of the Vossian recension and regarded the Curetonian as an abbreviation of it, e.g. Petermann, Denzinger, Uhlhorn, Merx, and in more recent times Th. Zahn, J. B. Lightfoot, Ad. Harnack and F. X. Funk. (3) Those who denied the authenticity of both recensions, e.g. Baur and Hilgenfeld and in recent times van Manen,[2] Völter[3] and van Loon.[4] The result of more than half a century's discussion has been to restore the Vossian recension to the premier position.

III. _The Origin of the Long Recension._--The arguments against the genuineness of the long recension are decisive. (1) It conflicts with the statement of Eusebius. (2) The first trace of its use occurs in Anastasius of Antioch (A.D. 598) and Stephen Gobarus (c. 575-600). (3) The ecclesiastical system of the letters implies a date not earlier than the 4th century. (4) The recension has been proved to be dependent on the _Apostolical Constitutions_. (5) The doctrinal atmosphere implies the existence of Arian and Apollinarian heresies. (6) The added passages reveal a difference in style which stamps them at once as interpolations. There are several different theories with regard to the origin of the recension. Some, e.g. Leclerc, Newman and Zahn, think that the writer was an Arian and that the additions were made in the interest of Arianism. Funk, on the other hand, regards the writer as an Apollinarian. Lightfoot opposes both views and suggests that it is better "to conceive of him as writing with a conciliatory aim."

IV. _The Objections to the Curetonian Recension._--The objections to the Syriac recension, though not so decisive, are strong enough to carry conviction with them. (1) We have the express statement of Eusebius that Ignatius wrote seven Epistles. (2) There are statements in Polycarp's Epistle which cannot be explained from the three Syriac Epistles. (3) The omitted portions are proved by Lightfoot after an elaborate analysis to be written in the same style as the rest of the epistles and could not therefore have been later interpolations. (4) The Curetonian letters are often abrupt and broken and show signs of abridgment. (5) The discovery of the Armenian version proves the existence of an earlier Syriac recension corresponding to the Vossian of which the Curetonian may be an abbreviation. It seems impossible to account for the origin of the Curetonian recension on theological grounds. The theory that the abridgment was made in the interests of Eutychianism or Monophysitism cannot be substantiated.

V. _The Date and Genuineness of the Vossian Epistles._--We are left therefore with the seven Epistles. Are they the genuine work of Ignatius, and, if so, at what date were they written? The main objections are as follows: (1) The conveyance of a condemned prisoner to Rome to be put to death in the amphitheatre is unlikely on historical grounds, and the route taken is improbable for geographical reasons. This objection has very little solid basis. (2) The heresies against which Ignatius contends imply the rise of the later Gnostic and Docetic sects. It is quite certain, however, that Docetism was in existence in the 1st century (cf. 1 John), while many of the principles of Gnosticism were in vogue long before the great Gnostic sects arose (cf. the Pastoral Epistles). There is nothing in Ignatius which implies a knowledge of the teaching of Basilides or Valentinus. In fact, as Harnack says: "No Christian writer after 140 could have described the false teachers in the way that Ignatius does." (3) The ecclesiastical system of Ignatius is too developed to have arisen as early as the time of Trajan. At first sight this objection seems to be almost fatal. But we have to remember that the bishops of Ignatius are not bishops in the modern sense of the word at all, but simply pastors of churches. They are not mentioned at all in two Epistles, viz. _Romans_ and _Philippians_, which seems to imply that this form of government was not universal. It is only when we read modern ecclesiastical ideas into Ignatius that the objection has much weight. To sum up, as Uhlhorn says: "The collective mass of internal evidence against the genuineness of the letters ... is insufficient to counterbalance the testimony of the Epistle of Polycarp in their favour. He who would prove the Epistles of Ignatius to be spurious must begin by proving the Epistle of Polycarp to be spurious, and such an undertaking is not likely to succeed." This being so, there is no reason for rejecting the opinion of Eusebius that the Epistles were written in the reign of Trajan. Harnack, who formerly dated them about 140, now says that they were written in the latter years of Trajan, or possibly a little later (117-125). The majority of scholars place them a few years earlier (110-117).[5]

The letters of Ignatius unfortunately, unlike the Epistles of St Paul, contain scant autobiographical material. We are told absolutely nothing about the history of his career. The fact that like St Paul he describes himself as an [Greek: ektrôma] (_Rom._ 9), and that he speaks of himself as "the last of the Antiochene Christians" (_Trall._ 13; _Smyrn._ xi.), seems to suggest that he had been converted from paganism somewhat late in life and that the process of conversion had been abrupt and violent. He bore the surname of Theophorus, i.e. "God-clad" or "bearing God." Later tradition regarded the word as a passive form ("God-borne") and explained it by the romantic theory that Ignatius was the child whom Christ took in his arms (Mark ix. 36-37). The date at which he became bishop of Antioch cannot be determined. At the time when the Epistles were written he had just been sentenced to death, and was being sent in charge of a band of soldiers to Rome to fight the beasts in the amphitheatre. The fact that he was condemned to the amphitheatre proves that he could not have been a Roman citizen. We lose sight of him at Troas, but the presumption is that he was martyred at Rome, though we have no early evidence of this.

