Chapter IV: Front Matter (4)

The most striking proof of the virtual unity of the inhabitants of Madagascar is that substantially but one language is spoken over the whole country. The Malay affinities of Malagasy were noted in the 16th century; indeed, the second and fifth books published upon the country (in 1603 and 1613) were comparative vocabularies of these two languages. Later investigations have confirmed the conclusions thus early arrived at; and Van der Tuuk, Marre de Marin and W. E. Cousins have shown conclusively the close relationships between the language of the Malagasy and those of the Malayo-Polynesian regions; similar connexions exist, especially in grammatical construction, between the Malagasy and Melanesian languages. The Malagasy had never invented for themselves a written character, and had consequently no manuscripts, inscriptions or books, until their language was reduced to writing, and its orthography settled by English missionaries. Their speech nevertheless is very full in many of its verbal and other forms, while it also exhibits some curious deficiencies. It is very soft and musical, full of vowels and liquids, and free from all harsh gutturals. Native oratory abounds in figures, metaphors and parables; and a large number of folk-tales, songs and legends, together with the very numerous proverbs, give ample evidence of the mental ability and imaginative powers of the Malagasy.

Native society in Imèrina among the Hòva was formerly divided into
three great classes: the Andrìana, or nobles; the Hòva, freemen or
commoners; and the Andèvo, or slaves; but these last became free by a
proclamation issued in 1896. The Andrìana are, strictly speaking,
royal clans, being descendants of petty kings who were conquered or
otherwise lost their authority through the increasing power of the
ancestors of the reigning family. Their descendants retained certain
honours in virtue of their royal origin, such as special terms of
salutation, the use of the smaller scarlet umbrella (the larger one
was the mark of royal rank), the right to build a particular kind of
tomb, &c.; they also enjoyed exemption from certain government
service, and from some punishments for crime. The Hòva[7] or commoners
form the mass of the population of Imèrina. They are composed of a
large number of tribes, who usually intermarry strictly among
themselves, as indeed do families, so that property and land may be
kept together. The third great division was the slave population,
which since 1896 has become merged in the mass of the people. The
Mozambiques or African slaves, who had been brought from the African
coast by Arab dhows, were in 1877 formally set free by an agreement
with the British government.

Royalty and chieftainship in Madagascar had many peculiar customs. It
had a semi-sacred character; the chief was, in heathen tribes, while
living, the high priest for his people, and after death, was
worshipped as a god; in its modern development among the Hòva
sovereigns it gathered round it much state and ceremony. There were
many curious examples of the taboo with regard to actions connected
with royalty, and also in the words used which relate to Malagasy
sovereigns and their surroundings. These were particularly seen in
everything having to do with the burial of a monarch. While the
foregoing description of native society applied chiefly to the people
of the central province of Imèrina, it is applicable, with local
modifications, to most of the Malagasy tribes. But on the island
becoming a French colony, in 1896, royalty was formally abolished; and
little regard is paid to native rank by French officials.

The chief employment of the Malagasy is agriculture. In the
cultivation of rice they show very great ingenuity, the _kètsa_
grounds, where the rice is sown before transplanting, being formed
either on the margins of the streams or in the hollows of the hills in
a series of terraces, to which water is often conducted from a
considerable distance. In this agricultural engineering no people
surpass the Bétsiléo. No plough is used, all work being done by a
long-handled spade; and oxen are only employed to tread out the soft
mud preparatory to transplanting. The rice is threshed by being beaten
in bundles on stones set upright on the threshing-floor; and when
beaten out the grain is stored by the Hòva in rice-pits dug in the
hard red soil, but by the coast tribes in small timber houses raised
on posts. In preparing the rice for use it is pounded in a wooden
mortar to remove the husk, this work being almost always done by the
women. The manioc root is also largely consumed, together with several
other roots and vegetables; but little animal foods (save fish and
freshwater _Crustacea_) is taken by the mass of the people except at
festival times. Rice is used less by the western tribes than by those
of the central and eastern provinces, and the former people are more
nomadic in their habits than are the others. Large herds of fine
humped cattle are found almost all over the island.

The central and eastern peoples have considerable manual dexterity.
The women spin and weave, and with the rudest appliances manufacture a
variety of strong and durable cloths of silk, cotton and hemp, and of
ròfia palm, aloe and banana fibre, of elegant patterns, and often with
much taste in colour. They also make from straw and papyrus peel
strong and beautiful mats and baskets in great variety, some of much
fineness and delicacy, and also hats resembling those of Panama. The
people of the south and south-east make large use of soft rush matting
for covering, and they also prepare a rough cloth of bark. Their
non-employment of skins for clothing is a marked distinction between
the Malagasy and the South African races, and their use of vegetable
fibres an equally strong link between them and the Polynesian peoples.
The men wear a loincloth or _salàka_, the women a _kitàmby_ or apron
folded round the body from waist to heel, to which a jacket or dress
is usually added; both sexes use over these the _làmba_, a large
square of cloth folded round the body something like the Roman toga,
and which is the characteristic native dress. The Malagasy are skilful
in metal-working; with a few rude-looking tools they manufacture
silver chains of great fineness, and filagree ornaments both of gold
and silver. Their iron-work is of excellent quality, and in copper and
brass they can produce copies of anything made by Europeans. They
display considerable inventive power, and they are exceedingly quick
to adopt new ideas from Europeans.

There is a considerable variety in the houses of the different
Malagasy tribes. The majority of Hòva houses were formerly built of
layers of the hard red soil of the country, with high-pitched roofs
thatched with grass or rush; while the chiefs and wealthy people had
houses of framed timber, with massive upright planking, and lofty
roofs covered with shingles or tiles. But the introduction of
sun-dried and burnt bricks, and of roofing tiles in the central
provinces has led to the general use of these materials in the
building of houses, large numbers of which are made in two storeys and
in European fashion. The forest and coast tribes make their dwellings
chiefly of wood framing filled in with the leaf-stalks of the
traveller's tree, with the leaves themselves forming the roof
covering. The houses of the Bétsiléo and Sàkalàva are very small and
dirty, but those of the coast peoples are more cleanly and roomy.
Among the Hòva and Bétsiléo the old villages were always built for
security on the summits of lofty hills, around which were dug several
deep fosses, one within the other. In other districts the villages and
homesteads are enclosed within formidable defences of prickly-pear or
thorny mimosa.

