Chapter XIX: Section II: Daughters of æolus

With several of the daughters of Æolus memorable mythical pedigrees and narratives are connected. Alcyonê married Kêyx, the son of Eôsphoros, but both she and her husband displayed in a high degree the overweening insolence common in the Æolic race. The wife called her husband Zeus, while he addressed her as Hêrê, for which presumptuous act Zeus punished them by changing both into birds.[306]

[306] Apollodôr. i. 7, 4. A. Kêyx,—king of Trachin,—the friend
of Hêraklês and protector of the Hêrakleids to the extent of
his power (Hesiod, Scut. Hercul. 355-473: Apollodôr. ii. 7, 5;
Hekatæ. Fragm. 353, Didot.).

Canacê had by the god Poseidôn several children, amongst whom were Epôpeus and Alôeus.[307] Alôeus married Imphimêdea, who became enamored of the god Poseidôn, and boasted of her intimacy with him. She had by him two sons, Otos and Ephialtês, the huge and formidable Alôids,—Titanic beings, nine fathoms in height and nine cubits in breadth, even in their boyhood, before they had attained their full strength. These Alôids defied and insulted the gods in Olympus; they paid their court to Hêrê and Artemis, and they even seized and bound Arês, confining him in a brazen chamber for thirteen months. No one knew where he was, and the intolerable chain would have worn him to death, had not Eribœa, the jealous stepmother of the Alôids, revealed the place of his detention to Hermês, who carried him surreptitiously away when at the last extremity; nor could Arês obtain any atonement for such an indignity. Otos and Ephialtês even prepared to assault the gods in heaven, piling up Ossa on Olympus and Pêlion on Ossa, in order to reach them. And this they would have accomplished had they been allowed to grow to their full maturity; but the arrows of Apollo put a timely end to their short-lived career.[308]

[307] Canacê, daughter of Æolus, is a subject of deep tragical
interest both in Euripidês and Ovid. The eleventh Heroic Epistle
of the latter, founded mainly on the lost tragedy of the former
called Æolus, purports to be from Canacê to Macareus, and
contains a pathetic description of the ill-fated passion between
a brother and sister: see the fragments of the Æolus in Dindorf’s
collection. In the tale of Kaunos and Byblis, both children of
Milêtos, the results of an incestuous passion are different but
hardly less melancholy (Parthenios, Narr. xi.).

Makar, the son of Æolus, is the primitive settler of the island
of Lesbos (Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 37): moreover in the Odyssey, Æolus
son of Hippotês, the dispenser of the winds, has six sons and
six daughters, and marries the former to the latter (Odyss. x.
7). The two persons called Æolus are brought into connection
genealogically (see Schol. ad Odyss. _l. c._, and Diodôr. iv.
67), but it seems probable that Euripidês was the first to place
the names of Macareus and Canacê in that relation which confers
upon them their poetical celebrity. Sostratus (ap. Stobæum, t.
614, p. 404) can hardly be considered to have borrowed from any
older source than Euripidês. Welcker (Griech. Tragöd. vol. ii. p.
860) puts together all that can be known respecting the structure
of the lost drama of Euripidês.

[308] Iliad, v. 386; Odyss. xi. 306; Apollodôr. i. 7, 4. So
Typhôeus, in the Hesiodic Theogony, the last enemy of the gods,
is killed before he comes to maturity (Theog. 837). For the
different turns given to this ancient Homeric legend, see Heyne,
ad Apollodôr. l. c, and Hyginus, f. 28. The Alôids were noticed
in the Hesiodic poems (ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. i. 482). Odysseus
does not see _them_ in Hadês, as Heyne by mistake says; he sees
their mother Iphimêdea. Virgil (Æn. vi. 582) assigns to them a
place among the sufferers of punishment in Tartarus.

Eumêlus, the Corinthian poet, designated Alôeus as son of the god
Hêlios and brother of Æêtês, the father of Mêdea (Eumêl. Fragm.
2, Marktscheffel). The scene of their death was subsequently
laid in Naxos (Pindar, Pyth. iv. 88): their tombs were seen
at Anthêdôn in Bœôtia (Pausan. ix. 22, 4). The very curious
legend alluded to by Pausanias from Hegesinoos, the author of
an Atthis,—to the effect that Otos and Ephialtês were the first
to establish the worship of the Muses in Helicôn, and that they
founded Ascra along with Œoklos, the son of Poseidôn,—is one
which we have no means of tracing farther (Pausan. ix. 29, I).