But if the Epistles tell us little of the life of Ignatius, they give us an excellent picture of the man himself, and are a mirror in which we see reflected certain ideals of the life and thought of the day. Ignatius, as Schaff says, "is the incarnation of three closely connected ideas: the glory of martyrdom, the omnipotence of episcopacy, and the hatred of heresy and schism."

1. Zeal for martyrdom in later days became a disease in the Church, but in the case of Ignatius it is the mark of a hero. The heroic note runs through all the Epistles; thus he says:

"I bid all men know that of my own free will I die for God, unless ye
should hinder me.... Let me be given to the wild beasts, for through
them I can attain unto God. I am God's wheat, and I am ground by the
wild beasts that I may be found the pure bread of Christ. Entice the
wild beasts that they may become my sepulchre...; come fire and cross
and grapplings with wild beasts, wrenching of bones, hacking of limbs,
crushings of my whole body; only be it mine to attain unto Jesus
Christ" (_Rom._ 4-5).

2. Ignatius constantly contends for the recognition of the authority of the ministers of the church. "Do nothing," he writes to the Magnesians, "without the bishop and the presbyters." The "three orders" are essential to the church, without them no church is worthy of the name (cf. _Trall._ 3). "It is not lawful apart from the bishop either to baptize or to hold a love-feast" (_Smyrn._ 8). Respect is due to the bishop as to God, to the presbyters as the council of God and the college of apostles, to the deacons as to Jesus Christ (_Trall._ 3). These terms must not, of course, be taken in their developed modern sense. The "bishop" of Ignatius seems to represent the modern pastor of a church. As Zahn has shown, Ignatius is not striving to introduce a special form of ministry, nor is he endeavouring to substitute one form for another. His particular interest is not so much in the form of ministry as in the unity of the church. It is this that is his chief concern. Centrifugal forces were at work. Differences of theological opinion were arising. Churches had a tendency to split up into sections. The age of the apostles had passed away and their successors did not inherit their authority. The unity of the churches was in danger. Ignatius was resisting this fatal tendency which threatened ruin to the faith. The only remedy for it in those days was to exalt the authority of the ministry and make it the centre of church life. It should be noted that (1) there is no trace of the later doctrine of apostolical succession; (2) the ministry is never sacerdotal in the letters of Ignatius. As Lightfoot puts it: "The ecclesiastical order was enforced by him (Ignatius) almost solely as a security for doctrinal purity. The threefold ministry was the husk, the shell, which protected the precious kernel of the truth" (i. 40).

3. Ignatius fights most vehemently against the current forms of heresy. The chief danger to the church came from the Docetists who denied the reality of the humanity of Christ and ascribed to him a phantom body. Hence we find Ignatius laying the utmost stress on the fact that Christ "was _truly_ born and ate and drank, was _truly_ persecuted under Pontius Pilate ... was _truly_ raised from the dead" (_Trall._ 9). "I know that He was in the flesh even after the resurrection, and when He came to Peter and his company, He said to them, 'Lay hold and handle me, and see that I am not an incorporeal spirit'" (_Smyrn._ 3). Equally emphatic is Ignatius's protest against a return to Judaism. "It is monstrous to talk of Jesus Christ and to practise Judaism, for Christianity did not believe in Judaism but Judaism in Christianity" (_Magn._ 10).

Reference must also be made to a few of the more characteristic points in the theology of Ignatius. As far as Christology is concerned, besides the insistence on the reality of the humanity of Christ already mentioned, there are two other points which call for notice. (1) Ignatius is the earliest writer outside the New Testament to describe Christ under the categories of current philosophy; cf. the famous passage in _Eph._ 7, "There is one only physician, of flesh and of spirit ([Greek: sarkikos kai pneumatikos]), generate and ingenerate ([Greek: gennêtos kai agennêtos]), God in man, true life in death, son of Mary and son of God, first passible and then impassible" ([Greek: prôton pathêtos kai apathês]). (2) Ignatius is also the first writer outside the New Testament to mention the Virgin Birth, upon which he lays the utmost stress. "Hidden from the prince of this world were the virginity of Mary and her child-bearing and likewise also the death of the Lord, three mysteries to be cried aloud, the which were wrought in the silence of God" (_Eph._ 19). Here, it will be observed, we have the nucleus of the later doctrine of the deception of Satan. In regard to the Eucharist also later ideas occur in Ignatius. It is termed a [Greek: mystêrion] (_Trall._ 2), and the influence of the Greek mysteries is seen in such language as that used in _Eph._ 20, where Ignatius describes the Eucharistic bread as "the medicine of immortality and the antidote against death." When Ignatius says too that "the heretics abstain from Eucharist because they do not allow that the Eucharist is the flesh of Christ," the words seem to imply that materialistic ideas were beginning to find an entrance into the church (_Smyr._ 6). Other points that call for special notice are: (1) Ignatius's rather extravagant angelology. In one place for instance he speaks of himself as being able to comprehend heavenly things and "the arrays of angels and the musterings of principalities" (_Trall._ 5). (2) His view of the Old Testament. In one important passage Ignatius emphatically states his belief in the supremacy of Christ even over "the archives" of the faith, i.e. the Old Testament: "As for me, my archives--my inviolable archives--are Jesus Christ, His cross, His death, His resurrection and faith through Him" (_Philadel._ 8).