Apart from the modern influence of religious teaching, the people are
very immoral and untruthful, disregardful of human life and suffering,
and cruel in war. Until lately polygamy has been common among all the
Malagasy tribes, and divorce effected in an absurdly easy fashion. At
the same time the position of woman is much higher in Madagascar than
in most heathen countries; and, the fact that for nearly seventy years
there were (with a few months' exception) only female sovereigns,
helped to give women considerable influence in native society. The
southern and western peoples still practise infanticide as regards
children born on several unlucky days in each month. This was formerly
the general practice all over the island. The old laws among the Hòva
were very barbarous in their punishments, and death in various cruel
forms was inflicted for very trifling offences. Drunkenness is very
prevalent in many parts of the island; and it can hardly be said of
many of the Malagasy that they are very industrious. But they are
courageous and loyal to their chiefs and tribe, and for short periods
are capable of much strenuous exertion. They are affectionate and firm
in their friendships, kind to their children and their aged and infirm
relatives, very respectful to old age, most courteous and polite and
very hospitable to strangers. Slavery had a patriarchal and family
character, and was seldom exercised in a cruel or oppressive way.

The Malagasy have never had any organized religious system or forms of
worship; there are no temples, images or stated seasons of devotion,
nor is there a priesthood, properly so-called. Yet they have never
been without some distinct recognition of a supreme being, whom they
call _Andriamànitra_, "The Fragrant One," and _Zànahàry_, "The
Creator"--words which are recognized all over the island. They have
also retained many ancient sayings, proverbial in their style, which
enforce many of the truths of natural religion as to the attributes of
God. With all this, however, there has long existed a kind of
idolatry, which in its origin is simply fetishism--the belief in
charms--as having power to procure various benefits and protect from
certain evils. Among the Hòva in modern times four or five of these
charms had acquired special sanctity and were each honoured as a kind
of national deity, being called "god," and brought out on all public
occasions. Together with this idolatry there is also a firm belief in
the power of witchcraft and sorcery, in divination, in lucky and
unlucky days and times, in ancestor worship, especially that of the
sovereign's predecessors, and in several curious ordeals for the
detection of crime. The chief of these was the celebrated tangèna
poison ordeal, in which there was implicit belief, and by which, until
its prohibition by an article in the Anglo-Malagasy treaty of 1865,
thousands of persons perished every year. Sacrifices of fowls and
sheep are made at many places at sacred stones and altars, both in
thanksgiving at times of harvest, &c., and as propitiatory offerings.
Blood and fat are used to anoint many of these stones, as well as the
tombs of ancestors, and especially those of the Vazimba. In some of
the southern districts it is said that human sacrifices were
occasionally offered. The chief festival among the Hòva, and almost
confined to them, was that of the New Year, at which time a kind of
sacrificial killing of oxen took place, and a ceremonial bathing, from
which the festival took its name of Fàndròana (the Bath). This
festival is now merged in the French national fête of the 14th of
July. Another great festival was at circumcision times. This rite was
observed by royal command at intervals of a few years; these were
occasions of great rejoicing, but also of much drunkenness and
licentiousness. Since 1868 circumcision has been observed by each
family at any time convenient to itself. It is practised by all the
Malagasy tribes. Funerals were also times of much feasting, and at the
death of people of rank and wealth numbers of bullocks were and are
still killed. Although there was no proper priesthood, the
idol-keepers, the diviners, the day-declarers and some others formed a
class of people closely connected with heathen customs and interested
in their continued observance.

_Industries and Commerce._--The rearing of cattle and the dressing of hides, the collection of rubber and bee culture are important industries. The chief food crops grown have been indicated (see _Flora_), and the gold-mining is separately noticed below. Other industries undertaken or developed by Europeans are silk and cotton weaving and raphia-fibre preparation, and ostrich farming. Sugar, rice, soap and other factories have been established. In 1904 the exportation of straw and other fibre hats began; these resemble those of Panama and promise to become an important item. Tanning bark, coffee and guano are also recent exports.

Since 1862, when the country was thrown open to foreign trade, the growth of over-sea commerce has been comparatively slow. In the early days cattle were the chief export. About 1870 india-rubber began to be exported in considerable quantities, and cattle, rubber and hides continue staple products. Other important exports are raphia fibre and beeswax. Since 1900 gold has become a leading export, the value of the gold sent out of the country in the five years 1901-1906 being £1,384,493. The imports consist chiefly of tissues (mostly cotton goods), breadstuffs and rice, liquors, metal-ware and coal. Better means of internal transport and increased production in the island have greatly reduced the import of rice, which came mostly from Saigon.

Before the occupation of Madagascar by France the duty on imports and exports was 10% _ad valorem_, and the foreign trade was very largely in the hands of British and American merchants. In July 1897 the French tariff was applied and increased rates levied on foreign goods, notably cottons. This practically killed the American trade and reduced the British trade to a very small proportion. In 1897 the British imports were valued at £179,000; the next year, with the new tariff in force, they had dropped to £42,000. The only export duties are: cattle 2s. per head and rubber 2d. per lb.

In 1880-1885 the entire foreign trade of Madagascar, imports and exports, was estimated to be about £1,000,000; in 1900-1906 the volume of trade had increased to a little over £2,500,000 a year. But while from 1900 onwards imports had a tendency to decrease (they were £1,841,310 in 1901 and £1,247,936 in 1905), exports steadily increased, owing to the working of gold-mines. The total value of the exports rose from £359,019 in 1901 to £822,470 in 1906.[1] About 90% of the trade is with France or other French colonies. The remaining trade is nearly all British and German.