The story of the Alôids, as Diodôrus gives it (v. 51, 52),
diverges on almost every point: it is evidently borrowed from
some Naxian archæologist, and the only information which we
collect from it is, that Otos and Ephialtês received heroic
honors at Naxos. The views of O. Müller (Orchomenos, p. 387)
appear to me unusually vague and fanciful.

Ephialtês takes part in the combat of the giants against the gods
(Apollodôr. t. 6, 2), where Heyne remarks, as in so many other
cases, “Ephialtês hic non confundendus cum altero Alôei filio;”
an observation just indeed, if we are supposed to be dealing
with personages and adventures historically real, but altogether
misleading in regard to these legendary characters; for here the
general conception of Ephialtês and his attributes is in both
cases the same; but the particular adventures ascribed to him
cannot be made to consist, as facts, one with the other.

The genealogy assigned to Calycê, another daughter of Æolus, conducts us from Thessaly to Elis and Ætôlia. She married Aëthlius (the son of Zeus by Prôtogeneia, daughter of Deukaliôn and sister of Hellên), who conducted a colony out of Thessaly and settled in the territory of Elis. He had for his son Endymiôn, respecting whom the Hesiodic Catalogue and the Eoiai related several wonderful things. Zeus granted him the privilege of determining the hour of his own death, and even translated him into heaven, which he forfeited by daring to pay court to Hêrê: his vision in this criminal attempt was cheated by a cloud, and he was cast out into the under-world.[309] According to other stories, his great beauty caused the goddess Sêlêne to become enamored of him, and to visit him by night during his sleep:—the sleep of Endymiôn became a proverbial expression for enviable, undisturbed, and deathless repose.[310] Endymiôn had for issue (Pausanias gives us three different accounts, and Apollodôrus a fourth, of the name of his wife) Epeios, Ætôlus, Pæôn, and a daughter Eurykydê. He caused his three sons to run a race on the stadium at Olympia, and Epeios, being victorious, was rewarded by becoming his successor in the kingdom: it was after him that the people were denominated Epeians.

[309] Hesiod, Akusilaus and Pherekydês, ap. Schol. Apollôn. Rhod.
iv, 57. Ἴν δ᾽ αὐτῷ θανάτου ταμίης. The Scholium is very full
of matter, and exhibits many of the diversities in the tale of
Endymiôn: see also Apollodôr i. 7, 5; Pausan. v. 1, 2; Conôn.
Narr. 14.

[310] Theocrit. iii. 49; xx. 35; where, however, Endymiôn is
connected with Latmos in Caria (see Schol. _ad loc._).

Both the story here mentioned, and still more, the etymological signification of the names Aëthlius and Endymiôn, seem plainly to indicate (as has before been remarked) that this genealogy was not devised until after the Olympic games had become celebrated and notorious throughout Greece.

Epeios had no male issue, and was succeeded by his nephew Eleios, son of Euykydê by the god Poseidôn: the name of the people was then changed from Epeians to Eleians. Ætôlus, the brother of Epeios, having slain Apis, son of Phorôneus, was compelled to flee from the country: he crossed the Corinthian gulf and settled in the territory then called Kurêtis, but to which he gave the name of Ætôlia.[311]

[311] Pausan. v. 1. 3-6; Apollodôr. i. 7, 6.

The son of Eleios,—or, according to other accounts, of the god Hêlios, of Poseidôn, or of Phorbas,[312]—is Augeas, whom we find mentioned in the Iliad as king of the Epeians or Eleians. Nestôr gives a long and circumstantial narrative of his own exploits at the head of his Pylian countrymen against his neighbors the Epeians and their king Augeas, whom he defeated with great loss, slaying Mulios, the king’s son-in-law, and acquiring a vast booty.[313] Augeas was rich in all sorts of rural wealth, and possessed herds of cattle so numerous, that the dung of the animals accumulated in the stable or cattle enclosures beyond all power of endurance. Eurystheus, as an insult to Hêraklês, imposed upon him the obligation of cleansing this stable: the hero, disdaining to carry off the dung upon his shoulders, turned the course of the river Alpheios through the building, and thus swept the encumbrance away.[314] But Augeas, in spite of so signal a service, refused to Hêraklês the promised reward, though his son Phyleus protested against such treachery, and when he found that he could not induce his father to keep faith, retired in sorrow and wrath to the island of Dulichiôn.[315] To avenge the deceit practised upon him, Hêraklês invaded Elis; but Augeas had powerful auxiliaries, especially his nephews, the two Molionids (sons of Poseidôn by Molionê, the wife of Aktôr), Eurytos and Kteatos. These two miraculous brothers, of transcendent force, grew together,—having one body, but two heads and four arms.[316] Such was their irresistible might, that Hêraklês was defeated and repelled from Elis: but presently the Eleians sent the two Molionid brothers as _Theôri_ (sacred envoys) to the Isthmian games, and Hêraklês, placing himself in ambush at Kleônæ, surprised and killed them as they passed through. For this murderous act the Eleians in vain endeavored to obtain redress both at Corinth and at Argos; which is assigned as the reason for the self-ordained exclusion, prevalent throughout all the historical age, that no Eleian athlête would ever present himself as a competitor at the Isthmian games.[317] The Molionids being thus removed, Hêraklês again invaded Elis, and killed Augeas along with his children,—all except Phyleus, whom he brought over from Dulichiôn, and put in possession of his father’s kingdom. According to the more gentle narrative which Pausanias adopts, Augeas was not killed, but pardoned at the request of Phyleus.[318] He was worshipped as a hero[319] even down to the time of that author.