AUTHORITIES.--T. Zahn, _Ignatius von Antiochien_ (Gotha, 1873); J. B.
Lightfoot, _Apostolic Fathers_, part ii. (London, 2nd ed., 1889); F.
X. Funk, _Die Echtheit der ignat. Briefe_ (Tübingen, 1892); A.
Harnack, _Chronologie der altchristlichen Litteratur_ (Leipzig, 1897).
There is a good bibliography in G. Krüger, _Early Christian
Literature_ (Eng. trans., 1897, pp. 28-29). See also APOSTOLIC
FATHERS. (H. T. A.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In his short treatise "Of Prelatical Episcopacy," works iii. p.
72 (Pickering, 1851).

[2] _Theologisch. Tijdschrift_ (1892), 625-633.

[3] _Ib._ (1886) 114-136; _Die Ignatianischen Briefe_ (1892).

[4] _Ib._ (1893) 275-316.

[5] But there are still a few scholars, e.g. van Manen and Völter,
who prefer a date about 150 or later; van Loon goes as late as 175.
See article "Old-Christian Literature," _Ency. Bib._ iii. col. 3488.

IGNORAMUS (Latin for "we do not know," "we take no notice of"), properly an English law term for the endorsement on the bill of indictment made by a grand jury when they "throw out" the bill, i.e. when they do not consider that the case should go to a petty jury. The expression is now obsolete, "not a true bill," "no bill," being used. The expressions "ignoramus jury," "ignoramus Whig," &c., were common in the political satires and pamphlets of the years following on the throwing out of the bill for high treason against the 2nd earl of Shaftesbury in 1681. The application of the term to an ignorant person dates from the early part of the 17th century. The _New English Dictionary_ quotes two examples illustrating the early connexion of the term with the law or lawyers. George Ruggle (1575-1622) in 1615 wrote a Latin play with the title Ignoramus, the name being also that of the chief character in it, intended for one Francis Brakin, the recorder of Cambridge. It is a satire against the ignorance and pettifogging of the common lawyers of the day. It was answered by a prose tract (not printed till 1648) by one Robert Callis, serjeant-at-law. This bore the title of _The Case and Argument against Sir Ignoramus of Cambridge_.

IGNORANCE (Lat. _ignorantia_, from _ignorare_, not to know), want of knowledge, a state of mind which in law has important consequences. A well-known legal maxim runs: _ignorantia juris non excusat_ ("ignorance of the law does not excuse"). With this is sometimes coupled another maxim: _ignorantia facti excusat_ ("ignorance of the fact excuses"). That every one who has capacity to understand the law is presumed to know it is a very necessary principle, for otherwise the courts would be continually occupied in endeavouring to solve problems which by their very impracticability would render the administration of justice next to impossible. It would be necessary for the court to engage in endless inquiries as to the true inwardness of a man's mind, whether his state of ignorance existed at the time of the commission of the offence, whether such a condition of mind was inevitable or brought about merely by indifference on his part. Therefore, in English, as in Roman law, ignorance of the law is no ground for avoiding the consequences of an act. So far as regards criminal offences, the maxim as to _ignorantia juris_ admits of no exception, even in the case of a foreigner temporarily in England, who is likely to be ignorant of English law. In Roman law the harshness of the rule was mitigated in the case of women, soldiers and persons under the age of twenty-five, unless they had good legal advice within reach (_Dig._ xxii. 6. 9). Ignorance of a matter of fact may in general be alleged in avoidance of the consequences of acts and agreements, but such ignorance cannot be pleaded where it is the duty of a person to know, or where, having the means of knowledge at his disposal, he wilfully or negligently fails to avail himself of it (see CONTRACT).

In logic, ignorance is that state of mind which for want of evidence is equally unable to affirm or deny one thing or another. Doubt, on the other hand, can neither affirm nor deny because the evidence seems equally strong for both. For _Ignoratio Elenchi_ (ignorance of the refutation) see FALLACY.