Banking business is in the hands of French companies. The legal currency is the French 5-franc piece and the smaller French coins. There was no native coinage, the French 5-franc piece or dollar being the standard, and all sums under that amount were obtained by cutting up those coins into all shapes and sizes, which were weighed with small weights and scales into halves, quarters, eighths, twelfths and twenty-fourths of a dollar, and even reckoned down to the seven hundred and twentieth fraction of the same amount.

_Gold-mining._--Gold-mining has been carried on regularly since 1897,
and by 1900 the value of the ore extracted exceeded £100,000. Reports
of rich discoveries attracted considerable attention in South Africa
and Europe during 1904-1906, but experts, sent from the Transvaal,
came to the conclusion that Madagascar would not become one of the
rich goldfields of the world. The chief mining districts have been
already indicated (see under _Geology_). Rich finds were reported from
the north of the island during 1907, in which year the export of gold
was £320,000. The mines afford a lucrative occupation for some
thousands of persons, and many of the claim-holders are British.
Decrees of 1902 and 1905 regulate the conditions under which mining is
carried on. By decree of the 23rd of May 1907, the radius of the
circle within which claims may be pegged is 2 kilometres (1¼ m.), and
a tax of 5% is levied on the value of the gold extracted.

_Communications._--There is regular steamship communication between
the chief ports and Marseilles, Zanzibar and India (via Mauritius and
Ceylon); and a submarine cable to Mozambique places the island in
telegraphic connexion with the rest of the world. The French have
built carriage roads from the interior to the principal ports as well
as to connect the principal towns. On these roads large use is made of
bullock wagons, as well as carts drawn by men, and women also.
Tamatàve and Antanànarìvo are joined by coast canals and lakes and by
a railway service. Where other means are not available, goods are
carried by canoes, or on the shoulders of bearers along the native
footpaths.

There is a well-organized postal service, and all the towns of note
are linked by a telegraph system, which has a length of over 4000
miles.

_Government, Revenue, &c._--The colony is not represented in the French Chambers, nor has it self-government. At the head of the administration is a governor-general, who is assisted by a nominated council of administration which includes unofficial members. This council must be consulted on matters affecting the budget. In several towns there are _chambres consultatives_, composed of local merchants and planters. The island is divided into _circles_, placed under military officers, and _provinces_, presided over by a civilian. As far as possible in local affairs, each of the native races is granted autonomy, the dominion of the Hòva over the other tribes being abolished. Each province has its native governor and minor officials, the governor being generally selected by popular vote. Each village has an organization (the _Fòkon' òlona_) resembling that of a commune; at its head is a chief or _mpiadidy_, who serves for three years.

+-----------------+---------+----------+----------+
| Exports: | 1901 | 1906 | Increase.|
+-----------------+---------+----------+----------+
| Rubber | £26,679 | £301,518 | £274,839 |
| Hides and skins | 31,548 | 250,339 | 218,791 |
| Gold | 131,987 | 270,613 | 138,626 |
+-----------------+---------+----------+----------+

For Europeans and in suits between Europeans and natives the French
judicial code is applicable; suits between natives are tried by native
tribunals (established 1898) presided over by a European assisted by
two native assessors. These tribunals judge according to native law
and usages, except when such customs (e.g. polygamy and slavery) have
been expressly abolished. Arbitration councils are available
everywhere for the settlement of disputes between native workmen and
their employers. The native laws respecting land tenure have been
improved by the adoption of a method of registration based on the
Torrens system.

Revenue is derived from land, house and capitation taxes, from
customs, posts and telegraphs, ferries, licences and other indirect
imposts. The excess of expenditure over revenue is made good by
subventions from France. A considerable portion of the revenue is
expended on public works. Revenue and expenditure in 1905 were each
just beneath £1,000,000. This is exclusive of the sums spent by France
in the island on the army, and for the naval base at Diégo-Suarez.
There is a public debt amounting (1907) to £4,055,600. As stated in
the French senate (February 1909), everything is taxed in the island;
and no sooner has any enterprise become fairly successful than it is
so heavily taxed as to be no longer worth carrying on, and certain
crops have therefore been destroyed by the colonists who had planted
them. This has been the case with tobacco, sugar, rum, and also in
butter-making, cattle-breeding and other things. Notwithstanding this
taxation, from 1895 to 1908 £12,000,000 was required for Madagascar
from the home government, and the demand is constantly increasing.

_History._--From the earliest accounts given of the people of Madagascar by European travellers, as well as from what may be inferred from their present condition, they seem for many centuries to have been divided into a number of tribes, often separated from one another by a wide extent of uninhabited country. Each of these was under its own chief, and was often at war with its neighbours. No one tribe seems to have gained any great ascendancy over the rest until about the middle of the 17th century, when a small but warlike people called Sàkalàva, in the south-west of Madagascar, advanced northward, conquered all the inhabitants of the western half of the island, as well as some northern and central tribes, and eventually founded two kingdoms which retained their supremacy until the close of the 18th century. About that time, the Hòva in the central province of Imèrina began to assert their own position under two warlike and energetic chieftains, Andrianimpòina and his son Radàma; they threw off the Sàkalàva authority, and after several wars obtained a nominal allegiance from them; they also conquered the surrounding tribes, and so made themselves virtual kings of Madagascar. From that time until 1895 Hòva authority was retained over a large part of the central and eastern provinces, but it was only nominal over much of the western side of the island, while in the south-west the people were quite independent and governed by their own chiefs.

Arab Intercourse and Influence.