[312] Apollodôr. ii. 5, 5; Schol. Apoll. Rhod. i. 172. In all
probability, the old legend made Augeas the son of the god
Hêlios: Hêlios, Augeas and Agamêdê are a triple series parallel
to the Corinthian genealogy, Hêlios, Æêtês and Mêdia; not to
mention that the etymology of Augeas connects him with Hêlios.
Theocritus (xx. 55) designates him as the son of the god Hêlios,
through whose favor his cattle are made to prosper and multiply
with such astonishing success (xx. 117).

[313] Iliad, xi. 670-760; Pherekyd. Fragm. 57, Didot.

[314] Diodôr. iv. 13. Ὕβρεως ἕνεκεν Εὐρυσθεὺς προσέταξε καθᾶραι·
ὁ δὲ Ἡρακλῆς τὸ μὲν τοῖς ὤμοις ἐξενεγκεῖν αὐτὴν ἀπεδοκίμασεν,
ἐκκλίνων τὴν ἐκ τῆς ὕβρεως αἰσχύνην, etc. (Pausan. v. 1. 7;
Apollodôr. ii. 5, 5).

It may not be improper to remark that this fable indicates a
purely pastoral condition, or at least a singularly rude state
of agriculture; and the way in which Pausanias recounts it goes
even beyond the genuine story: ὡς καὶ τὰ πολλὰ τῆς χώρας αὐτῷ ἤδη
διατελεῖν ἀργὰ ὄντα ὑπὸ τῶν βοσκημάτων τῆς κόπρου. The slaves
of Odysseus however know what use to make of the dung heaped
before his outer fence (Odyss. xvii. 299); not so the purely
carnivorous and pastoral Cyclôps (Odyss. ix. 329). The stabling
into which the cattle go from their pasture, is called κόπρος in
Homer,—Ἐλθούσας ἐς κόπρον, ἐπὴν βοτανῆς κορέσωνται (Odyss. x.
411): compare Iliad, xviii. 575—Μυκηθμῷ δ᾽ ἀπὸ κόπρου ἐπεσσεύοντο
πέδονδε.

The Augeas of Theocritus has abundance of wheat-land and
vineyard, as well as cattle: he ploughs his land three or four
times, and digs his vineyard diligently (xx. 20-32).

[315] The wrath and retirement of Phyleus is mentioned in the
Iliad (ii. 633), but not the cause of it.

[316] These singular properties were ascribed to them both in
the Hesiodic poems and by Pherekydês (Schol. Ven. ad II. xi.
715-750, et ad II. xxiii. 638), but not in the Iliad. The poet
Ibykus (Fragm. 11, Schneid. ap. Athenæ. ii. 57) calls them ἅλικας
ἰσοκεφάλους, ἐνιγυίους, Ἀμφοτέρους γεγαῶτας ἐν ὠέῳ ἀργυρέῳ.

There were temples and divine honors to Zeus Moliôn (Lactantius.
de Falsâ Religione, i. 22).

[317] Pausan. v. 2, 4. The inscription cited by Pausanias
proves that this was the reason assigned by the Eleian athlêtes
themselves for the exclusion; but there were several different
stories.

[318] Apollodôr. ii. 7, 2. Diodôr. iv. 33. Pausan. v. 2, 2; 3,
2. It seems evident from these accounts that the genuine legend
represented Hêraklês as having been defeated by the Molionids:
the unskilful evasions both of Apollodôrus and Diodôrus betray
this. Pindar (Olymp. xi. 25-50) gives the story without any
flattery to Hêraklês.

[319] Pausan. v. 4, 1.

