Chapter XXX: Appendix: I (2)

Et essendo ultimamente comparso quà un libro stampato in
Fiorenza l’ anno prossimo passato, la cui inscrizione mostra
che tu ne fossi l’ autore, dicendo il titolo: _Dialogo di
Galileo Galilei delli due massimi sistemi del Mondo, Tolemaico
e Copernicano_. Et informata appresso la sacra Congregazione,
che con l’ impressione di detto libro ogni giorno più prendeva
piede la falsa opinione del moto della terra, e stabilità del
Sole; fu il detto libro diligentemente considerato, e in esso
trovata apertamente la transgressione del suddetto precetto
che ti fu fatto, avendo tu nel medesimo libro difesa la detta
opinione già dannata, et in faccia tua per tale dichiarata,
avvenga che tu in detto libro con varii raggiri ti studii di
persuadere, che tu la lasci, come idecisa et espressamente
probabile. Il che pure è errore gravissimo, non potendo in modo
niuno essere probabile un’ opinione dichiarata e definita per
contraria alla Scrittura divina.

Che perciò d’ ordine nostro fosti chiamato a questo Santo
Uffizio, nel quale con tuo giuramento esaminato riconoscesti
il libro come da to composto, e dato alle stampe. Confessasti,
che dieci o dodici anni sono in circa, dopo essersi fatto il
precetto come sopra, cominciasti a scrivere detto libro. Che
chiedesti la facoltà di stamparlo, senza, però significare a
quelli che ti diedero simile facoltà, che tu avessi precetto di
non tenere, difendere, nè insegnare in qualsivoglia modo tal
dottrina.

Confessasti parimenti che la scrittura di detto libro è in più
luoghi distesa in tal forma, che il lettore potrebbe formar
concetto, che gli argomenti portati per la parte falsa fossero
in tal guisa pronunciati, che più tosto per la loro efficacia
fossero potenti a stringere, che facili ad esser sciolti;
scusandoti d’ esser incorso in errore tanto alieno, come
dicesti, dalla tua intenzione, per aver scritto in Dialogo,
e per la natural compiacenza, che ciascuno ha delle proprie
sottigliezze, e del mostrarsi più arguto del comune degli
uomini, in trovar, anco per le proposizioni false, ingegnosi et
apparenti discorsi di probabilità.

Et essendoti stato assegnato termine conveniente a far le tue
difese producesti una fede scritta di mano dall’ Eminentissimo
signor Cardinale Bellarmino da te procurata come dicesti,
per difenderti dalle calunnie de tuoi nemici, da’ quali ti
veniva opposto, che avevi abiurato, e fossi stato penitenziato
dal santo Offizio. Nella qual fede si dice, che tu non avevi
abiurato nè meno eri stato penitenziato, ma che ti era solo
stata denunciata la dichiarazione fatta da Nostro Signore e
pubblicata dalla santa Congregazione dell’ Indice, nella quale
si contiene, che la dottrina del moto della terra, e della
stabilità del Sole sia contraria alle sacre Scritture, e però
non si possa difendere, nè tenere; e che perciò non si facendo
menzione in detta fede delle due particole del precetto,
cioè _docere, et quovis modo_ si deve credere che nel corso
di quattordici o sedici anni, ne avessi perso ogni memoria;
e che per questa stessa cagione avevi taciuto il precetto,
quando chiedesti licenza di poter dare il libro alle stampe.
E tutto questo dicevi non per scusar l’ errore, ma perchè sia
attribuito non a malizia, ma a vana ambizione. Ma da detta fede
prodotta da te in tua difesa restasti maggiormente aggravato,
mentre dicendosi in essa, che detta opinione è contraria
alla sacra Scrittura, hai nondimeno ardito di trattarne, di
difenderla, e persuaderla probabile; nè ti suffraga la licenza
da te artificiosamente, e callidamente estorta, non avendo
notificato il precetto che avevi.

E parendo a noi, che non avevi detta intieramente la verità
circa la tua intenzione, giudicassimo esser necessario
venir contro di te al rigoroso esame, nel quale (senza però
pregiudizio alcuno delle cose da te confessate, e contro di
te dedotte come di sopra, circa la detta tua intenzione)
rispondesti cattolicamente. Per tanto visti, et maturamente
considerati i meriti di questa tua causa, con le suddette tue
confessioni, e scuse, e quanto di ragione si doveva vedere
e considerare, siamo venuti contro di te all’ infrascritta
difinitiva sentenza.

Invocato dunque il Santissimo Nome di Nostro Signore Gesù
Cristo, e della sua gloriosissima Madre sempre Vergine Maria,
per questa nostra difinitiva sentenza, la quale sedendo pro
tribunali, di Conseglio e parere dei Reverendi Maestri di
sacra Teologia, et Dottori dell’ una e l’ altra legge nostri
Consultori, proferiamo in questi scritti, nella causa e cause
vertenti avanti di noi tra il Magnifico Carlo Sinceri dell’
una e dell’ altra legge Dottore, Procuratore fiscale di
questo Santo Offizio per una parte, e te Galileo Galilei reo,
quà presente processato, e confesso come sopra dall’ altra.
Diciamo, pronunciamo, sentenziamo, dichiariamo, che tu Galileo
suddetto per le cose dedotte in processo, e da te confessate,
come sopra, ti sei reso a questo Santo Offizio veementemente
sospetto d’ eresia, cioè d’ aver creduto, e tenuto dottrina
falsa, e contraria alle sacra, e divine Scritture, che il
Sole sia centro della terra, e che non si muova da oriente ad
occidente, e che la terra si muova, e non sia centro del mondo;
e che si possa tenere difendere per probabile una opinione
dopo d’ esser stata dichiarata, difinita per contraria alla
sacra Scrittura; e conseguentemente sei incorso in tutte le
censure, e pene da’ Sacri Canoni, et altre Constituzioni
generali, et particolari, contro simili delinquenti imposte, e
promulgate. Dalle quali siamo contenti, che sii assoluto, pur
che prima con cuor sincero, et fede non finta avanti di noi
abiuri, maledichi, et detesti li suddetti errori, et eresie, e
qualunque altro errore, et eresia contraria alla cattolica et
apostolica Romana Chiesa, nel modo che da noi ti sarà dato.

_Et acciocchè questo tuo grave, e pernicioso errore, e
transgressione non resti del tutto impunito_, e sii più cauto
nell’ avvenire; et esempio agli altri, che s’astenghino da
simili delitti. Ordiniamo che per pubblico editto sia proibito
il libro de’ _Dialoghi di Galileo Galilei_.

Ti condanniamo al carcere formale di questo S. Offizio per
tempo ad arbitrio nostro, e per penitenze salutari t’imponiamo,
che per tre anni a venire dichi una volta la settimana li sette
Salmi Penitenziali.

Riservando a noi facoltà di moderare, mutare, o levar in tutto
o in parte le suddette pene, e penitenze.

E cosi diciamo, pronunciamo, sentenziamo, dichiariamo,
ordiniamo, condenniamo, e riserviamo in questo, et in ogni
altro miglior modo, e forma, che di ragione potemo, e dovemo.

Ita pronunciamus nos Cardinales infrascripti.

F. Cardinalis De Asculo.
G. Cardinalis Bentiuolus.
F. Cardinalis De Cremona.
Fr. Antonius Cardinalis S. Honuphrij.
B. Cardinalis Gypsius.
F. Cardinalis Verospius.
M. Cardinalis Ginettus.