While European intercourse with Madagascar is comparatively recent, the connexion of the Arabs with the island dates from a very remote epoch; and in very early times settlements were formed both on the north-west and south-east coasts. In the latter locality there are still traces of their influence in the knowledge of Arabic possessed by a few of the people. But in these provinces they have become merged in the general mass of the people. It is different, however, in the north-west and west of the island. Here are several large Arab colonies, occupying the ports of Anòrontsànga, Mòjangà, Màrovoày and Mòrondàva, and retaining their distinct nationality. There is also in these districts a Hindu element in the population, for intercourse has also been maintained for some centuries between India and northern Madagascar, and in some towns the Banyan Indian element is as prominent as the Arab element. In the early times of their intercourse with Madagascar, the Arabs had a very powerful influence upon the Malagasy. This is seen in the number of words derived from the Arabic in the native language. Among these are the names of the months and the days of the week, those used in astrology and divination, some forms of salutation, words for dress and bedding, money, musical instruments, books and writings, together with a number of miscellaneous terms.

European Intercourse.

The island is mentioned by several of the early Arabic writers and geographers, but medieval maps show curious ignorance of its size and position. Marco Polo has a chapter upon it, and terms it "Madeigascar," but his accounts are confused with those of the mainland of Africa. The first European voyager who saw Madagascar was a Portuguese named Diogo Diaz, captain of one of the ships of a fleet commanded by Pedro Cabral and bound for India. Separated from his companions by a storm near the Cape, he sighted the eastern coast of the island on the 10th of August 1500. That day being the feast of St Lawrence, Madagascar was named the "Isle of St Lawrence," and retained that name on all maps and charts for a hundred years. The Portuguese gave names to most of the capes, but made no persistent attempts at colonization. After them the Dutch endeavoured, but with little success, to form colonies; and in the time of Charles I. proposals were made to form an English "plantation," but these were never carried into effect, although for a short time there was a settlement formed on the south-west coast. In the latter part of the 17th and during most of the 18th century the French attempted to establish military positions on the east coast. For some time they held the extreme south-east point of the island at Fort Dauphin; but several of their commandants were so incapable and tyrannical that they were frequently involved in war with the people, and more than once their stations were destroyed and the French were massacred. Early in the 19th century all their positions on the mainland were relinquished, and they retained nothing but the island of Ste Marie on the east coast. In 1811 Tamatàve had been occupied by British troops, and the Treaty of Paris of 1814 recognized as British the "French settlements in Madagascar," but as a matter of fact France had then no settlements on the mainland. The then governor of Mauritius, Sir Robert Farquhar, endeavoured to prosecute British claims and obtained a cession of Diégo-Suarez Bay. These claims were not backed up by the home government, and a little later the policy was adopted by Great Britain of supporting the Hòva authority.

Radàma I.

Introduction of Christianity.

The political history of Madagascar as a whole may be said to date from the reign of Radàma I. (1810-1828). He was a man much in advance of his age--shrewd, enterprising, and undeterred by difficulty--a kind of Peter the Great of his time. He saw that it was necessary for his people to be educated and civilized if the country was to progress; and making a treaty with the governor of Mauritius to abolish the export of slaves, he received every year in compensation a subsidy of arms, ammunition, and uniforms, as well as English training for his troops. He was thus enabled to establish his authority over a large portion of the island. For some years a British agent, Mr Hastie, resided at Radàma's court, and exercised a powerful influence over the king, doing much for the material advance of the country. At the same period (1820) Christian teaching was commenced in the capital by the London Missionary Society, and by its missionaries the language was reduced to a systematic written form, and the art of printing introduced; books were prepared, the Scriptures were translated, numerous schools were formed, and several Christian congregations were gathered together. The knowledge of many of the useful arts was also imparted, and many valuable natural productions were discovered. The power of superstition was greatly broken, a result partly due to the keen good sense of the king, but chiefly to the spread of knowledge and religious teaching.

Rànavàlona I.

The bright prospects thus opening up were clouded by the death of Radàma at the age of thirty-six, and the seizure of the royal authority by one of his wives, the Princess Rànavàlona. She looked with much suspicion upon the ideas then gaining power among many of her people, and determined to strike a decisive blow at the new teaching. In 1835 the profession of the Christian religion was declared illegal; all worship was to cease, and all religious books were ordered to be given up. By the middle of 1836 all the English missionaries were obliged to leave the island, and for twenty-five years the most strenuous efforts were made by the queen and her government to suppress all opposition to her commands. This, however, only served to show in a very remarkable manner the courage and faith of the Christian Malagasy, of whom about two hundred suffered death in various cruel forms, while many hundreds were punished more or less severely by fine, degradation, imprisonment and slavery. During the queen's reign the political condition of the country was deplorable; there were frequent rebellions, many of the distant provinces were desolated by barbarous wars; and for some years all Europeans were excluded, and foreign commerce almost ceased. This last circumstance was partly owing to an ill-managed attack upon Tamatàve in 1846 by a combined British and French force, made to redress the wrongs inflicted upon the foreign traders of that port. But for the leaven of Christianity and education which had been introduced into the country it would have reverted to a state of barbarism.

Radàma II.

This reign of terror was brought to a close in 1861 by the death of the queen and the accession of her son Radàma II. The island was reopened to European trade, and missionary efforts were recommenced. A determined attempt was made by some Frenchmen to gain for their country an overwhelming influence by means of a treaty which they induced the king to sign. But this act, as well as the vices and insane follies into which he was led by worthless foreign and native favourites, soon brought his reign and his life to an end. He was put to death in his palace (1863) and his wife was placed on the throne. The new sovereign and her government refused to ratify the agreement which had been illegally obtained, choosing rather to pay a million francs as compensation to the French company. During the five years' reign of Queen Rasohérina, quiet and steady advances were made in civilization and education, and treaties were concluded with the British, French and American governments.

Rànavàlona II.