It was on occasion of this conquest of Elis, according to the old mythe which Pindar has ennobled in a magnificent ode, that Hêraklês first consecrated the ground of Olympia, and established the Olympic games. Such at least was one of the many fables respecting the origin of that memorable institution.[320]

[320] The Armenian copy of Eusebius gives a different genealogy
respecting Elis and Pisa: Aëthlius, Epeius, Endymiôn, Alexinus;
next Œnomaus and Pêlops, then Hêraklês. Some counted ten
generations, others _three_, between Hêraklês and Iphitus, who
renewed the discontinued Olympic games (see Armen. Euseb. copy c.
xxxii. p. 140).

Phyleus, after having restored order in Elis, retired again to Dulichiôn, and left the kingdom to his brother Agasthenês, which again brings us into the Homeric series. For Polyxenos, son of Agasthenês, is one of the four commanders of the Epeian forty ships in the Iliad, in conjunction with the two sons of Eurytos and Kteatos, and with Diôrês son of Amarynceus. Megês, the son of Phyleus, commands the contingent from Dulichiôn and the Echinades.[321] Polyxenos returns safe from Troy, is succeeded by his son Amphimachos,—named after the Epeian chief who had fallen before Troy,—and he again by another Eleios, in whose time the Dôrians and the Hêrakleids invade Peloponnêsus.[322] These two names, barren of actions or attributes, are probably introduced by the genealogists whom Pausanias followed, to fill up the supposed interval between the Trojan war and the Dôrian invasion.

[321] Iliad, ii. 615-630.

[322] Pausan. v. 3, 4.

We find the ordinary discrepancies in respect to the series and the members of this genealogy. Thus some called Epeios son of Aëthlius, others son of Endymiôn:[323] a third pedigree, which carries the sanction of Aristotle and is followed by Conôn, designated Eleios, the first settler of Elis, as son of Poseidôn and Eurypylê, daughter of Endymiôn, and Epeios and Alexis as the two sons of Eleios.[324] And Pindar himself, in his ode to Epharmostus the Locrian, introduces with much emphasis another king of the Epeians named Opus, whose daughter, pregnant by Zeus, was conveyed by that god to the old and childless king Locrus: the child when born, adopted by Locrus and named Opus, became the eponymous hero of the city so called in Locris.[325] Moreover Hekatæus the Milesian not only affirmed (contrary both to the Iliad and the Odyssey) that the Epeians and the Eleians were different people, but also added that the Epeians had assisted Hêraklês in his expedition against Augeas and Elis; a narrative very different from that of Apollodôrus and Pausanias, and indicating besides that he must have had before him a genealogy varying from theirs.[326]

[323] Schol. Pindar, Olymp. ix. 86.

[324] Schol. Ven. ad II. xi. 687; Conôn, Narrat. xv. ap. Scriptt.
Mythogr. West p. 130.

[325] Pindar, Olymp. ix. 62: Schol. _ibid._ 86. Ὀποῦντος ἠν
θυγάτηρ Ἠλείων βασιλέως, ἣν Ἀριστοτέλης Καμβύσην καλεῖ.

[326] Ἑκαταῖος δὲ ὁ Μιλήσιος ἑτέρους λέγει τῶν Ἠλείων τοὺς
Ἐπείους· τῷ γοῦν Ἡρακλεῖ συστρατεῦσαι τοὺς Ἐπείους καὶ συνανελεῖν
αὐτῷ τόν τε Αὐγέαν καὶ τὴν Ἦλιν (Hekat. ap. Strab. viii. p. 341).

It has already been mentioned that Ætôlus, son of Endymiôn, quitted Peloponnêsus in consequence of having slain Apis.[327] The country on the north of the Corinthian gulf, between the rivers Euênus and Achelôus, received from him the name of Ætôlia instead of that of Kurêtis: he acquired possession of it after having slain Dôrus, Laodokus and Polypœtes, sons of Apollo and Phthia, by whom he had been well received. He had by his wife Pronoê (the daughter of Phorbas) two sons, Pleurôn and Kalydôn, and from them the two chief towns in Ætôlia were named.[328] Pleurôn married Xanthippê, daughter of Dôrus, and had for his son Agênôr, from whom sprang Portheus, or Porthaôn, and Demonikê: Euênos and Thestius were children of the latter by the god Arês.[329]

[327] Ephorus said that Ætôlus had been expelled by Salmôneus
king of the Epeians and Pisatæ (ap. Strabo. viii. p. 357):
he must have had before him a different story and different
genealogy from that which is given in the text.

[328] Apollodôr. i. 7, 6. Dôrus, son of Apollo and Phthia,
killed by Ætôlus, after having hospitably received him, is here
mentioned. Nothing at all is known of this; but the conjunction
of names is such as to render it probable that there was some
legend connected with them: possibly the assistance given by
Apollo to the Kurêtes against the Ætôlians, and the death of
Meleager by the hand of Apollo, related both in the Eoiai and the
Minyas (Pausan. x. 31, 2), may have been grounded upon it. The
story connects itself with what is stated by Apollodôrus about
Dôrus son of Hellên (see _supra_, p. 136).