_ABJURA DI GALILEO._

Io Galileo Galilei figlio de q. Vincenzo Galilei da Fiorenza
dell’ età mia d’ anni 70 constituito personalmente in judicio,
et inginocchio avanti di voi Eminentissimi, e Reverendissimi
Signori Cardinali in tutta la Christiana Republica contro
l’heretica pravità Generali Inquisitori havendo avanti gli
occhi miei li Sacrosanti Evangeli, quali sono con le proprie
mani, giuro che sempre ho creduto, credo adesso, e con l’aiuto
di Dio crederò per l’ avenire, tutto quello, che tiene,
predica, et insegna la Santa Cattolica, et Apostolica Romana
Chiesa. Ma perche da questo S. Officio per haverio doppo
d’ essermi stato con precetto dall’ istesso giuridicamente
intimato, che omninamente dovessi lasciare la falsa opinione,
Che il Sole sia centro del Mondo, et immobile, e che la
terra non sia Centro, e che si muova, e che non potessi
tenere, difendere, ne insegnare in qual si voglia modo,
ne in voce, ne in scritto la detta falsa dottrina, e dopò
dessermi stato notificato, che detta dottrina è contraria
alla Sacra scrittura, scritto, e dato alle stampe un libro
nel quale tratto l’ istessa dottrina già dannata et apporto
ragioni con molta efficacia a favor d’essa, senza apportar
alcuna solutione, son stato giudicato vehementemente sospetto
d’heresia, cioè d’haver tenuto, e creduto, che il Solo sia
centro del Mondo, et immobile, e che la terra non sia centro, e
si muova.

Per tanto volendo io levare dalle menti dell’ Eminenze Vostre,
e d’ ogni fedel Christiano, questa vehemente sospittione,
contro di me ragionevolmente conceputa, con cuor sincero, e
fede non finta, abiuro, maledico, e detesto li sudetti errori,
et heresie, e generalmente ogni e qualunque altro errore, e
setta contraria alla sudetta Santa Chiesa; E giuro che per l’
avenire, non dirò mai più, ne asserirò in voce, ò in scritto
cose tali, per le quali si possi haver di me simil sospittione;
ma se conoscero alcuno heretico, ò che sia sospetto d’heresia
lo denuntiarò à questo Santo Officio ò vero all’ Inquisitore,
et ordinario del luogo, ove me trovero.

Giuro anco, e promesso d’adempire, et ossevra re intieramente,
tutte le penitenze, che mi sono state, ò mi saranno da questo
Santo Officio imposte. Et contravenendo io ad alcuna delle
dette mie promesse, proteste, ò giuramenti (il che Dio non
voglia) mi sottopongo a tutte le pene, e castighi, che sono da
Sacri Canoni, et altri Constitutioni Generali, e particolari
contro simili delinquenti imposte, e promulgate; Cosi Dio m’
aiuti, e questi suoi santi Evangelij, che tocco con le proprie
mani.

Io Galileo Galilei sopradetto ho abiurato, giurato, e promesso,
e mi sono obligato come sopra, et in fede del vero di propria
mia mano hò sottoscritto la presente Cedola di mia abiuratione,
e recitata di parola in parola in Roma nel Convento della
Minerva questo di 22 Giugno 1633.

Io Galileo Galilei hò abiurato come di sopra di mano propria.

FOOTNOTES

[1] “Die Acten des Gallileischen Processes, nach der Vaticanischen Handschrift, von Karl von Gebler.” Cotta, Stuttgard, 1877.

[2] The above letter is adapted from a draft of one addressed to the Italian Translator, the letter to myself not having, unfortunately, been sent before the Author’s death, nor found among his papers afterwards. He had written but a few weeks before that he would send it shortly, and as it would probably have been almost exactly similar to the above, I have availed myself of it, the Author’s father having sent me a copy with the necessary alterations and authorised its use.—TR.

[3] See Appendix IV.

[4] Riccioli, vol. i. part ii. pp. 496-500.

[5] In the references the name only of the author is given. Albèri’s “Opere” is designated Op. Those marked * are new for the English translation.

[6] This is the writing referred to when Gherardi is quoted.

[7] Compare Nelli, vol. i. pp. 24, 25, and Opere xv. p. 384. The strange mistake, which is without any foundation, that Galileo was an illegitimate child, was set afloat soon after his death by Johann Victor Rossi (Janus Nicius Erythræus) in his “Pinacotheca Illustrium Virorum,” Cologne, Amsterdam, 1643-1648, and afterwards carelessly and sometimes maliciously repeated. Salviati has published the marriage certificate of 5th July, 1563, of Vincenzio di Michel Angelo di Giovanni Galilei and Giulia degli Ammanati Pescia.

[8] Many of these essays, which have never been printed, are among the valuable unpublished MSS. in the National Library at Florence.

[9] Galileo had a younger brother, Michel Angelo, and three sisters, Virginia, Elenor, and Livia. The former married a certain Benedetto Landucci, the latter Taddeo Galetti. Galileo was very kind to his brother and sisters all his life, assisted them in many ways, and even made great sacrifices for their sakes.

[10] Nelli, vol. i. pp. 26, 27.

[11] Op. xv. (Viviani), p. 330; and Op. vi. p. 18.

[12] Op. xv. (Viviani), p. 328.

[13] The correctness of this date is indisputable, as according to Nelli, vol. i. p. 29, it was found in the university registers. It is a pity that Albèri, editor of the “Opere complete di Galileo Galilei,” Florence, 1842-1856, relied for the date on Viviani, who is often wrong.

[14] Op. xv. (Viviani), p. 331; also Jagemann, p. 5.

[15] Op. xv. (Viviani), p. 332; also Nelli, vol. ii. pp. 722, 723.

[16] Op. xv. (Viviani), p. 334.

[17] Nelli, vol. i. pp. 32, 33.

[18] That Galileo had been in Rome before 8th January, 1588, a fact hitherto unknown to his biographers, is clear from the letter of that date addressed from Florence to Clavius. (Op. vi. pp. 1-3.)

[19] See their letters to Galileo. (Op. viii. pp. 1-13.)

[20] About £13.—[TR.]

[21] About 7¼_d._ 100 kreuzers = the Austrian florin.

[22] Op. xv. (Viviani), p. 336; and Nelli, vol. i. p. 44.

[23] Op. xv. (Viviani), pp. 336, 337; Nelli, vol. i. pp. 46, 47; Venturi, vol. i. p. 11.

[24] See the decree of installation of 26th Sept. (Op. xv. p. 388.)

[25] Op. viii. p. 18; Nelli, vol. i. p. 51.

[26] Op. xv. (Viviani), pp. 337 and 389.

[27] Published by Venturi, 1818, vol. i. pp. 26-74.

[28] Op. xv. (Viviani), pp. 339, 340.

[29] Op. xv. (Viviani), pp. 337, 338.

[30] Op. ii. pp. 1-6.

[31] “Prodromus Dissertationum Cosmographicarum.”

[32] Op. vi. pp. 11, 12.

[33] Op. viii. pp. 21-24.

[34] See Humboldt’s “Cosmos,” vol. ii. pp. 345, 346, and 497-499.

[35] Op. xv. p. 390. His salary at first was 72 Florentine zecchini = £18, and rose by degrees to 400 zecchini = £100. (Op. viii. p. 18, note 3.)

[36] Some fragments of these lectures are extant, and are included by Albèri in the Op. v. part ii.

[37] Op. iii. (“Astronomicus Nuncius,” pp. 60, 61.) In his “Saggiatore” also he relates the circumstance in precisely the same way, only adding that he devised the construction of the telescope in one night, and carried it out the next day.

[38] Nelli, pp. 186, 187.

[39] History has acknowledged the optician Hans Lipperhey, of Middelburg, to be the inventor of the telescope. Compare the historical sketch in “Das neue Buch der Erfindungen,” etc., vol. ii. pp. 217-220. (Leipzig, 1865.) The instrument received its name from Prince Cesi, who, on the advice of the learned Greek scholar Demiscianus, called it a “teleskopium.”