At the death of Rasohérina in 1868, she was succeeded by her cousin, Rànavàlona II. One of the first acts of the new queen was the public recognition of Christianity; and very soon afterwards she and her husband, the prime minister, were baptized, and the erection of a chapel royal was commenced in the palace yard. These acts were followed in the succeeding year by the burning of the royal idols, and immediately afterwards by the destruction of the idols throughout the central provinces, the people generally putting themselves under Christian instruction. From that time education and enlightenment made great progress, chiefly through the labours of missionaries of various societies.

Native Government.

The native Malagasy government, though theoretically despotic, was limited in various ways. Radàma I. and Rànavàlona I. were much more absolute sovereigns than those before or after them, but even they were largely restrained by public opinion. New laws were announced at large assemblies of the people, whose consent was asked, and always given through the headmen of the different divisions of native society; this custom was no doubt a survival from a time when the popular assent was not a merely formal act. The large disciplined army formed by Radàma I. aided much in changing what was formerly a somewhat limited monarchy into an absolute one. The Hòva queen's authority was maintained over the central and eastern portions of Madagascar, and at almost all the ports, by governors appointed by the queen, and supported by small garrisons of Hòva troops. At the same time the chiefs of the various tribes were left in possession of a good deal of their former honours and influence. Rànavàlona II., her predecessor and her successor were successively married to the prime minister, Ràinilaiàrivòny, a man of great ability and sagacity, who, by his position as husband and chief adviser of the sovereign, became virtual ruler of the country. Chiefly owing to his influence, many measures tending to improve the administration were introduced. The Hòva army was estimated at from 30,000 to 40,000 men, several English non-commissioned officers and, latterly, others of higher rank being engaged to train them in European methods. Revenue was derived from customs duties, firstfruits, fines and confiscation of offenders' property, and a money offering called _hàsina_, presented on a great variety of occasions both to the sovereign in person and to her representatives; and these were supplemented by "benevolences" (in the medieval sense of the word) levied upon the people for occasional state necessities. The government also claimed the unpaid service of all classes of the community for every kind of public work.

Foreign Relations.

The Hòva government aspired to have Madagascar recognized as an independent civilized state, and consuls appointed by the British, French and American governments were accredited to the Malagasy sovereign, the queen having a consul in England, and a consular agent at Mauritius. The treaty with Great Britain, concluded in 1865, gave the consuls of that nation jurisdiction over the British subjects in the island. At this period, on the initiative of the 4th earl of Clarendon, then foreign secretary, an understanding was come to between the British and French governments by which it was agreed that each power should respect the independence of Madagascar; and the future of the country appeared to be bound up in the gradual consolidation of the central Hòva authority over the whole island. While this prospect would have satisfied the British interests in the island, it was otherwise with the French. The tradition of their former settlements in and influence over the island was strong; in 1840 they had taken under their protection the Sàkalàva ruler of the small island of Nossi-bé, off the north-west coast, and in virtue of that act claimed a vague protectorate over the adjacent shores of the mainland. A treaty, concluded in 1868, while establishing French consular jurisdiction in Madagascar, recognized Rànavàlona II. as queen of Madagascar, and under the Second Empire attempts to establish French political influence were discouraged, and even as late as 1872 the subsidy enjoyed by the Jesuit missionaries was withdrawn. In 1878 the French consul, Laborde, died, and a dispute arose as to the disposal of his property. This dispute was the occasion of further intervention on the part of the French, for the Paris government supported the claims of Laborde's heirs, and revived their claim to a protectorate over the Sàkalàva of the north-west coast, as based on their agreement with them in 1840, ceding Nossi-bé to France. A policy of colonial expansion generally, and in Africa in particular at this time, was manifest in France, as in other European countries, and the French claims on the Hòva were pressed with vigour.

Franco-Malagasy War of 1883-85.

French Protectorate, 1885-1894.

French Invasion and Conquest, 1895.

Towards the middle of 1882 the relations between the native government and that of France became much strained, and to settle, if possible, these causes of dispute, two Hòva officers of high rank were sent to France as ambassadors, but as they were not authorized to concede any territory, their visit accomplished very little. Treaties had been concluded with Great Britain, Germany and America, giving improved facilities for trade with Madagascar, but before the return of the envoys matters had come to a crisis in the island. In May 1883 an ultimatum was sent to the Malagasy queen, requiring immediate compliance with the demands of France; and as these were refused by the Hòva government, Tamatàve was bombarded by a French squadron and then occupied by the marines. The war continued in a desultory fashion for many months; but no serious attempt was made to invade the interior; and in 1885 terms of peace were agreed to. By a treaty signed on the 17th of December it was agreed that the foreign relations of Madagascar should be directed by France; that a resident should live at the capital, with a small guard of French soldiers; and that the Bay of Diégo-Suarez, together with surrounding territory, should be ceded to France. The word "protectorate" was carefully excluded from the treaty, although doubtless the French envoys intended that this should be its practical issue. It was at the same time agreed that there should be no foreign interference with the internal government of the country, and that the queen should retain her former position, with all its honours and dignity. It should be here noticed that the queen, Rànavàlona II., died just at the beginning of the war, on the 13th of July 1883, and was succeeded by her niece, Princess Razàfindrahèty, under the title of Rànavàlona III., who maintained the same policy as her predecessor, and was much beloved by her people and respected by all. Several French residents successively represented France at Antanànarìvo; but these found themselves unable to obtain that influence which the home authorities thought they had a right to demand. Although the British government, in return for concessions in Zanzibar, had consented, in 1890, to recognize a French protectorate over Madagascar, the Malagasy prime minister, Ràinilaiàrivòny, was not disposed to give any advantage to France and continued to arm and train, by the help of British officers, a large body of native soldiers. This state of tension and irritation could not last, and at length, towards the close of 1894, the French government sent an ultimatum to the Malagasy sovereign, demanding such powers as would have made French authority supreme in the island. These demands were refused by the native government, and other conditions were offered; but the French envoy, together with the resident's escort, left the capital, as also did the French traders and others, including the large Jesuit mission. As soon as these had left the island, the chief ports were occupied by French troops, and an expeditionary force under General Duchesne was afterwards landed on the north-west coast at Mòjangà--commonly, but incorrectly, written Majunga--with the object of breaking the Hòva authority. Owing to the necessity of making a road for the passage of artillery and military stores, many months were spent on the march into the interior, and there was considerable loss of life by fever and other disease among the invading troops. But no effectual resistance was made by the Malagasy, and at length, on the 30th of September 1895, the French forces appeared on the heights north and east of Antanànarìvo, bombarded the city, which surrendered in the afternoon, and on the evening of the same day the French entered the capital.