IGNORANTINES (_Frères Ignorantins_), a name given to the Brethren of the Christian Schools (_Frères des Écoles Chrétiennes_), a religious fraternity founded at Reims in 1680, and formally organized in 1683, by the priest Jean Baptiste de la Salle, for the purpose of affording a free education, especially in religion, to the children of the poor. In addition to the three simple vows of chastity, poverty and obedience, the brothers were required to give their services without any remuneration and to wear a special habit of coarse black material, consisting of a cassock, a hooded cloak with hanging sleeves and a broad-brimmed hat. The name Ignorantine was given from a clause in the rules of the order forbidding the admission of priests with a theological education. Other popular names applied to the order are _Frères de Saint-Yon_, from the house at Rouen, which was their headquarters from 1705 till 1770, _Frères à quatre bras_, from their hanging sleeves, and _Frères Fouetteurs_, from their former use of the whip (_fouet_) in punishments. The order, approved by Pope Benedict XIII. in 1724, rapidly spread over France, and although dissolved by the National Assembly's decree in February 1790, was recalled by Napoleon I. in 1804, and formally recognized by the French government in 1808. Since then its members have penetrated into nearly every country of Europe, and into America, Asia and Africa. They number about 14,000 members and have over 2000 schools, and are the strongest Roman Catholic male order. Though not officially connected with the Jesuits, their organization and discipline are very similar.

See J. B. Blain, _La Vie du vénérable J. B. de la Salle_ (Versailles,
1887).

IGUALADA, a town of north-eastern Spain, in the province of Barcelona, on the left bank of the river Noya, a right-hand tributary of the Llobregat, and at the northern terminus of the Igualada-Martorell-Barcelona railway. Pop. (1900) 10,442. Igualada is the central market of a rich agricultural and wine-producing district. It consists of an old town with narrow and irregular streets and the remains of a fortress and ramparts, and a new town which possesses regular and spacious streets and many fine houses. The local industries, chiefly developed since 1880, include the manufacture of cotton, linen, wool, ribbons, cloth, chocolate, soap, brandies, leather, cards and nails. The famous mountain and convent of Montserrat or Monserrat (q.v.) is 12 m. E.

IGUANA, systematically _Iguanidae_ (Spanish quivalent of Carib _iwana_), a family of pleurodont lizards, comprising about 50 genera and 300 species. With three exceptions, all the genera of this extensive family belong to the New World, being specially characteristic of the Neotropical region, where they occur as far south as Patagonia, while extending northward into the warmer parts of the Nearctic regions as far as California and British Columbia. The exceptional genera are _Brachylophus_ in the Fiji Islands, _Hoplurus_ and _Chalarodon_ in Madagascar. The iguanas are characterized by the peculiar form of their teeth, these being round at the root and blade-like, with serrated edges towards the tip, resembling in this respect the gigantic extinct reptile _Iguanodon_. The typical forms belonging to this family are distinguished by the large dewlap or pouch situated beneath the head and neck, and by the crest, composed of slender elongated scales, which extends in gradually diminishing height from the nape of the neck to the extremity of the tail. The latter organ is very long, slender and compressed. The tongue is generally short and not deeply divided at its extremity, nor is its base retracted into a sheath; it is always moist and covered with a glutinous secretion. The prevailing colour of the iguanas is green; and, as the majority of them are arboreal in their habits, such colouring is generally regarded as protective. Those on the other hand which reside on the ground have much duller, although as a rule equally protective hues. Some iguanas, however (e.g. _Anolis carolinensis_), possess, to an extent only exceeded by the chameleon, the power of changing their colours, their brilliant green becoming transformed under the influence of fear or irritation, into more sombre hues and even into black. They differ greatly in size, from a few inches to several feet in length.

One of the largest and most widely distributed is the common iguana (_Iguana tuberculata_), which occurs in the tropical parts of Central and South America and the West Indies, with the closely allied _I. rhinolophus_. It attains a length of 6 ft., weighing then perhaps 30 lb., and is of a greenish colour, occasionally mixed with brown, while the tail is surrounded with alternate rings of those colours. Its food consists of vegetable substances, mostly leaves, which it obtains from the forest trees among whose branches it lives and in the hollows of which it deposits its eggs. These are of an oblong shape about 1½ in. in length, and are said by travellers to be very pleasant eating, especially when taken raw, and mixed with farina. They are timid, defenceless animals, depending for safety on the comparative inaccessibility of their arboreal haunts, and their protective colouring, which is rendered even more effective by their remaining still on the approach of danger. But the favourite resorts of the iguana are trees which overhang the water, into which they let themselves fall with a splash, whatever the height of the tree, and then swim away, or hide at the bottom for many minutes. Otherwise they exhibit few signs of animal intelligence. "The iguana," says H. W. Bates (_The Naturalist on the Amazons_), "is one of the stupidest animals I ever met. The one I caught dropped helplessly from a tree just ahead of me; it turned round for a moment to have an idiotic stare at the intruder and then set off running along the path. I ran after it and it then stopped as a timid dog would do, crouching down and permitting me to seize it by the neck and carry it off." Along with several other species, notably _Ctenosura acanthinura_, which is omnivorous, likewise called iguana, the common iguana, is much sought after in tropical America; the natives esteem its flesh a delicacy, and capture it by slipping a noose round its neck as it sits in fancied security on the branch of a tree.