[40] Op. vi. pp. 75-77.

[41] See the decree of the senate, 25th Aug., 1609 (Op. xv. pp. 392-393.)

[42] Cosmo II. showed all his life a sincere attachment to his old teacher, Galileo. From 1605, before Cosmo was reigning prince, Galileo had regularly given him mathematical lessons during the academical holidays at Florence, and had thereby gained great favour at the court of Tuscany.

[43] Op. vi. pp. 107-111.

[44] See the letter of Martin Hasdal from Prague, of 15th April, 1610, to Galileo (Op. viii. pp. 58-60); also a letter from Julian de’ Medici, Tuscan ambassador at the Imperial court, to Galileo, from Prague, 19th April, 1610. (Wolynski, “Lettere inedite,” etc., p. 20.)

[45] This reprint bore the following superscription: “Joannis Kepleri Mathematici Cæsarei Dissertatio cum Nuncio Sidereo nuper ad mortales misso a Galilaeo Galilaeo Mathematico Patavino.” Comp. Venturi, vol. i. pp. 99-120.

[46] Op. vi. p. 121, note 1.

[47] Compare the letters of Martin Hasdal, Alexander Sertini, and Kepler to Galileo in 1610. (Op. viii. pp. 60-63, 65-68, 82-85, 88, 89, 101, 113-117.)

[48] See the letter which Kepler wrote about it to Galileo on 25th Oct. 1610. (Op. viii. pp. 113-117.)

[49] Wedderburn’s reply was called: “Quatuor Problematum, quæ Martinius Horky contra Nuncium Sidereum de quatuor Planetis novis proposuit”; Roffeni’s, “Epistola apologetica contra cœcam peregrinationem cujusdam furiosi Martini cognomine Horky editam adversus, Nuncium Sidereum.”

[50] Op. vi. pp. 114, 115.

[51] Op. vi. p. 127.

[52] May 7th, 1610. (Op. vi. pp. 93-99.)

[53] Op. vi. p. 165.

[54] Op. xv. (Viviani), p. 343.

[55] Op. vi. p. 129.

[56] Op. vi. pp. 116-118. Ponsard in his drama, “Galileo,” of which a third edition appeared at Paris in 1873, in which he mostly turns history upside down, in Act i. sc. iii. and iv. takes off capitally the proud and silly opposition of the Aristotelians.

[57] Comp. Op. xv. p. 397, note 11, also Venturi, vol. i. pp. 19, 20. Jagemann (p. 52) even believes “that Gustavus Adolphus, who created an entirely new science of warfare which set all Europe in consternation and terror, had derived his wonderful knowledge from Galileo”!

[58] Op. vi., 71-75. It is unfortunately unknown to whom this letter was addressed; but, as appears from the contents, it must have been to some one high in office at the court of Tuscany.

[59] It is not known that these last mentioned treatises ever appeared. As not the least trace of them is to be found, and yet numerous particulars have come down to us of other works afterwards lost, it may be concluded that these essays were never written.

[60] Op. viii. pp. 63, 64.

[61] Op. viii. pp. 73, 74.

[62] Op. vi. p. 112.

[63] Libri justly says, p. 38: “this mistake was the beginning of all his misfortunes.”

[64] In a letter from Galileo to his brother Michel Angelo, of May 11th, 1606, he describes the somewhat comical scene of the nocturnal deportation of the Jesuits from the city of Lagunes. (Op. vi. p. 32.)

[65] Op. viii. p. 146-150.

[66] 11th Dec., 1610. (Op. vi. p. 128.)

[67] Op. vi. pp. 130-133 and 134-136.

[68] Op. vi. pp. 137, 138.

[69] Op. vi. p. 139, 140.

[70] Op. vi. p. 140, note 1. See also Vinta’s answer to Galileo, 20th Jan. 1611 (Wolynski, “Lettere inedite,” p. 27); also the Grand Duke’s letter to his ambassador at Rome, Giovanni Niccolini, of 27th Feb., 1611 (Wolynski, “La Diplomazia Toscana e Gal. Galilei,” p. 10).

[71] Pieralisi has first published this letter in his work “Urban VIII. and Galileo Galilei,” p. 41.

[72] See, for Bellarmine’s request and the opinion, Op. viii. pp. 160-162.

[73] Op. viii. p. 145.

[74] Gherardi’s Collection of Documents: Doc. i.

[75] Op. vi. p. 274.

[76] The full title was: “Dianoja Astronomica, Optica, Physica, qua Siderei Nuncii rumor de quatuor Planetis a Galilaeo Galilaeo Mathematico celeberrimo, recens perspicilli cujusdam ope conspectis, vanus redditur. Auctore Francisco Sitio Florentino.”

[77] Op. vi. p. 94, note 1; and xv. “Bibliografia Galileiana,” p. vi.

[78] This letter reports the facts above mentioned. (Op. viii. p. 188.)

[79] Op. viii. pp. 222-224.

[80] Op. viii. pp. 241, 242.

[81] Op. vi. pp. 194-197.

[82] “Discorso al Serenissimo D. Cosimo II., Gran-Duca di Toscana intorno alle cose che stanno in su l’aqua o che in quella si muovano.”

[83] Op. viii. p. 231, note 2; Nelli, p. 318; Venturi, vol. i. pp. 195, 196.

[84] Dated 4th May, 14th August, and 1st December, 1612.

[85] “Istoria e Dimostrazioni intorno alle Macchie Solari, e loro accidenti comprese in tre lettere scritte al Sig. Marco Velsero da Galileo Galilei.”

[86] Letter of 20th April, 1613. (Op. viii. p. 262.)

[87] Letter of 26th May, 1613. (Op. viii. p. 271.)

[88] Letter of 8th June, 1613. (Op. viii. pp. 274, 275.)

[89] Op. viii. pp. 290, 291.

[90] Op. viii. pp. 291-293.

[91] Op. ii. pp. 6-13.

[92] Op. viii. pp. 337, 338.

[93] Vol. i. p. 397.

[94] Comp. Govi, p. 47.

[95] Epinois, “La Question de Galilei,” p. 43.

[96] Op. viii. pp. 337-343.

[97] The title of “Eminence” was first given to cardinals by Pope Urban VIII. in 1630.

[98] See Lorini’s Denunciations, fol. 342, Vat. MS. According to Epinois this letter was of the 5th, but Gherardi publishes a document which shows it to have been of the 7th. (Gherardi’s Collection of Documents, Doc. ii.)

[99] Vat. MS. 347 vo.; also Gherardi’s Documents, Doc. ii.

[100] See Castelli’s letter to Galileo, 12th March, 1615, in which this visit is described. (Op. viii. pp. 358, 359.)

[101] In the letter before quoted of 12th March.

[102] Marini, pp. 84-86, and Vat. MS. fol. 349, 350.

[103] Op. viii. p. 365.

[104] Op. viii. pp. 369, 370.

[105] Vat. MS. fol. 341.

[106] Vat. MS. fol. 352 ro.; and Gherardi’s Documents, Doc. iii.

[107] Compare the text of Caccini’s evidence. (Vat. MS. fol. 353 ro.-358 vo.)

[108] See the protocol of both these examinations. (Vat. MS. fol. 371 ro.-373 vo.)

[109] Vat. MS. fol. 375 vo., and Gherardi’s Documents, Doc. v.

[110] Op. ii. pp. 13-17.

[111] Op. ii. pp. 17-26.

[112] Op. viii. pp. 350-353.

[113] Op. viii. pp. 354-356.

[114] As we should say, “as a working hypothesis.” [TR.]