Rebellion of 1896, and Gradual Subjection of the Malagasy.

The result was that the protectorate of France was re-established in the central provinces, but the queen was allowed to retain her position. Early in 1896, however, a serious rebellion broke out in several parts of Imèrina. This movement was not only anti-French and anti-foreign, but also distinctly anti-Christian. The French troops gradually broke up the power of the rebellion in the central provinces, but as there appeared to be considerable unrest in many other parts of the island, General Gallieni, an officer with a reputation for vigour and ability in the Sudan and Tongking campaigns, was sent out to relieve the then resident-general.

Administration of General Gallieni.

General Gallieni had a difficult task in establishing the authority of France throughout the island among numbers of tribes who had never submitted to any control from others. Among the first steps he took were to put the country under martial law, to abolish royalty and all semblance of Hòva government, and to declare Madagascar to be henceforth a colony of France. Queen Rànavàlona III. was exiled to Réunion, and subsequently to Algeria. Meanwhile carriage roads were commenced to connect all the chief centres, and the military posts were gradually extended so as to consolidate French rule over all the outlying tribes. French residents and numerous other officials were placed at every important town, and various projects were started for the civilization of the Malagasy in accordance with French ideas. At the close of 1899, General Gallieni was able to report that only portions of the west and south-west remained to be brought into submission. Not long afterwards the authority of France was recognized throughout the island. General Gallieni, whose firm and vigorous administration, and desire to treat the Malagasy justly and kindly, made him liked by the people, retired in 1905, and was succeeded in that office by M. Victor Augagneur, late mayor of Lyons. Since the French occupation the Malagasy have conformed pretty readily to the new order of things, although many of the most intelligent Hòva deeply regret that their country did not retain its independence. Justice is administered, on the whole, with fairness and impartiality; but the taxation seems too heavy for the means of the people, indeed it is affirmed by trustworthy natives that the well-to-do classes are being gradually drained of their property. To an outsider it also appears that the staff of officials is very largely in excess of any real needs of administration; several monopolies, which interfere with the habits of the people, tend to produce discontent; and the taking of their land and houses for public works, roads, &c., while but a mere fraction of their real value is allowed as compensation, does not help to increase their acquiescence in foreign control. But the most serious cause for dislike to government action was the interference by the governor-general, in 1907, with their religious customs, by the suppression of hundreds of their congregational schools, and the closing of numbers of their churches. In July 1910 M. Augagneur was replaced as governor-general by N. Picquié, a prominent official of the Colonial Department, who had previously served with acceptance as deputy governor-general of French Indo-China, and who had a reputation for tact and impartiality.

_Christian Missions and Education._--As already noticed, the Malagasy
owe to missionaries of the London Missionary Society their first
school system and their first literature, in 1820 and subsequent
years;[8] and for fifteen years all educational work was carried on by
them, some 10,000 to 12,000 children having been instructed in their
schools. On the reopening of the country to Europeans in 1862, the
L.M.S. mission was resumed and was carried on with vigour for several
years, stations being formed in several parts of Imèrina, in the
Bétsiléo and Antsihànaka provinces, and at the ports of Tamatàve,
Majunga and Fàrafangàna (south-east coast). In 1890 the number of
their churches was 1220; adherents, 248,000; and scholars, 68,000; so
that for long the greater part of the educational work was in their
hands, carried on not only in primary schools, but also in high
schools and colleges. In 1863 the Church of England began work in the
island through the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel and the
Church Missionary Society. After some time, however, the latter
society withdrew, leaving the field to the S.P.G. A bishop is
stationed in the capital, with a theological college in its
neighbourhood, but the chief work of the Anglican mission is on the
east coast. In 1866 the Norwegian Lutheran Society began work in
Madagascar, and was joined in 1888 by an American Lutheran Society.
With a representative church at the capital, the chief work of these
missions is in the Vàkinankàratra district (south-west of Imèrina), in
the Bétsiléo province, and on the south-east and south-west coasts; in
these places they have a large number of converts and (until lately)
schools. In 1867 a mission was begun by the Society of Friends, who
gave great attention to education and literary work, and afterwards
took up as their field of labour the western and south-western parts
of Imèrina, where they have a large and well-organized mission.
Immediately after the island became a French possession the French
Protestant Churches began (in 1896) to take part in the evangelizing
of their new colony, and about half the area for long occupied by the
London Missionary Society was transferred to the Paris Society. The
bulk of the Malagasy Christians are Protestants, probably
three-fourths or four-fifths of those professing Christianity. A Roman
Catholic (Jesuit) mission was begun in 1861, and a large force of
priests with a bishop and lay brethren and sisters engaged in
education, have been at work in the island since then, except during
the two Franco-Malagasy wars.[9] Since the French conquest, the north
of the island has been occupied by a mission of priests of the Saint
Esprit, and the southern portion by the Lazarist mission, each with a
bishop at its head. The following table gives the statistics of the
various Protestant missions at the close of 1906:--