[329] According to the ancient genealogical poet Asius, Thestius
was son of Agênôr the son of Pleurôn (Asii Fragm. 6, p. 413,
ed. Marktsch.). Compare the genealogy of Ætôlia and the general
remarks upon it, in Brandstäter, Geschichte des Ætol. Landes,
etc., Berlin, 1844, p. 23 _seq._

Portheus had three sons, Agrius, Melas and Œneus: among the offspring of Thestius were Althæa and Lêda,[330]—names which bring us to a period of interest in the legendary history. Lêda marries Tyndareus and becomes mother of Helena and the Dioskuri: Althæa marries Œneus, and has, among other children, Meleager and Deianeira; the latter being begotten by the god Dionysus, and the former by Arês.[331] Tydeus also is his son, the father of Diomêdês: warlike eminence goes hand in hand with tragic calamity among the members of this memorable family.

[330] Respecting Lêda, see the statements of Ibykus, Pherekydês,
Hellanikus, etc. (Schol. Apollôn. Rhod. i. 146). The reference to
the Corinthiaca of Eumêlus is curious: it is a specimen of the
matters upon which these old genealogical poems dwelt.

[331] Apollodôr. i. 8, 1; Euripidês, Meleager, Frag. 1. The three
sons of Portheus are named in the Iliad (xiv. 116) as living at
Pleurôn and Kalydôn. The name Œneus doubtless brings Dionysus
into the legend.

We are fortunate enough to find the legend of Althæa and Meleager set forth at considerable length in the Iliad, in the speech addressed by Phœnix to appease the wrath of Achilles. Œneus, king of Kalydôn, in the vintage sacrifices which he offered to the gods, omitted to include Artemis: the misguided man either forgot her or cared not for her;[332] and the goddess, provoked by such an insult, sent against the vineyards of Œneus a wild boar, of vast size and strength, who tore up the trees by the root and laid prostrate all their fruit. So terrible was this boar, that nothing less than a numerous body of men could venture to attack him: Meleager, the son of Œneus, however, having got together a considerable number of companions, partly from the Kurêtes of Pleurôn, at length slew him. But the anger of Artemis was not yet appeased, and she raised a dispute among the combatants respecting the possession of the boar’s head and hide,—the trophies of victory. In this dispute, Meleager slew the brother of his mother Althæa, prince of the Kurêtes of Pleurôn: these Kurêtes attacked the Ætôlians of Kalydôn in order to avenge their chief. So long as Meleager contended in the field the Ætôlians had the superiority. But he presently refused to come forth, indignant at the curses imprecated upon him by his mother: for Althæa, wrung with sorrow for the death of her brother, flung herself upon the ground in tears, beat the earth violently with her hands, and implored Hadês and Persephonê to inflict death upon Meleager,—a prayer which the unrelenting Erinnys in Erebus heard but too well. So keenly did the hero resent this behavior of his mother, that he kept aloof from the war; and the Kurêtes not only drove the Ætôlians from the field, but assailed the walls and gates of Kalydôn, and were on the point of overwhelming its dismayed inhabitants. There was no hope of safety except in the arm of Meleager; but Meleager lay in his chamber by the side of his beautiful wife Kleopatra, the daughter of Idas, and heeded not the necessity. While the shouts of expected victory were heard from the assailants at the gates, the ancient men of Ætôlia and the priests of the gods earnestly besought Meleager to come forth,[333] offering him his choice of the fattest land in the plain of Kalydôn. His dearest friends, his father Œneus, his sisters, and even his mother herself added their supplications, but he remained inflexible. At length the Kurêtes penetrated into the town and began to burn it: at this last moment, Kleopatra his wife addressed to him her pathetic appeal, to avert from her and from his family the desperate horrors impending over them all. Meleager could no longer resist: he put on his armor, went forth from his chamber, and repelled the enemy. But when the danger was over, his countrymen withheld from him the splendid presents which they had promised, because he had rejected their prayers, and had come forth only when his own haughty caprice dictated.[334]

[332] Ἢ λάθετ᾽, ἢ οὐκ ἐνόησεν· ἀάσατο δὲ μέγα θυμῷ. (Iliad,
ix. 533). The destructive influence of Atê is mentioned
before, v. 502. The piety of Xenophôn reproduces this ancient
circumstance,—Οἴνεως δ᾽ ἐν γήρᾳ ἐπιλαθομένου τῆς θεοῦ, etc. (De
Venat. c. i.)