[115] This was the work which was condemned and absolutely prohibited by the Congregation of the Index a year later: “Lettera del R. P. Maestro Paolo Antonio Foscarini, Carmelitano, sopra l’opinione de i Pittagorici e del Copernico della mobilità della Terra e stabilità del Sole, e il nuovo Sisteme del Mondo.” (For Cesi’s letter, Op. viii. pp. 356-358.)

[116] See Dini’s letter to Galileo, March 14th, 1615 (Op. viii. p. 360); and of August 18th, 1615 (Wolynski, “Lettere Inedite,” p. 34); and Ciampoli’s of March 21st (Op. viii. pp. 366, 367.)

[117] Op. viii. p. 368.

[118] Op. viii. pp. 376, 377.

[119] Op. viii. pp. 378, 379.

[120] See his letter to Galileo, May 16th, 1615. (Op. viii. pp. 376, 377.)

[121] Op. ii. pp. 26-64. It did not appear in print until twenty-one years later, in Strasburg.

[122] See the letters of Cosmo II., November 28th, to his ambassador Guicciardini, at Rome, to Cardinal del Monte, Paolo Giordano Orsini, and Abbot Orsini; also to Cardinal Orsini, of December 2nd. (Wolynski: “La Diplomazia Toscana e Gal. Galilei,” pp. 18-20.)

[123] Page 69.

[124] Compare the letters of Sagredo from Venice of 11th March and 23rd April, 1616, to Galileo at Rome. (Op. Suppl. pp. 107-113. Also Nelli, vol. i. p. 414.)

[125] Op. viii. p. 383.

[126] See his letters of 12th Dec., 1615, and 8th Jan., 1616, to the Tuscan Secretary of State, Curzio Picchena, at Florence. (Op. vi. pp. 211, 212, 214, 215.)

[127] Vat. MS. fol. 414 vo.

[128] Compare also Wohlwill, p. 86, note 1.

[129] See his letters to Picchena of 26th Dec., 1615, and 1st Jan., 1616. (Op. vi. pp. 213, 214.)

[130] Op. vi. pp. 215, 216.

[131] 23rd Jan., 1616. (Op. vi. pp. 218, 219.)

[132] Letter to Picchena, 6th Feb. (Op. vi. p. 222.)

[133] Letter to Picchena. (Op. vi. pp. 225-227.)

[134] Op. vi. pp. 221-223.

[135] See the letter of Mgr. Queringhi, from Rome, of 20th January, 1616, to Cardinal Alessandro d’Este. (Op. viii. p. 383.)

[136] Che il sole sij centre del mondo, et per consequenza im̃obile di moto locale.

Che la Terra non è centro del mondo, ne im̃obile, ma si move secondo se tutta etia di moto diurno. (Vat. MS. fol. 376 ro.)

[137] Sol est centrũ mundi, et omnino im̃obilis motu locali;

Censura: Omnes dixerunt dicta propositionẽ ẽe stultã et absurdam in Philosophia, et formaliter hereticã, quatenus contradicit expresse sententijs sacre scripture in multis locis. Secundũ proprietate verbor̃, et secundũ communẽ expositionẽ, et sensũ. Sanct. Patr. et Theologor̃ doctor.

Terra non est centr. mundi, nec im̃obilis, sed secundũ se tota, movetur et moto diurno.

Censura: Omnes dixerunt, hanc propositionẽ recipẽ eandẽ censura in Philosophia; et spectando veritatẽ Theologicã, at minus ẽe in fide erronea. (Vat. MS. folio 377 ro.)

[138] Die Jovis, 25th Februarij, 1616.

Illᵐᵘˢ. D. Cardˡⁱˢ. Millinus notificavit R.R. pp. D.D. Asseosʳ. et Commiss. Sᵗⁱ. Officij, quod relata censura P.P. Theologorũ ad propositⁿᵉˢ. Gallilei Mathemᶜⁱ., q. Sol sit centrũ mundi, et im̃obilis motu locali, et Terra moveatur et motu diurno; Sᵐᵘˢ. ordinavit Illᵐᵒ. D. Cardˡⁱ. Bellarmᵒ., ut vocet corã se dᵐ. Galileum, eumq. moneat ad deserendas dᵃᵐ. op̃onem, et si recusaverit parere, P. Comissˢ. cora Noto (Notario) et Testibus faciat illi preceptum, ut ĩo (omnino) abstineat huõi (huiusmodi) doctrina, et op̃onem docere, aut defendere, seu de ea tractare, si vero nõ acquieverit, carceretur. (Vat. MS. folio 378 vo.)

[139] Die Veneris, 26th eiusdem.

In Palatio solite habitⁿⁱˢ: dⁱ: Illᵐⁱ: D. Cardⁱˢ: Bellarmⁱ. et in mãsionib. Domⁿⁱˢ. sue Illᵐᵒ: Idem Illᵐᵘˢ: D. Cardˡⁱˢ: vocato supradᵗᵒ. Galileo, ipsoq. corã D. sua Illᵐᵃ: ex̃nte (existente) in p̃ntia adm. R. p. Fĩs Michaelis Angeli Seghitij de Lauda ord. Pred. Com̃issarij qualis sᵗⁱ. officij predᵐ. Galileũ monuit de errore supradᵗᵉ op̃onis, et ut illa deserat, et successive, ac icõtinenti in mei &, et Testiũ & p̃nte ẽt adhuc eodem Illᵐᵒ. D. Cardˡⁱ. supradᵒ. P. Com̃issˢ. predᵗᵒ. Galileo adhuc ibidem p̃nti, et Constituto precepit, et ordinavit ... [Here the MS. is defaced. Two words are wanting, the second might be nome (nomine); the first began with a p (proprie?) but is quite illegible.] Sᵐⁱ. D. N. Pape et totius Congregⁿⁱˢ. sᵗⁱ. officij, ut supradᵗᵃ. oponione q. sol sit cẽ: trum mundi, et im̃obilis, et Terra moveatur omnino relinquat, nec eã de Cetero qᵒvis mõ teneat, doceat, aut defendat, verbo, aut scriptis, al̃s (alias) coñ ipsũ procedetur ĩ (in) Sᵗᵒ. offo., cui precepto Idem Galileus aequievit, et parere promisit. Sub. quib. & actum Rome ubi subra p̃ntibus ibidẽ R.D. Badino Nores de Nicosia ĩ Regno Cypri, et Augustino Mongardo de loco Abbatie Rose, dioc. Politianeñ (Poletianensis) familiarib. dⁱ. Illᵐⁱ. D. Cardˡⁱˢ. Testibus. (Vat. MS. folio 379 ro, 379 vo.)

[140] Marini, p. 42.

[141] Marini, pp. 93, 94, and 141.

[142] In the _Zeitschrift für mathematischen u. naturwissenschaftlichen Unterricht_, 1st series, part iv., pp. 333-340. See the controversy between Dr. Wohlwill and Dr. Friedlein in the _Zeitschrift für Mathematik_, etc., 17th series. Part ii., pp. 9-31; part iii., pp. 41-45; part v., pp. 81-98.

[143]

_Feria V. die III. Martii, 1616._

Facta relatione per Illumum. D. Cardᵉᵐ. Bellarminum quod Galilaeus Galilei mathematicus monitus de ordine Sacrae Congregationis ad deserendam (prima stava scritto chiarissimamente, _disserendam_) opinionem quam hactenus tenuit quod sol sit centrum spherarum, et immobilis, terra autem mobilis, acquievit; ac relato Decreto Congregationis Indicis, qualiter (o, variante, quod) fuerunt prohibita et suspensa respective scripta Nicolai Cupernici (De revolutionibus orbium cœlestium....) Didaci a Stunica, in Job, et Fr. Pauli Antonii Foscarini Carmelitæ, SSmus. ordinavit publicari Edictum, A. P. Magistro S. Palatii hujusmodi suspensionis et prohibitionis respective. (Gherardi’s Documents, Doc. vi.)