+-------------------+------------+--------+---------+--------+--------+
| Mission |Missionaries|Churches|Adherents| Members|Scholars|
+-------------------+------------+--------+---------+--------+--------+
| Lond. Miss. Soc. | 25 | 630 | 120,000 | 32,000 | 27,000 |
| Soc. Prop. Gospel.| 15 | 121 | 13,000 | 4,094 | 7,655 |
| Norweg. Luth. | 60 | 892 | 84,000 | 71,500 | 38,000 |
| Am. Luth. | 14 | ? | ? | ? | ? |
| Soc. of Friends. | 27 | 178 | 15,000 | 2,540 | 7,122 |
| French Prot. Miss.| 29 | 491 | 110,660 | 10,500 | 18,200 |
+-------------------+------------+--------+---------+--------+--------+

Since 1897 high schools, and medical and technical schools, and a few
primary schools, have been formed by the French government; and all
other schools have been placed under regulations issued by an
educational department, the scholars being required to learn the
French language; but until the end of 1906 the bulk of the educational
work was carried on by the various missions. At that date the
anti-clerical movement in France began to affect Madagascar. In all
the missions the churches had, in the vast majority of cases, been
used as school-houses, but in November 1906 it was strictly forbidden
to use churches for educational purposes after two months from that
date; and the effect of the decree, with other provisions, was to
close hundreds of schools, probably three-fourths of the whole number.

For many years (1862-1896), all medical aid to the sick, the formation
of hospitals and dispensaries, the training of native doctors,
midwives and nurses, and the production of medical literature was
entirely due to the Protestant missionaries, viz. the London
Missionary Society, the Friends and the Norwegians. Numbers of young
men received a full course of medical and surgical training, and were
awarded diplomas after passing strict examinations. This work is now
mostly in charge of a government department, and mission medical work
is much restricted; but for thirty-five years the Malagasy owed all
such help to the benevolence of European Christians. Besides care for
the sick in ordinary diseases, asylums for lepers were for many years
carried on; two by the London Missionary Society, one, a large one,
with 800 or 900 inmates, by the Norwegian Society, and another by the
Roman Catholic mission. This last, with one of those of the L.M.S., is
now taken over by the government.

AUTHORITIES.--As regards the scientific aspects of the country, almost
everything of value in previous books and papers is included in the
magnificent work (1882 et seq.), in 28 4to vols., by Alfred
Grandidier, entitled _Histoire naturelle, physique, et politique de
Madagascar_. Many of the volumes consist of coloured lithograph plates
illustrating the natural history of the country, as well as atlases of
maps from the earliest period.

_General_: Étienne de Flacourt, _Histoire de la grande isle
Madagascar_ (Paris, 1658); _Madagascar, or Robert Drury's Journal
during Fifteen Years' Captivity on that Island_ (London, 1729; new
ed., 1890); _Voyages et mémoires de Maurice Auguste, comte de
Benyowski_ (Paris, 1791); Froberville, _Histoire de Madagascar_ (Isle
de France, 1809); Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, 1838);
Guillain, _Documents sur ... la partie occidentale de Madagascar_
(Paris, 1845); Macé Descartes, _Histoire et géographie de Madagascar_
(Paris, 1846); Ellis, _Three Visits to Madagascar_ (London, 1859); J.
Sibree, _Madagascar and its People_ (London, 1870); _Tantara ny
Andrìana eto Madagascar: Histoire des rois d'Imérina d'après les
manuscrits malgaches_ (Antanànarìvo, 1875); Mullens, _Twelve Months in
Madagascar_ (London, 1875); Blanchard, _L'Île de Madagascar_ (Paris,
1875); Dahle, _Madagaskar og dets Beboere_ (Christiania, 1876-1878);
Sibree and Baron (eds.), _The Antanànarìvo Annual_, Nos. i-xxiv.
(1875-1900, pp. 3115); _Notes, reconnaissances, et explorations, revue
mensuelle_ (Antanànarìvo, 5 vols., 1897-1899, pp. 3041); Sibree, _A
Madagascar Bibliography_ (Antanànarìvo, 1885); Vaissière, _Histoire de
Madagascar_ (Paris, 1884), _Vingt ans à Madagascar_ (Paris, 1885);
Oliver, _Madagascar: an Historical and Descriptive Account_ (2 vols.,
London, 1886); Cousins, _Madagascar of To-day_ (London, 1895);
_Bulletin du comité de Madagascar_ (monthly) (Paris, 1895, et seq.);
Sibree, _Madagascar before the Conquest_ (London, 1896); Catat,
_Voyage à Madagascar_ (Paris, 1895); _Annuaire de Madagascar_
(Antanànarìvo, 1898, et seq.); J. S. Gallieni; _Rapport d'ensemble sur
la situation générale de Madagascar_ (2 vols., Paris, 1899); _Revue de
Madagascar, mensuelle, illustrée_ (1895, et seq.); _Guide de
l'immigrant à Madagascar_ (3 vols., with atlas, Paris, 1899);
_Collection des anciens ouvrages relatifs à Madagascar, par les soins
du comité de Madagascar_ (a collection and translation of all works
relating to the island from 1500 to 1800, in 10 vols.), (Paris, 1899
et seq.); _Bulletin trimestriel de l'académie de Malgache_ (quarterly)
(Antanànarìvo, 1902 et seq.); G, Grandidier et autres, _Madagascar au
début du xx^e siècle_ (Paris, 1902); G. Grandidier, _Bibliographie de
Madagascar_ (2 vols., Paris, 1905 and 1907).

_Political_: Sibree, "What are 'French Claims' on Madagascar?"
_Madagascar Tracts_ (1882); Oliver, _True Story of the French Dispute
in Madagascar_ (London, 1885); Shaw, _Madagascar and France_ (London,
1885); Saillens, _Nos droits sur Madagascar_ (Paris, 1885); K. Blind
"The Fictitious French Claim to Madagascar," _Contemp. Rev._ (1894);
Martineau, _Étude de politique contemporaine. Madagascar_ (Paris,
1894); Rentier, _Les droits de la France sur Madagascar_ (1895);
Corlay, _Notre campagne à Madagascar_ (Paris, 1896); Knight,
_Madagascar in War-time_ (London, 1896); Carol, _Chez les Hovas_
(Paris, 1898); Gallieni, _Neuf ans à Madagascar_ (Paris, 1908).