[333] These priests formed the Chorus in the Meleager of
Sophoklês (Schol. ad Iliad. _ib._ 575).

[334] Iliad, ix. 525-595.

Such is the legend of Meleager in the Iliad: a verse in the second book mentions simply the death of Meleager, without farther details, as a reason why Thoas appeared in command of the Ætôlians before Troy.[335] Though the circumstance is indicated only indirectly, there seems little doubt that Homer must have conceived the death of the hero as brought about by the maternal curse: the unrelenting Erinnys executed to the letter the invocations of Althæa, though she herself must have been willing to retract them.

[335] Iliad, ii. 642.

Later poets both enlarged and altered the fable. The Hesiodic Eoiai, as well as the old poem called the Minyas, represented Meleager as having been slain by Apollo, who aided the Kurêtes in the war; and the incident of the burning brand, though quite at variance with Homer, is at least as old as the tragic poet Phrynichus, earlier than Æschylus.[336] The Mœræ, or Fates, presenting themselves to Althæa shortly after the birth of Meleager, predicted that the child would die so soon as the brand then burning on the fire near at hand should be consumed. Althæa snatched it from the flames and extinguished it, preserving it with the utmost care, until she became incensed against Meleager for the death of her brother. She then cast it into the fire, and as soon as it was consumed the life of Meleager was brought to a close.

[336] Pausan. x. 31. 2. The Πλευρώνιαι, a lost tragedy of
Phrynichus.

We know, from the sharp censure of Pliny, that Sophoklês heightened the pathos of this subject by his account of the mournful death of Meleager’s sisters, who perished from excess of grief. They were changed into the birds called Meleagrides, and their never-ceasing tears ran together into amber.[337] But in the hands of Euripidês—whether originally through him or not,[338] we cannot tell—Atalanta became the prominent figure and motive of the piece, while the party convened to hunt the Kalydônian boar was made to comprise all the distinguished heroes from every quarter of Greece. In fact, as Heyne justly remarks, this event is one of the four aggregate dramas of Grecian heroic life,[339] along with the Argonautic expedition, the siege of Thêbes, and the Trojan war. To accomplish the destruction of the terrific animal which Artemis in her wrath had sent forth, Meleager assembled not merely the choice youth among the Kurêtes and Ætôlians (as we find in the Iliad), but an illustrious troop, including Kastôr and Pollux, Idas and Lynkeus, Pêleus and Telamôn, Thêseus and Peirithous, Ankæus and Kêpheus, Jasôn, Amphiaraus, Admêtus, Eurytiôn and others. Nestôr and Phœnix, who appear as old men before the walls of Troy, exhibited their early prowess as auxiliaries to the suffering Kalydônians.[340] Conspicuous amidst them all stood the virgin Atalanta, daughter of the Arcadian Schœneus; beautiful and matchless for swiftness of foot, but living in the forest as a huntress and unacceptable to Aphroditê.[341] Several of the heroes were slain by the boar, others escaped by various stratagems: at length Atalanta first shot him in the back, next Amphiaraus in the eye, and, lastly, Meleager killed him. Enamoured of the beauty of Atalanta, Meleager made over to her the chief spoils of the animal, on the plea that she had inflicted the first wound. But his uncles, the brothers of Thestius, took them away from her, asserting their rights as next of kin,[342] if Meleager declined to keep the prize for himself: the latter, exasperated at this behavior, slew them. Althæa, in deep sorrow for her brothers and wrath against her son, is impelled to produce the fatal brand which she had so long treasured up, and consign it to the flames.[343] The tragedy concludes with the voluntary death both of Althæa and Kleopatra.

[337] Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 2, 11.

[338] There was a tragedy of Æschylus called Ἀταλάντη, of which
nothing remains (Bothe, Æschyli Fragm. ix. p. 18).

Of the more recent dramatic writers, several selected Atalanta as
their subject (See Brandstäter, Geschichte Ætoliens, p. 65).

[339] There was a poem of Stesichorus, Συόθηραι (Stesichor.
Fragm. 15. p. 72).

[340] The catalogue of these heroes is in Apollodôr. i. 8, 2;
Ovid, Metamor. viii. 300; Hygin. fab. 173. Euripidês, in his play
of Meleager, gave an enumeration and description of the heroes
(see Fragm. 6 of that play, ed. Matth.). Nestôr, in this picture
of Ovid, however, does not appear quite so invincible as in his
own speeches in the Iliad. The mythographers thought it necessary
to assign a reason why Hêraklês was _not_ present at the
Kalydônian adventure: he was just at that time in servitude with
Omphalê in Lydia (Apollod. ii. 6, 3). This seems to have been the
idea of Ephorus, and it is much in his style of interpretation
(see Ephor. Fragm. 9. ed. Didot.).