[144] See this decree in full, Appendix, p. 345.

[145] Op. vi. pp. 231-233.

[146] Op. Suppl. 109-112.

[147] Noi Roberto Cardinale Bellarmino havendo inteso che il Sigʳ Galileo Galilei sia calumniato, ò imputato di havere abiurato in mano nr̃a, et anco di essere stato perciò penitenziato di penitenzie salutari; et essendo ricercati della verità diciamo, che il suddetto S. Galileo no ha abiurato i mano nr̃a nè di altra qua in Roma ne meno ĩ altro luogo che noi sappiamo alcuna sua opinione o dottrina, nè manco hà ricevuto penitenzie salutarj, nè d’altra sorte, ma solo, ql’è stata denunziata la dichiarazione fatta da Nr̃o Sigʳᵉ: e publicata dalla Sacra Congregⁿᵉ: dell’indice, nella quale si cotiene che la dottrina attribuita al Copernico che la terra si muova intorno al sole, e che il sole stia nel centro del Mõdo senza muoversi da oriente ad occidente sia cõtraria alle sacre scritture, e però nõ si possa difendere nè tenere. Et in fede di ciò habbiamo scritta, e sotto-scritta la presẽte di nr̃a propria mano questo di 26 di Maggio, 1616. Il me desimo di sopra, Roberto Cardˡᵉ. Bellarmino. (Vat. MS., 423 ro and 427 ro.)

[148] Martin, pp. 79, 80.

[149] Prof. Riccardi has stated this conjecture in the Introduction (p. 17) to his valuable collection of documents relating to the trial of Galileo, published in 1873.

[150] For the particulars, see Appendix, “Estimate of the Vat. MS.”

[151] Pietro Guiccardini had relieved his predecessor, Giovanni Sicculini, of his post on 14th May, 1611, when Galileo was still at Rome. Guiccardini remained there till 27th November, 1621.

[152] Op. vi. pp. 227-230.

[153] See Galileo’s letter to Picchena, from Rome, of 12th March. (Op. vi. pp. 233-235.)

[154] Wolynski’s “Lettere inedite,” etc., p. 36.

[155] Op. vi. pp. 235-237.

[156] Op. viii. p. 385.

[157] Op. vi. p. 238, note 2. See these despatches verbatim in Wolynski’s “La Diplomazia Toscana e Gal. Galilei,” p. 22.

[158] Op. vi. p. 238, note 2.

[159] See letter from Cesi to Galileo. (Op. viii. pp. 389, 390.)

[160] Op. ii. pp. 387-406.

[161] Op. vi. pp. 278-281.

[162] Op. xv. (Viviani), p. 350.

[163] Nelli, vol. i. p. 432.

[164] Op. iv. p. 16. This appears also from a letter from Galileo of 19th June, 1619, to Cardinal Maffeo Barberini, afterwards Pope Urban VIII., accompanying the treatise. (See this letter in “Pieralisi,” pp. 63, 64; and “Guitoloni et Gal. Galilei,” Livorno, 1872, vol. i. p. 263.)

[165] “Libra Astronomica ac Philosophica qua Galilæi Galilæi opiniones de cometis a Mario Guiduccio in Florentina Academia expositæ, atque in lucem nuper editæ examinatur a Lothario Sarsi Sigensano.” (Op. iv. pp. 63-121.)

[166] See the letter of Mgr. Ciampoli of 6th December, 1619, to Galileo. (Op. viii. pp. 430, 431.)

[167] Compare the letters of Stelluti (27th January, 1620) to Prince Cesi, 4th March and 18th May, 1620; and from Mgr. Ciampoli, 18th May, 1620, to Galileo. (Op. viii. pp. 436-439, and 441-443.)

[168] See his letter of 12th and 17th July, 1620, to Galileo. (Op. viii. p. 447; Wolynski, “Lettere inedite,” etc., p. 59.)

[169] See Ciampoli’s letter to Galileo, 27th May, 1623. (Op. ix. p. 30.)

[170] Compare Cesarini’s letters to Galileo of 23rd June, 1621, and 7th May, 1622. (Op. ix. pp. 5 and 18.)

[171] See his letters to Galileo in 1621 and 1622. (Op. ix. pp. 11-14 and 16-18; and Wolynski, “Lettere,” etc., p. 65.)

[172] “Scandaglio della Libra Astronomica e Filosofica di Lothario Sarsi nella controversia delle Comete, e particolarmente delle tre ultimamente vedute l’anno 1618, di Giovanni Battista Stelluti da Fabriano dottor di Legge.”

[173] “Il Saggiatore, nel quale con bilancia esquisita e quista si ponderano le cose contenute nella Libra Astronomica e Filosofica di Lothario Sarsi Sigensano.”

[174] See Cesarini’s letter to Galileo, 12th January, 1623. (Op. ix. pp. 22-24.)

[175] Op. ix. p. 26.

[176] See Ciampoli to Galileo, 6th May, 1623. (Wolynski, “Lettere,” etc., p. 68.)

[177] See Ciampoli’s Letter to Galileo, 27th May, 1623. (Op. ix. p. 30.)

[178] See Ranke: “Die römischen Päpste,” etc., vol. ii. p. 531, etc.

[179] See Op. viii. pp. 173, 206, 208, 209, 262, 427; ix. p. 31.

[180] Op. viii. p. 206.

[181] Op. viii. p. 262.

[182] Op. viii. p. 451. Pieralisi in his work, “Urban VIII. and Galileo Galilei,” Rome, 1875, pp. 22, 27, gives Barberini’s ode, which is in Latin, and consists of nineteen strophes, as well as a commentary on it, which has not been printed by Campanella. See also pp. 65, 66, Galileo’s reply to Barberini, in which he expresses his warm thanks and his admiration of the poetry. This is not in Albèri’s work.

[183] Op. iv., “Saggiatore,” p. 172.

[184] See for these transactions the letter of Mario Guiducci, from Rome, to Galileo, of 18th April, 1625. (Op. ix. pp. 78-80.)

[185] Cesarini’s letter to Galileo, 28th October, 1623. (Op. ix. pp. 43, 44.)

[186] Rinuccini’s letters to Galileo, 3rd November and 2nd December, 1623. (Op. Suppl. p. 154; and ix. p. 50.)

[187] Op. vi. pp. 289, 290.

[188] Op. ix. pp. 42, 43.

[189] Letter of 20th October. (Op. ix. pp. 40, 41.)

[190] See Rinuccini’s letter to Galileo of 2nd December, 1623; and Guiducci’s of 18th December. (Op. ix. pp. 48-53.)

[191] Compare Ciampoli’s letter to Galileo of 16th March, 1624. (Op. ix. p. 55.)

[192] Op. ix. p. 56.

[193] Compare his letter from Rome of 8th June to Cesi, who was then at Aquasparta. (Op. vi. pp. 295-297.)

[194] Ibid.

[195] ... “Fu da S. Santita risposto come S. Chiesa non l’avea dannata, ne era per dannarla per eretica, ma solo per temeraria.” Comp. Galileo’s letter to Cesi, 8th June. (Op. vi. pp. 295-297.)

[196] Page 92.

[197] Comp. Galileo’s letter to Cesi, 8th June, before mentioned.

[198] History has assigned the merit of this valuable discovery to Zacharias Jansen, a spectacle maker of Middelburg, from whose workshop the first microscope went forth near the end of the 16th century, probably in 1590.

[199] Rezzi, pp. 8-10 and 36-40.

[200] Op. vi. p. 297; ix. p. 64.