Although chiefly arboreal, many of the iguanas take readily to the water; and there is at least one species, _Amblyrhynchus cristatus_, which leads for the most part an aquatic life. These marine lizards occur only in the Galapagos Islands, where they are never seen more than 20 yds. inland, while they may often be observed in companies several hundreds of yards from the shore, swimming with great facility by means of their flattened tails. Their feet are all more or less webbed, but in swimming they are said to keep these organs motionless by their sides. Their food consists of marine vegetation, to obtain which they dive beneath the water, where they are able to remain, without coming to the surface to breathe, for a very considerable time. Though they are thus the most aquatic of lizards, Darwin, who studied their habits during his visit to those islands, states that when frightened they will not enter the water. Driven along a narrow ledge of rock to the edge of the sea, they preferred capture to escape by swimming, while if thrown into the water they immediately returned to the point from which they started. A land species belonging to the allied genus _Conolophus_ also occurs in the Galapagos, which differs from most of its kind in forming burrows in the ground.

IGUANODON, a large extinct herbivorous land reptile from the Wealden formation of western Europe, almost completely known by numerous skeletons from Bernissart, near Mons, Belgium. It is a typical representative of the ornithopodous (Gr. for bird-footed) Dinosauria. The head is large and laterally compressed with a blunt snout, nearly terminal nostrils and relatively small eyes. The sides of the jaws are provided with a close series of grinding teeth, which are often worn down to stumps; the front of the jaws forms a toothless beak, which would be encased originally in a horny sheath. When unworn the teeth are spatulate and crimped or serrated round the edge, closely resembling those of the existing Central American lizard, _Iguana_--hence the name _Iguanodon_ (Gr. Iguana-tooth) proposed by Mantell, the discoverer of this reptile, in 1825. The bodies of the vertebrae are solid; and they are convexo-concave (i.e. _opisthocoelous_) in the neck and anterior part of the back, where there must have been much freedom of motion. The hindquarters are comparatively large and heavy, while the tail is long, deep and more or less laterally compressed, evidently adapted for swimming. The small and mobile fore-limbs bear four complete fingers, with the thumb reduced to a bony spur. The pelvis and hind-limbs much resemble those of a running bird, such as those of an emu or the extinct moa; but the basal bones (metatarsals) of the three-toed foot remain separate throughout life, thus differing from those of the running birds, which are firmly fused together even in the young adult. No external armour has been found. The reptile doubtless frequented marshes, feeding on the succulent vegetation, and often swimming in the water. Footprints prove that when on land it walked habitually on its hind-limbs.

The earliest remains of _Iguanodon_ were found by Dr G. A. Mantell in the Wealden formation of Sussex, and a large part of the skeleton, lacking the head, was subsequently discovered in a block of ragstone in the Lower Greensand near Maidstone, Kent. These fossils, which are now in the British Museum, were interpreted by Dr Mantell, who made comparisons with the skeleton of _Iguana_, on the erroneous supposition that the resemblance in the teeth denoted some relationship to this existing lizard. Several of the bones, however, could not be understood until the much later discoveries of Mr S. H. Beckles in the Wealden cliffs near Hastings; and an accurate knowledge of the skeleton was only obtained when many complete specimens were disinterred by the Belgian government from the Wealden beds at Bernissart, near Mons, during the years 1877-1880. These skeletons, which now form the most striking feature of the Brussels Museum, evidently represent a large troop of animals which were suddenly destroyed and buried in a deep ravine or gully. The typical species, _Iguanodon mantelli_, measures 5 to 6 metres in length, while _I. bernissartensis_ (see fig.) attains a length of 8 to 10 metres. They are found both at Bernissart and in the south of England, while other species are also known from Sussex. Nearly complete skeletons of allied reptiles have been discovered in the Jurassic and Cretaceous rocks of North America.

REFERENCES.--G. A. Mantell, _Petrifactions and their Teaching_
(London, 1851); L. Dollo, papers in _Bull. Mus. Roy. d'Hist. Nat.
Belg._, vols. i.-iii. (1882-1884). (A. S. Wo.)

IGUVIUM (mod. Gubbio, q.v.), a town of Umbria, situated among the mountains, about 23 m. N.N.E. of Perusia and connected with it by a by-road, which joined the Via Flaminia near the temple of Jupiter Appenninus, at the modern Scheggia. It appears to have been an important place in pre-Roman times, both from its coins and from the celebrated _tabulae Iguvinae_ (see below).