[341] Euripid. Meleag. Fragm. vi. Matt.—

Κύπριδος δὲ μίσημ᾽, Ἀρκὰς Ἀταλάντη, κύνας
Καὶ τόξ᾽ ἔχουσα, etc.

There was a drama “Meleager” both of Sophoklês and Euripidês: of
the former hardly any fragments remain,—a few more of the latter.

[342] Hyginus, fab. 229.

[343] Diodôr, iv. 34. Apollôdorus (i. 8; 2-4) gives first the
usual narrative, including Atalanta; next, the Homeric narrative
with some additional circumstances, but not including either
Atalanta or the fire-brand on which Meleager’s life depended. He
prefaces the latter with the words οἱ δέ φασι, etc. Antoninus
Liberalis gives this second narrative only, without Atalanta,
from Nicander (Narrat. 2).

The Latin scenic poet, Attius, had devoted one of his tragedies
to this subject, taking the general story as given by Euripidês:
“Remanet gloria apud me: exuvias dignavi Atalantæ dare,” seems
to be the speech of Meleager. (Attii Fragm. 8, ap. Poet. Scen.
Lat. ed. Bothe, p. 215). The readers of the Æneid will naturally
think of the swift and warlike virgin Camilla, as the parallel of
Atalanta.

Interesting as the Arcadian huntress, Atalanta, is in herself, she is an intrusion, and not a very convenient intrusion, into the Homeric story of the Kalydônian boar-hunt, wherein another female Kleopatra, already occupied the foreground.[344] But the more recent version became accredited throughout Greece, and was sustained by evidence which few persons in those days felt any inclination to controvert. For Atalanta carried away with her the spoils and head of the boar into Arcadia; and there for successive centuries hung the identical hide and the gigantic tusks of three feet in length, in the temple of Athênê Alea at Tegea. Kallimachus mentions them as being there preserved, in the third century before the Christian æra;[345] but the extraordinary value set upon them is best proved by the fact that the emperor Augustus took away the tusks from Tegea, along with the great statue of Athênê Alea, and conveyed them to Rome, to be there preserved among the public curiosities. Even a century and a half afterwards, when Pausanias visited Greece, the skin worn out with age was shown to him, while the robbery of the tusks had not been forgotten. Nor were these relics of the boar the only memento preserved at Tegea of the heroic enterprise. On the pediment of the temple of Athênê Alea, unparalleled in Peloponnêsus for beauty and grandeur, the illustrious statuary Skopas had executed one of his most finished reliefs, representing the Kalydônian hunt. Atalanta and Meleager were placed in the front rank of the assailants, and Ankæus, one of the Tegean heroes, to whom the tusks of the boar had proved fatal,[346] was represented as sinking under his death-wound into the arms of his brother Epochos. And Pausanias observes, that the Tegeans, while they had manifested the same honorable forwardness as other Arcadian communities in the conquest of Troy, the repulse of Xerxês, and the battle of Dipæ against Sparta—might fairly claim to themselves, through Ankæus and Atalanta, that they alone amongst all Arcadians had participated in the glory of the Kalydônian boar-hunt.[347] So entire and unsuspecting is the faith both of the Tegeans and of Pausanias in the past historical reality of this romantic adventure. Strabo indeed tries to transform the romance into something which has the outward semblance of history, by remarking that the quarrel respecting the boar’s head and hide cannot have been the real cause of war between the Kurêtes and the Ætôlians; the true ground of dispute (he contends) was probably the possession of a portion of territory.[348] His remarks on this head are analogous to those of Thucydidês and other critics, when they ascribe the Trojan war, not to the rape of Helen, but to views of conquest or political apprehensions. But he treats the general fact of the battle between the Kurêtes and the Ætôlians, mentioned in the Iliad, as something unquestionably real and historical—recapitulating at the same time a variety of discrepancies on the part of different authors, but not giving any decision of his own respecting their truth or falsehood.

[344] The narrative of Apollodôrus reads awkwardly—Μελέαγρος
ἔχων γυναῖκα Κλεοπάτραν, βουλόμενος δὲ καὶ ἐξ Ἀταλάντης
τεκνοποιήσασθαι, etc. (i. 8, 2).

[345] Kallimachus, Hymn. ad Dian. 217.—

Οὔ μιν ἐπικλητοὶ Καλυδώνιοι ἀγρευτῆρες
Μέμφονται κάπροιο· τὰ γὰρ σημήϊα νίκης
Ἀρκαδίην εἰσῆλθεν, ἔχει δ᾽ ἔτι θηρὸς ὀδόντας.