[201] Galileo was never married, but he had a son who was legitimised in 1619 by Cosmo II., and two daughters, by Marina Gamba, of Venice. His daughters took the veil in the Convent of S. Matteo, at Arcetri. The mother of his children afterwards married a certain Bartolucci, with whom Galileo subsequently entered into friendly correspondence, which was quite in accordance with the state of morals and manners in Italy at that period. The pension of sixty dollars was granted in 1627, but owing to the religious exercises attached as a condition, Galileo’s son did not accept it. It was then transferred to a nephew, but, as he proved unworthy of it, to Galileo himself, with an increase of forty dollars, but with the condition, as it was derived from two ecclesiastical benefices, that he should adopt the tonsure, to which he consented. He drew the pension which thus irregularly accrued to him as long as he lived.

[202] Op. vi. p. 295.

[203] Op. ix. pp. 60, 61; Pieralisi, pp. 75, 76.

[204] This work was placed upon the Index of prohibited books by a decree of 10th March, 1619.

[205] Op. ii. pp. 64-115.

[206] See Guiducci’s letter to Galileo from Rome, 18th April, 1625. (Op. ix. pp. 78-80.)

[207] Op. ix. pp. 65-71; Suppl. pp. 162-164.

[208] See Guiducci’s letters to Galileo of 8th, 15th, and 22nd November, 21st and 27th December, 1624; and 4th January, 1625. (Op. Suppl. pp. 168-178.)

[209] Op. ix. p. 97.

[210] Op. iv. pp. 486, 487.

[211] “Dialogo di Galileo: dove nei congressi di quattro giornate si discorre sopra i due Massimi Sistemi del Mondo Tolemaico e Copernicano, proponendo indeterminatamente le ragioni filosofiche e naturali tanto per l’una parte, che par l’altra.”

[212] Comp. Galileo’s letters of 7th Dec., 1624, and 12th Jan, 1630, to Cesare Marsili (Op. vi. pp. 300 and 355); also Cesi’s letter to Galileo, 12th Oct., 1624 (Op. ix. p. 71).

[213] Op. i. (“Dialogo di Galileo Galilei,” etc.), pp. 11, 12.

[214] Op. i. pp. 501-503.

[215] Martin, p. 99.

[216] Comp. for example the essay: “Der Heilige Stuhl gegen Galileo Galilei u. das astronomische System des Copernicus”; also Marini, pp. 70-73.

[217] Op. vi. pp. 333-336.

[218] Ibid. pp. 333 and 336.

[219] Op. ix. p. 167.

[220] Ibid. pp. 173-175.

[221] This celebrated Dominican monk, who in 1599 had been condemned by Spanish despotism to imprisonment for life, ostensibly for having taken part in the insurrection in Calabria, but in fact for his liberal opinions, had been released by Urban VIII. in 1626, under pretext of a charge of heresy. After having been detained for three years for appearance’s sake, in the palace of the Holy Office, he had, after 1629, been at large in Rome. Campanella was one of Galileo’s most zealous adherents, and, so far as his imprisonment permitted, he had corresponded with him for years. A letter of his to Galileo of 8th March, 1614, is noteworthy (Op. viii. pp. 305-307), in which he entreats him to leave all other researches alone and to devote himself solely to the decisive question of the system of the universe. In conclusion he makes the singular offer to cure Galileo, who was then lying ill, by means of “the astrological medicine”! In 1616, when the Copernican theory had been denounced by the Inquisition as heretical, the Inquisitor Cardinal Gaetani applied to Campanella, who was widely known for his learning, to give his opinion on the relation of the system to Holy Scripture. In compliance with this demand, Campanella wrote a brilliant apology for Galileo, in which the expert theologian and mathematician brought the system into agreement with the Bible. But even the zealous demonstrations of the imprisoned philosopher did not avail to avert the decree of the Sacred Congregation.

[222] “Non fu mai nostra intenzione, e se fosse toccato a noi non si sarrebe fatto quel decreto.” (Op. ix. p. 176.)

[223] Op. ix. pp. 176, 177.

[224] “Che lei è desiderata piu che qualsivoglia amatissima donzella.” (Op. ix. p. 178.)

[225] Op. ix. p. 188.

[226] In the narration of this most important transaction we have followed the memorial which, later on, at the beginning of the trial of Galileo, was handed to the Pope by the preliminary commission. This is an authentic document, agreeing as far as it relates to these transactions with Galileo’s correspondence. (Op. vi. pp. 274-277; Suppl. pp. 233-235.) It is inconceivable how Albèri (Op. Suppl. p. 238, note 2) can have fallen into the mistake of supposing that Galileo had not received the _imprimatur_ at all, though he himself publishes documents which prove the contrary; as, for instance, the letter of Visconti to Galileo of 16th June, 1630 (Suppl. p. 235); Galileo’s to Cioli of 7th March, 1631 (Op. vi. pp. 374-376); a letter of Riccardi’s to the Tuscan ambassador at Rome, Niccolini, of 28th April, 1631 (Op. ix. pp. 243, 244); and finally, a letter from Niccolini to Cioli of Sep., 1632 (Op ix. pp. 420-423). Martin also expresses his surprise at this error of Albèri’s (p. 102, note 2).

[227] Op. ix. pp. 193 and 205.

[228] Op. vi. p. 346, note 2.

[229] Wolynski, “La Diplomazia Toscana e Gal. Galilei,” p. 35.

[230] Op. ix. pp. 198, 199.

[231] Ibid. pp. 201, 202.

[232] Op. vi. p. 375. In the first edition of the “Dialogues,” this permission to print is to be seen at the beginning of the book. They are also reproduced in the Latin translation of the work (Strasburg, 1635, in 4to).

[233] Op. ix. pp. 205, 206.

[234] See Caterina Niccolini’s letter to Galileo. (Op. ix. p. 209.)

[235] Op. vi. p. 375.

[236] In the history of these negotiations we have to a great extent followed Galileo’s narrative. (Op. vi. pp. 374-377.) Besides this, we have made use of two authentic documents, the memorial of the preliminary commission, before mentioned, to the Pope (Vat. MS. fol. 387 ro.-389 vo.), and the protocol of the trial of Galileo, 12th April, 1633 (Vat. MS. 413 ro.-419 ro.)

[237] Compare the letter of Geri Bocchineri, private secretary at the Court of Tuscany, to Galileo (Op. ix. pp. 225, 226), and the letter of Cioli to Niccolini of 8th March, in which the latter is charged, in the name of the Grand Duke, to support Galileo’s cause to the utmost with the Master of the Palace. (Wolynski, “La Diplomazia Toscana,” etc., p. 39.)

[238] Op. vi. pp. 377, 378.

[239] Op. ix. pp. 242, 243.

[240] The Roman censorship only granted licences to works published at Rome itself.

[241] See this letter from Riccardi to Niccolini. (Op. ix. pp. 243, 244.)

[242] Op. iv. pp. 382-284.

[243] See Niccolini to Galileo, 25th May, 1631. (Wolynski, “Lettere inedite,” etc., p. 83.)

[244] ... “Si che non mai si conceda la verita assoluta ma solamente la hipotetica, e senza la Scrittura, a questa opinione ...”

[245] Vat. MS. fol. 390 ro.

[246] Ibid. fol. 390 vo.

[247] Letter of 19th July, 1631. (Op. ix. p. 246.)

[248] See this important letter of Riccardi’s to the Inquisitor at Florence. (Vat. MS. fol. 393 ro.)

[249] See points 1 and 3 of the memorial which was handed to the Pope at the first examination of Galileo by the preliminary commission. (Vat. MS. fol. 388.)

[250] Comp. p. 120.

[251] Marini, p. 127. Pieralisi tries to convince the reader that Ciampoli acted quite despotically in the matter; and says that when Riccardi refers to “the Pope,” it was not Maffeo Barberini, but Mgr. Ciampoli, “Giovanni Ciampoli non Maffeo Barberini era il Papa”! p. 113, a statement which, considering Urban’s despotic character and the absence of historical proof, appears very arbitrary.