We find it in possession of a treaty with Rome, similar to that of the Camertes Umbri; and in 167 B.C. it was used as a place of safe custody for the Illyrian King Gentius and his sons (Livy xlv. 43). After the Social War, in which it took no part, it received Roman citizenship. At that epoch it must have received full citizen rights since it was included in the tribus Clustumina (_C.I.L._ xi. e.g. 5838). In 49 B.C. it was occupied by Minucius Thermus on behalf of Pompey, but he abandoned the town. Under the empire we hear almost nothing of it. Silius Italicus mentions it as subject to fogs. A bishop of Iguvium is mentioned as early as A.D. 413. It was taken and destroyed by the Goths in 552, but rebuilt with the help of Narses. The Umbrian town had three gates only, and probably lay on the steep mountain side as the present town does, while the Roman city lay in the lower ground. Here is the theatre, which, as an inscription records, was restored by Cn. Satrius Rufus in the time of Augustus. The diameter of the orchestra is 76½ ft. and of the whole 230 ft., so that it is a building of considerable size; the stage is well preserved and so are parts of the external arcades of the auditorium. Not far off are ruins probably of ancient baths, and the concrete core of a large tomb with a vaulted chamber within. (T. As.)

Of Latin inscriptions (_C.I.L._ xi. 5803-5926) found at Iguvium two or three are of Augustan date, but none seem to be earlier. A Latin inscription of Iguvium (_C.I.L._ xi. 5824) mentions a priest whose functions are characteristic of the place "L. Veturius Rufio avispex extispecus, sacerdos publicus et privatus."

The ancient town is chiefly celebrated for the famous _Iguvine_ (less correctly _Eugubine_) _Tables_, which were discovered there in 1444, bought by the municipality in 1456, and are still preserved in the town hall. A Dominican, Leandro Alberti (_Descrizione d'Italia_, 1550), states that they were originally nine in number, and an independent authority, Antonio Concioli (_Statuta civitatis Eugubii_, 1673), states that two of the nine were taken to Venice in 1540 and never reappeared. The existing seven were first published in a careful but largely mistaken transcript by Buonarotti in 1724, as an appendix to Dempster's _De Etruria Regali_.[1]

The first real advance towards their interpretation was made by Otfried Müller (_Die Etrusker_, 1828), who pointed out that though their alphabet was akin to the Etruscan their language was Italic. Lepsius, in his essay _De tabulis Eugubinis_ (1833), finally determined the value of the Umbrian signs and the received order of the Tables, pointing out that those in Latin alphabet were the latest. He subsequently published what may be called the _editio princeps_ in 1841. The first edition, with a full commentary based on scientific principles, was that of Aufrecht and Kirchhoff in 1849-1851, and on this all subsequent interpretations are based (Bréal, Paris, 1875; Bücheler, _Umbrica_, Bonn, 1883, a reprint and enlargement of articles in Fleckeisen's _Jahrbuch_, 1875, pp. 127 and 313). The text is everywhere perfectly legible, and is excellently represented in photographs by the marquis Ranghiasci-Brancaleone, published with Bréal's edition.

_Language._--The dialect in which this ancient set of liturgies is
written is usually known as Umbrian, as it is the only monument we
possess of any length of the tongue spoken in the Umbrian district
before it was latinized (see UMBRIA). The name, however, is certainly
too wide, since an inscription from Tuder of, probably, the 3rd
century B.C. (R. S. Conway, _The Italic Dialects_, 352) shows a final
-_s_ and a medial -_d_-, both apparently preserved from the changes
which befell these sounds, as we shall see, in the dialect of Iguvium.
On the other hand, inscriptions of Fulginia and Assisium (ibid.
354-355) agree very well, so far as they go, with Iguvine. It is
especially necessary to make clear that the language known as Umbrian
is that of a certain limited area, which cannot yet be shown to have
extended very far beyond the eastern half of the Tiber valley (from
Interamna Nahartium to Urvinum Mataurense), because the term is often
used by archaeologists with a far wider connotation to include all the
Italic, pre-Etruscan inhabitants of upper Italy; Professor Ridgeway,
for instance, in his _Early Age of Greece_, frequently speaks of the
"Umbrians" as the race to which belonged the Villanova culture of the
Early Iron age. It is now one of the most urgent problems in the
history of Italy to determine the actual historical relation (see
further ROME: _History, ad. init._) between the [Greek: 'Ombroi] of,
say, Herodotus and the language of Iguvium, of which we may now offer
some description, using the term Umbrian strictly in this sense.

Under the headings LATIN LANGUAGE and OSCA LINGUA there have been
collected (1) the points which separate all the Italic languages from
their nearest congeners, and (2) those which separate Osco-Umbrian
from Latin. We have now to notice (3) the points in which Umbrian has
diverged from Oscan. The first of them antedates by six or seven
centuries the similar change in the Romance languages (see ROMANCE
LANGUAGES).

(1) The palatalization of _k_ and _g_ before a following _i_ or _e_,
or consonant _i_ as in _tiçit_ (i.e. _diçit_) = Lat. _decet_; _muieto_
past part. passive (pronounced as though the _i_ were an English or
French _j_) beside Umb. imperative _mugatu_, Lat. _mugire_.

(2) The loss of final -_d_, e.g. in the abl. sing. fem. Umb. _tota_ =
Osc. _toutad_.