_Philology_: Houtman, _Spraak ende woord boek in de Maleische ende
Madagaskarsche talen_ (Amsterdam, 1603); _Voyage de C. van Heemskerk;
vocabulaire de la langue parlée dans l'Île Saint-Laurent_ (Amsterdam,
1603) Megiser, _Beschreibung der Mechtigen und Weitberhümbten Insul
Madagascar_, with dictionary and dialogues (Altenburg, 1609); Arthus,
_Colloquia latino-maleyica et madagascarica_ (Frankfort, 1613);
Challand, _Vocabulaire français-malgache et malgache-français_ (Île de
France, 1773); Froberville, _Dictionnaire français-madécasse_ (3
vols., Île de France, 1809); Freeman and Johns, _Dictionary of the
Malagasy Language (Eng.-Mal. and Mal.-Eng.)_, (Antanànarìvo, 1835);
Dalmond, _Vocabulaire et grammaire pour les langues malgaches,
Sàkalàva et Bétsimisàra_ (Bourbon, 1842); R. C. Missionaries'
_Dictionnaire français-malgache_ (Réunion, 1853); and _Dictionnaire
malgache-français_ (Réunion, 1855); Van der Tunk, "Outlines of a
Grammar of the Malagasy Language," _Jour. Roy. Asiat. Soc._ (1860);
Ailloud, _Grammaire malgache-hòva_ (Antanànarìvo, 1872); W. E.
Cousins, _Concise Introduction to the Study of the Malagasy Language
as spoken in Imèrina_ (Antanànarìvo, 1873); Marre de Marin, _Grammaire
malgache_ (Paris, 1876); id., _Essai sur le malgache, ou Étude
comparée des langues javanaise, malgache, et malayse_ (Paris, 1876);
id., _Le Jardin des racines océaniennes_ (Paris, 1876); Dahle,
_Specimens of Malagasy Folk-lore_ (Antanànarìvo, 1877); and W. E.
Cousins, "The Malagasy Language," in _Trans. Phil. Soc._ (1878).
Besides these there are several valuable papers by Dahle in the yearly
numbers of The _Antanànarìvo Annual_ (_ante_) (1876-1877); Richardson,
_A New Malagasy-English Dictionary_ (Antanànarìvo, 1885); Cousins and
Barrett, _Malagasy Proverbs_ (Antanànarìvo, 1885); Caussèque,
_Grammaire malgache_ (Antanànarìvo, 1886); Abinal et Malzac,
_Dictionnaire malgache-français_ (Antanànarìvo, 1889); Brandstetter,
"Die Beziehungen des Malagasy zum Malaiischen," _Malaio-polynesische
Forschungen_, pt. 2 (Lucerne, 1893).

_Missions and Religious History:_ Freeman and Johns, _Narrative of the
Persecutions of the Christians in Madagascar_ (London, 1840); Prout,
_Madagascar, its Missions and its Martyrs_ (London, 1863); Ellis,
_Madagascar Revisited_ (London, 1867); id., _The Martyr Church_
(London, 1869); "Religion in Madagascar," _Ch. Quar. Rev._ (1878);
Briggs, _The Madagascar Mission_ (L.M.S. 1879); id., _Ten Years'
Review of Mission Work in Madagascar_ (L.M.S. 1870-1880, 1881);
Johnson, _Review of Work of the Friends' Foreign Mission Association
in Madagascar_, 1867-1880 (Antanànarìvo, 1880); Vaissière, _Histoire
de Madagascar, ses habitants et ses missionaires_ (Paris, 1884); _The
Church in Madagascar_ (_S.P.G._, _15 years' progress_, 1874-1889,
1889); _La Liberté religieuse à Madagascar_ (Paris, 1897); Matthews,
_Thirty Years in Madagascar_ (London, 1904); Sibree, _The L.M.S.
Mission in Madagascar_ (L.M.S. Mission Hand Books, London, 1907); id.,
"Christian Missions in Madagascar and French Colonial Policy," _The
East and the West_ (Jan. 1909); and General Gallieni's "Neuf ans à
Madagascar", _Journal of the African Society_ (April 1909).
(J. Si.*)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In the apparent absence of any Cambrian formation above them,
there is little doubt that these rocks are Archean, although this
cannot be absolutely proved.

[2] For most of the information here given on the geology the writer
is indebted to Captain Mouneyres, chef de services des mines, and the
Rev. R. Baron, F.G.S., F.L.S.

[3] See "On a Collection of Fossils from Madagascar," by R. B.
Newton, _Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc._ (Feb. 1895).

[4] The following are figures of mean temperature, kindly supplied by
the Rev. E. Colin, S. J., director of the observatory: Diégo-Suarez,
N., 79°; Fàrafangàna, S.E. coast, 75°; Màrovoày, W. intr., 81°;
Mòrondàva, W. coast, 77°; Tullear, S.W. coast, 78°.

[5] The words in parentheses are the native Malagasy names.

[6] The census taken in 1905 gives 2,664,000 as the total population,
but it is probably a little over that amount, as some localities are
still imperfectly known.

[7] This is a special and restricted use of the word, Hòva in its
widest sense being a tribal name, including all ranks of people in
Imèrina.

[8] It is true that 200 years earlier than this, persistent efforts
were made for nineteen years (1600-1619) by Portuguese Roman Catholic
missionaries to propagate their faith among the south-east coast
tribes. But although much zeal and self-denial were shown by these
men, their efforts were abortive, and the mission was at length
abandoned, leaving no fruit of their labours in a single church or
convert. Half a dozen small books of devotion are all that remain to
show their presence in Madagascar.

[9] The work of the "Frères chrétiens" was, however, almost broken up
by the anti-clerical policy of the French government.