[252] _Zeitschrift für Mathematik u. Physik._ 9th Series, Part 3, p. 184.

[253] Marini, pp. 116, 117; Op. Suppl. pp. 324, 325.

[254] Op. vi. p. 389.

[255] Ibid. p. 390.

[256] Ibid.

[257] Op. ix. p. 271.

[258] Ibid. p. 253.

[259] Op. ix. pp. 270-272.

[260] Op. Suppl. p. 319.

[261] Comp. Nelli, vol. i. pp. 504, 505; Op. vi. p. 104, note 2; ix. pp. 163-165, 192; Suppl. p. 234.

[262] Comp. on this subject the chapters on “Die Gesellschaft Jesu” in “Kulturgeschichte in ihrer natürlichen Entwicklung bis zur Gegenwart,” by Fr. v. Hellwald, Augsburg, 1874, pp. 691-966.

[263] ... “I Gesuiti lo persequiterano acerbissimamente.” (See Magalotti’s letter to Mario Guiducci, from Rome, of 7th Aug., 1632. Op. Suppl. p. 321)

[264] See their letters. (Op. ix. pp. 264-267, 270-272, 276-282.)

[265] See their letters to Galileo. (Op. ix. pp. 25, 72, 97, 166-168, 174-177, 210, 255; Suppl. p. 181.)

[266] On the reverse side of the title page of the “Dialogues” stands:—

“Imprimatur, si videbitur Rever. P. Magistro Sacri Palatii Apostolici.
A. Episcopus Bellicastensis Vices gerens.

Imprimatur. Fr. Nicolaus Ricardus, Sacri Apostolici Palatii Magister.

Imprimatur Florentiæ; ordinibus consuetis servatis. 11 Septembris 1630.
Petrus Nicolinus Vic. Gen. Florentiæ.

Imprimatur. Die 11 Septembris 1630.
Fra Clemens Egidius Inquisit. Gen. Florentiæ.

Stampisi. A. di 12 di Settembre 1630.
Niccolò dell’Altella.”

[267] It is reproduced in Venturi, vol. ii. p. 117.

[268] See on all this the two detailed letters of Count Magalotti to Mario Guiducci, from Rome, of 7th August and 4th September, 1632. (Op. Suppl. pp. 318-329.)

[269] Scheiner had two years before published a work called “Rosa Ursina,” in which he again fiercely attacked Galileo, and stoutly maintained his unjustifiable claims to the first discovery of the solar spots. Galileo did not directly answer him in his “Dialogues,” but dealt him some side blows, and stood up for his own priority in the discovery with weighty arguments. Castelli, in a letter to Galileo of 19th June, 1632 (Op. ix. p. 274), gives an amusing description of Scheiner’s rage. When a priest from Siena praised the book in his presence at a bookseller’s, and called it the most important work that had ever appeared, Scheiner left the shop, pale as death, and trembling with excitement in every limb. But he did not always thus curb his rage. The natural philosopher, Torricelli, who afterwards became famous, a pupil of Castelli’s, reported to Galileo, in a letter of 11th September, 1632 (Op. ix. p. 287), a conversation he had had with Scheiner about the “Dialogues.” Although he shook his head about them, he had concurred in Torricelli’s praise, but could not help remarking that he found the frequent digressions tedious; and no wonder, for they often referred to himself, and he always got the worst of it. He broke off the conversation by saying that “Galileo had behaved very badly to him, but he did not wish to speak of it.” In a letter of 23rd February, 1633, to Gassendi (Op. ix. p. 275), Scheiner is less reserved. Rage and fury evidently guided his pen, and he complains bitterly that Galileo had dared in his work to “lay violent hands” on the “Rosa Ursina.” Scheiner was doubtless one of the most zealous in instituting the trial against Galileo, although Targioni (vol. i. p. 113, note _a_) overshoots the mark in making him his actual accuser.

[270] Op. ix. pp. 420-425.

[271] See Magalotti’s letter to Guiducci of 4th September, 1632 (Op. Suppl. p. 324); and Niccolini’s report to Cioli of 5th September (Op. ix. p. 422).

[272] Op. ix. p. 271, note 1.

[273] Comp. Niccolini’s report to Cioli of 13th March, 1633. (Op. ix. p. 437.)

[274] Op. i. “Dialogo di Galileo Galilei,” etc., p. 502.

[275] This point has been recently thoroughly discussed by Henri Martin. Comp. pp. 159-168.

[276] Pages 34-38, etc.

[277] ... “Che fu il primo motere di tutti i miei travagli.” (Op. vii. p. 71.)

[278] This erroneous idea is found among a large number of historians; for instance, Biot (_Journal des Savans_, July-Oct. 1858), pp. 464, 465; Philarète Chasles, pp. 129, 130, 208; Reumont, p. 336; and Parchappe, p. 206. Epinois (pp. 56, 57) and Martin (pp. 159-168) have merely given the importance to this circumstance which it deserves, for it really was of great moment in the course of the trial.

[279] “ ... E da buona banda intendo i Padri Gesuiti aver fatto impressione in testa principalissima che tal mio libro è piu esecrando e piu pernicioso per Santa Chiesa, che le scritture di Lutero e di Calvino ...” (Letter from Galileo to Elia Diodati of 15th Jan., 1633, Op. vii. p. 19. Comp. also his letter to King Ladislaus of Poland, Op. vii. p. 190.)

[280] See the letter of Magalotti to Guiducci, before mentioned, of 7th August, 1632. (Op. Suppl. pp. 318-323.)

[281] Op. Suppl. p. 319.

[282] See the despatches of Niccolini to Cioli of 5th and 18th Sep., 1632. (Op. ix. pp. 422 and 426.)

[283] See Campanella’s letters to Galileo of 31st August and 25th Sep., 1632. (Op. ix. pp. 284 and 294.)

[284] Op. vii. pp. 3, 4.

[285] Op. ix. pp. 420-423.

[286] Il Serenissimo Padrone ha sentito le lettere di V. E. de 4 et 5, et per questa materia del Sig. Mariano e per quella del Sig. Galileo resta in tanta alterazione chio non so come le cose passarano; so bene che S. Santita non havera mai cagione di dolessi de ministri ni de mali consigli lora. (Wolynski, “La Diplomazia Toscana,” etc., p. 45.)

[287] Op. Suppl. pp. 324-330.

[288] It never did in fact come to this; for the _supreme authority_ is the Pope, speaking _ex cathedra_, or an Œcumenical Council.

[289] Op. ix. pp. 423-425.

[290] ... “Ma sopra tutte le cose dice, con la solita confidenza e segretezza, essersi trovato ne’ libri del S. Offizio, che circa a 16 anni sono essendosi sentito che il Signor Galilei aveva questa opinione, e la seminara in Fiorenza, e che per questo essendo fatto venire a Roma, gli fu proibito in nome del Papa e del S. Offizio dal Signor Cardinale Bellarmino il poter tenere questa opinione, _e che questo solo é bastante per rovinarlo affatto_.”

[291] Comp. pp. 71, 72.

[292] Vat. MS. fol. 387 ro.-389 vo.

[293] See Niccolini’s despatch to Cioli of 18th September, 1632. (Op. ix. pp. 425-428.)

[294] Niccolini’s despatch to Cioli, 18th September, 1632. (Op. ix. pp. 425-428.)

[295] Vat. MS. p. 394 vo.

[296] After Galileo’s signature follow the autograph attestations of the notary and witnesses, of whose presence Galileo knew nothing. (Vat. MS. fol. 398 ro.)

[297] Op. vii. p. 6.