(3) The change of _d_ between vowels to a sound akin to _r_, written
by a special symbol q (_d_) in Umbrian alphabet and by RS in Latin
alphabet, e.g. _teda_ in Umbrian alphabet = _dirsa_ in Latin alphabet
(see below), "let him give," exactly equivalent to Paelignian _dida_
(see PAELIGNI).

(4) The change of -_s_- to -_r_- between vowels as in _erom_, "esse" =
Osc. _ezum_, and the gen. plur. fem. ending in -_aru_ = Lat. -_arum_,
Osc. -_azum_.

To this there appear a long string of exceptions, e.g. _asa_ = Lat.
_ara_. These are generally regarded as mere archaisms, and
unfortunately the majority of them are in words of whose origin and
meaning very little is known, so that (for all we can tell) in many
the -_s_- may represent -_ss_- or -_ps_- as in _osatu_ = Lat.
_operato_, cf. Osc. _opsaom_.

(5) The change of final -_ns_ to -_f_ as in the acc. plur. masc.
_vitluf_ = Lat. _vitulos_.

(6) In the latest stage of the dialect (see below) the change of final
-_s_ to -_r_, as in abl. plur. _arver_, _arviis_, i.e. "arvorum
frugibus."

(7) The decay of all diphthongs; _ai_, _oi_, _ei_ all become a
monophthong variously written _e_ and _i_ (rarely _ei_), as in the
dat. sing. fem. _tote_, "civitati"; dat. sing. masc. _pople_,
"populo"; loc. sing. masc. _onse_ (from *_om(e)sei_), "in umero." So
_au_, _eu_, _ou_ all become _o_, as in _ote_ = Osc. _auti_, Lat.
_aut_.

(8) The change of initial _l_ to _v_, as in _vutu_ = Lat. _lavito_.

Owing to the peculiar character of the Tables no grammatical statement
about Umbrian is free from difficulty; and these bare outlines of its
phonology must be supplemented by reference to the lucid discussion in
C. D. Buck's _Oscan and Umbrian Grammar_ (Boston, 1904), or to the
earlier and admirably complete _Oskischumbrische Grammatik_ of R. von
Planta (Strassburg, 1892-1897). Some of the most important questions
are discussed by R. S. Conway in _The Italic Dialects_, vol. ii. p.
495 seq.

Save for the consequences of these phonetic changes, Umbrian
morphology and syntax exhibit no divergence from Oscan that need be
mentioned here, save perhaps two peculiar perfect-formations with
-_l_- and -_nçi_-; as in _ampelust_, fut. perf. "impenderit,"
_combifiançiust_, "nuntiaverit" (or the like). Full accounts of the
accidence and syntax, so far as it is represented in the inscriptions,
will be found in the grammars of Buck and von Planta already
mentioned, and in the second volume of Conway, _op. cit._

_Chronology._ (I.) _The Relative Dates of the Tables._--At least four
periods in the history of the dialect can be distinguished in the
records we have left to us, by the help of the successive changes (a)
in alphabet and (b) in language, which the Tables exhibit. Of these
only the outstanding features can be mentioned here; for a fuller
discussion the reader must be referred to _The Italic Dialects_, pp.
400 sqq.

(a) _Changes in Alphabet._--Observe first that Tables I., II., III.
and IV., and the first two inscriptions of V. are in Umbrian
character; the Latin alphabet is used in the _Claverniur_ paragraph
(V. iii.), and the whole of VI. (_a_ and _b_) and VII. (_a_ and _b_).

What we may call the normal Umbrian alphabet (in which e.g. Table I.
_a_ is written) consists of the following signs, the writing being
always from right to left: [Symbols: A a, B b, D d] (i.e. a sound akin
to _r_ derived from _d_), [Symbols: E e, F v, Z z, H h, I i, K k] and
g, [Symbols: L l, M m, N n, P p, R r, S s X t] and d, V u and o,
[Symbols: F f, S s] (i.e. a voiceless palatal consonant.)

In the Latin alphabet, in which Tables VI. and VII. and the third
inscription of Table V. are written, _d_ is represented by RS, _g_ by
G, but _k_ by C, _d_ by D, _t_ by T, _v_ and _u_ by V but _o_ by O, s
by S, though the diacritic is often omitted. The interpunct is double
with the Umbrian alphabet, single and medial with the Latin.

Tables VI. and VII., then, and V. iii., were written later than the
rest. But even in the earlier group certain variations appear.

The latest form of the Umbrian alphabet is that of Table V. i. and
ii., where the abbreviated form of _m_ (^) and the angular and
undivided form of _k_ ([Symbols: k not K] are especially
characteristic.

Nearest to this is that of Tables III. and IV., which form a single
document; then that of I. (a) and (b); earliest would seem that of II.
(a) and II. (b). In II. _a_, 18 and 24, we have the archaic letter
_san_ (M = _s_) of the abecedaria (E. S. Roberts, _Int. Gr. Epig._ pp.
17 ff.), which appears in no other Italic nor in any Chalcidian
inscription, though it survived longer in Etruscan and Venetic use.
Against this may be set the use of [Symbol: O] for _t_ in I. _b_ 1,
but this appears also in IV. 20 and should be called rather Etruscan
than archaic. These characteristics of II. _a_ and _b_ would be in
themselves too slight to prove an earlier date, but they have perhaps
some weight as confirming the evidence of the language.