[298] The address does not indicate which of the Cardinals Barberini, but it is clear from Niccolini’s despatch of 13th November, 1632, to Cioli, that it was to Cardinal Antonio, jun., nephew of the Pope, and not, as Albèri assumes, to Cardinal Antonio, sen., the Pope’s brother.

[299] There is no clue whatever as to who this personage was. From what Galileo says, it must have been some high ecclesiastical dignitary.

[300] On this point also a passage in a letter of Campanella’s to Galileo of 22nd October, 1632 (Op. ix. p. 303), is worth mentioning. He says: “They are doing all they possibly can here in Rome, by speaking and writing, to prove that you have acted contrary to orders.”

[301] Op. vii. pp. 7-13.

[302] Vat. MS. fol. 403 ro.

[303] Op. ix. pp. 304-306.

[304] Ibid. pp. 428, 429.

[305] Niccolini was mistaken if he thought that this tribunal was, according to ecclesiastical notions, infallible.

[306] Op. ix. p. 311.

[307] See Niccolini to Cioli, 6th November. (Wolynski, “La Diplomazia,” etc., p. 50.)

[308] Gherardi’s Collection of Documents, Doc. vii.

[309] The cup of papal wrath had by this time been emptied on Ciampoli’s head. He had been deprived of his important office as Secretary of the Papal Briefs, and in order to remove him from Rome he was made Governor of Montalto, and entered on his post at the end of November. (See the letters of Castelli to Galileo. Op. ix. pp. 306, 313-316.)

[310] For these documents, from which the above narrative is taken, see Op. ix. pp. 312, 313 and 429, 430.

[311] Vat. MS. fol. 401 ro.

[312] Gherardi’s Documents, and Vat. MS. fol. 402 vo.

[313] Op. ix. pp. 430, 431.

[314] Ibid. pp. 318, 319.

[315] Vat. MS. fol. 406 ro.

[316] Ibid. pp. 407 ro.

[317] Op. ix. p. 431.

[318] Ibid. pp. 319, 320.

[319] See Castelli’s Letters to Galileo of 2nd and 16th Oct., 1632. (Op. ix. pp. 295-298, and 299-301.)

[320] See his letters. (Op. ix. pp. 306, 307, and 313-315.)

[321] “30th Dec. 1632, a Nativitate. Sanctissimus mandavit Inquisitori rescribi quod Sanctitas Sua et Sacra Congregatio nullatenus potest et debet tolerare hujusmodi subterfugia et ad effectum verificandi an revera in statu tali reperiatur quod non possit ad urbem absque vitae periculo accedere. Sanctissimus et Sacra Congregatio transmittet illuc commissarium una cum medicum qui illum visitent ut certam et sinceram relationem faciant de statu in quo reperitur, et si erit in statu tali ut venire possit illum carceratum et ligatum cum ferris transmittat. Si vero causa sanitatas et ob periculum vitae transmissio erit differenda, statim postquam convaluerit et cessante periculo carceratus et ligatus ac cum ferris transmittat. Commissiarius autem et medici transmittantur ejus sumptibus et expensis quid se in tali statu et temporibus constituit et tempore oportuno ut ei fuerat preceptum venire et facere contempsit.” (Gherardi’s Documents, Doc. x.; and Vat. MS. fol. 409 vo.)

[322] Op. ix. pp. 322, 323. This last observation of the Grand Duke’s, only meaning that he reckoned on a speedy release for Galileo, afterwards gave Cioli occasion, as we shall see by-and-by, for a most mean act towards Galileo.

[323] It is incomprehensible how many of Galileo’s biographers, even Parchappe (p. 216) and H. Martin (p. 120), who had Albèri’s work at command, fix the 15th as the date. And yet we have a letter of Galileo’s to the Cardinal de Medici of the 15th Jan. (Op. vii. pp. 15, 16), asking if he had any commissions, in which he expressly mentions “the 20th instant” as the day of his departure.

[324] “Famosi et antiqui problematis de telluris motu vel quiete hactenus optata solutio: ad Em. Card. Richelium Ducem et Franciæ Parem. A. Jo. Bapt. Morino apud Gallos et Bellajocensibus Francopolitano Doct. Med. atque Paris. Mathematum professore. Terra stat in æternum; Sol oritur et occidit. Eccles. Cap. I. Parisiis apud tuctorem juxta Pontem novum 1631, in 40.”

[325] “Liberti Fromondi in Acad. Lovaniensi S. Theolog. Doctoris et Professoris ordinarii. Ant.-Aristarchus, sive orbis terræ immobilis. Liber unicus, in quo decretum S. Congreg. S. R. E. Cardinalium anno 1616, adversus Pythagorico-Copernicanos editum defenditur. Antverpiæ ex officina Plantiniana 1631, in 40.”

[326] The letter to the Grand Duchess Christine.

[327] Op. vii. pp. 16-20.

[328] The Inquisitor informed the Holy Office, two days later, that Galileo had left Florence on the 20th. (Vat. MS. fol. 411 ro.; and Gherardi’s Documents, Doc. xii.)

[329] Comp. Niccolini’s letter to Galileo of 5th Feb., 1633. (Op. ix. p. 327.)

[330] Niccolini’s despatch to Cioli of 14th Feb. (Op. ix. p. 432.)

[331] See Niccolini’s despatches to Cioli of 16th and 19th Feb. (Op. ix. pp. 432, 433.)

[332] See Niccolini’s despatch to Cioli of 19th Feb.

[333] See Galileo’s letter to Cioli of 19th Feb. (Op. vii. pp. 20-22.)

[334] Ibid.

[335] Comp. Galileo’s letter to Geri Bocchineri of 25th Feb. (Op. vii. p. 23.)

[336] Op. vii. pp. 20-22.

[337] See Niccolini’s despatch to Cioli of 19th Feb.

[338] Op. vii. p. 22.

[339] Op. ix. 434.

[340] In the account of this conversation we have followed Niccolini’s despatch to Cioli of 27th Feb. (Op. ix. pp. 434-436.)

[341] Comp. pp. 171, 172.

[342] Op. ix. pp. 434-436.

[343] Ibid. pp. 330-332.

[344] Op. vii. p. 27; and ix. p. 436; also Wolynski, “La Diplomazia,” etc., p. 57.

[345] Op. ix. pp. 436-438.

[346] Op. ix. p. 438; and vii. p. 228.

[347] See Geri Bocchineri’s Letters to Galileo and Cioli, both of 26th March, 1633: the former, Wolynski, “Lettere inedite,” etc., p. 89; the latter, Op. ix. p. 336.

[348] Op. ix. p. 441.

[349] Op. ix. p. 338.

[350] See Galileo’s letters to G. Bocchineri of 5th and 12th, and to Cioli of 12th and 19th March. (Op. vii. pp. 24-28.)

[351] Op. ix. pp. 438, 439.

[352] Vat. MS. fol. 413 vo. 419 ro.

[353] We have before stated that Copernicus did not at all consider his doctrine a hypothesis, but was convinced of its actual truth. It was Osiander’s politic introduction which had given rise to the error which was then generally held.

[354] Prof. Berti has first published this interesting letter in full in his “Copernico e le vicende Sistema Copernicano in Italia,” pp. 121-125.

[355] Vat. MS. fol. 423 ro.

[356] No explanation is to be found anywhere of this mysterious notification. The protocols of the trial show that none took place before the Inquisitor. These “particulars,” therefore, as they are not mentioned again in the course of the trial, and play no part in it, may have been chiefly of a private nature.

[357] These are the precise words of this ominous passage in the annotation of 26th February, 1616, which appear to have been considered absolutely decisive by the Inquisitor.

[358] Op. vii. p. 29. The rest of the letter is about family affairs.