(b) _Changes in Language._--The evidence of date derived from changes
in the language is more difficult to formulate, and the inquiry calls
for the most diligent use of scientific method and critical judgment.
Its intricacy lies in the character of the documents before
us--religious formularies consisting partly of matter established in
usage long before they were written down in their present shape,
partly of additions made at the time of writing. The best example of
this is furnished by the expansion and modernisation of the
subject-matter of Table I. into Tables VI. and VII._a_. Hence we
frequently meet with forms which had passed out of the language that
was spoken at the time they were engraved, side by side with their
equivalents in that language. We may distinguish four periods, as
follows:

1. The first period is represented, not by any complete table, but by
the old unmodernised forms of Tables III. and IV., which show the
original guttural plosives unpalatalized, e.g. _kebu_ = Lat. _cibum_.

2. In the second period the gutturals have been palatalized, but there
yet is no change of final _s_ to _r_. This is represented by the rest
of III. and IV. and by II. (_a_ and _b_).

3. In the third period final _s_ has everywhere become _r_. This
appears in V. (i. and ii. and also iii.). Table I. is a copy or
redraft made from older documents during this period. This is shown by
the occasional appearance of _r_ instead of final _s_.

4. Soon after the dialect had reached its latest form, the Latin
alphabet was adopted. Tables VI. and VII._a_ contain an expanded form
of the same liturgical direction as Table I.

It is probable that further research will amend this classification in
detail, but its main lines are generally accepted.

(II.) _Actual Date of the Tables._--Only the leading points can be
mentioned here.

(i.) The Latin alphabet of the latest Tables resembles that of the
_Tabula Bantina_, and might have been engraved at almost any time
between 150 B.C. and 50 B.C. It is quite likely that the closer
relations with Rome, which began after the Social War, led to the
adoption of the Latin alphabet. Hence we should infer that the Tables
in Umbrian alphabet were at all events older than 90 B.C.

(ii.) For an upper limit of date, in default of definite evidence, it
seems imprudent to go back beyond the 5th century B.C., since neither
in Rome nor Campania have we any evidence of public written documents
of any earlier century. When more is known of the earliest Etruscan
inscriptions it may become possible to date the Iguvine Tables by
their alphabetic peculiarities as compared with their mother-alphabet,
the Etruscan. The "Tuscan name" is denounced in the comprehensive
curse of Table VI. b, 53-60, and we may infer that the town of Iguvium
was independent but in fear of the Etruscans at the time when the
curse was first composed. The absence of all mention of either Gauls
or Romans seems to prove that this time was at least earlier than 400
B.C.; and the curse may have been composed long before it was written
down.

The chief sources in which further information may be sought have been
already mentioned. (R. S. C.)

FOOTNOTE:

[1] A portion of this article is taken by permission from R. S.
Conway's _Italic Dialects_ (Camb. Univ. Press, 1897).

IJOLITE (derived from the first syllable of the Finnish words _Jiwaru_, _Jijoki_, &c., common as geographical names in the Kola peninsula, and the Gr. [Greek: lithos], a stone), a rock consisting essentially of nepheline and augite, and of great rarity, but of considerable importance from a mineralogical and petrographical standpoint. It occurs in various parts of the Kola peninsula in north Finland on the shores of the White Sea. The pyroxene is morphic, yellow or green, and is surrounded by formless areas of nepheline. The accessory minerals are apatite, cancrinite, calcite, titanite and jiwaarite, a dark-brown titaniferous variety of melanite-garnet. This rock is the plutonic and holocrystalline analogue of the nephelenites and nepheline-dolerites; it bears the same relation to them as the nepheline-syenites have to the phonolites. It is worth mentioning that a leucite-augite rock, resembling ijolite except in containing leucite in place of nepheline, is known to occur at Shonkin Creek, near Fort Benton, Montana, and has been called missourite.

IKI, an island belonging to Japan, lying off the north-western coast of Kiushiu, in 33° 45´ N. lat. and 129° 40´ E. long. It has a circumference of 86 m., an area of 51 sq. m., and a population of 36,530. The island is, for the most part, a tableland about 500 ft. above sea-level. The anchorage is at Gonoura, on the south-west. A part of Kublai Khan's Mongols landed at Iki when about to invade Japan in the 13th century, for it lies in the direct route from Korea to Japan via Tsushima. In the immediate vicinity are several rocky islets.

ILAGAN, the capital of the province of Isabela, Luzon, Philippine Islands, on an elevated site at the confluence of the Pinacanauan river with the Grande de Cagayan, about 200 m. N.N.E. of Manila. Pop. (1903) 16,008. The neighbouring country is the largest tobacco-producing section in the Philippines.