[346] See Pherekyd. Frag. 81, ed. Didot.

[347] Pausan. viii. 45, 4; 46, 1-3; 47, 2. Lucian, adv. Indoctum,
c. 14. t. iii. p. 111, Reiz.

The officers placed in charge of the public curiosities or
wonders at Rome (οἱ ἐπὶ τοῖς θαύμασιν) affirmed that one of the
tusks had been accidentally broken in the voyage from Greece: the
other was kept in the temple of Bacchus in the Imperial Gardens.

It is numbered among the memorable exploits of Thêseus that he
vanquished and killed a formidable and gigantic sow, in the
territory of Krommyôn near Corinth. According to some critics,
this Krommyônian sow was the mother of the Kalydônian boar
(Strabo, viii. p. 380).

[348] Strabo, x. p. 466. Πολέμου δ᾽ ἐμπεσόντος τοῖς Θεστιάδαις
πρὸς Οἰνέα καὶ Μελέαγρον, ὁ μὲν Ποιητὴς, ἀμφὶ συὸς κεφαλῇ καὶ
δέρματι, κατὰ τὴν περὶ τοῦ κάπρου μυθολογίαν· ὡς δὲ τὸ εἰκὸς,
περὶ μέρους τῆς χώρας, etc. This remark is also similar to Mr.
Payne Knight’s criticism on the true causes of the Trojan war,
which were (he tells us) of a political character, independent of
Helen and her abduction (Prolegom. ad Homer. c. 53).

In the same manner as Atalanta was intruded into the Kalydônian hunt, so also she seems to have been introduced into the memorable funeral games celebrated after the decease of Pelias at Iôlkos, in which she had no place at the time when the works on the chest of Kypselus were executed.[349] But her native and genuine locality is Arcadia; where her race-course, near to the town of Methydrion, was shown even in the days of Pausanias.[350] This race-course had been the scene of destruction for more than one unsuccessful suitor. For Atalanta, averse to marriage, had proclaimed that her hand should only be won by the competitor who could surpass her in running: all who tried and failed were condemned to die, and many were the persons to whom her beauty and swiftness, alike unparalleled, had proved fatal. At length Meilaniôn, who had vainly tried to win her affections by assiduous services in her hunting excursions, ventured to enter the perilous lists. Aware that he could not hope to outrun her except by stratagem, he had obtained by the kindness of Aphroditê, three golden apples from the garden of the Hesperides, which he successively let fall near to her while engaged in the race. The maiden could not resist the temptation of picking them up, and was thus overcome: she became the wife of Meilaniôn and the mother of the Arcadian Parthenopæus, one of the seven chiefs who perished in the siege of Thêbes.[351]

[349] Compare Apollodôr. iii. 9, 2, and Pausan. v. 17, 4. She is
made to _wrestle_ with Pêleus at these funeral games, which seems
foreign to her character.

[350] Pausan. viii. 35, 8.

[351] Respecting the varieties in this interesting story,
see Apollod. iii. 9, 2; Hygin. f. 185; Ovid, Metam. x.
560-700; Propert. i. 1, 20; Ælian, V. H. xiii. i. Μειλανίωνος
σωφρονέστερος. Aristophan. Lysistrat. 786 and Schol. In the
ancient representation on the chest of Kypselus (Paus. v. 19, 1),
Meilaniôn was exhibited standing near Atalanta, who was holding a
fawn: no match or competition in running was indicated.

There is great discrepancy in the naming and patronymic
description of the parties in the story. Three different persons
are announced as fathers of Atalanta, Schœneus, Jasus and
Mænalos; the successful lover in Ovid (and seemingly in Euripidês
also) is called Hippomenês, not Meilaniôn. In the Hesiodic poems
Atalanta was daughter of Schœneus; Hellanikus called her daughter
of Jasus. See Apollodôr. _l. c._; Kallimach. Hymn to Dian. 214,
with the note of Spanheim; Schol. Eurip. Phœniss. 150; Schol.
Theocr. Idyll. iii. 40; also the ample commentary of Bachet de
Meziriac, Sur les Epîtres d’Ovide, vol. i. p. 366. Servius (ad
Virg. Eclog. vi. 61; Æneid, iii. 113) calls Atalanta a native of
Scyros.

Both the ancient scholiasts (see Schol. Apoll. Rhod. i. 769) and
the modern commentators, Spanheim and Heyne, seek to escape this
difficulty by supposing two Atalantas,—an Arcadian and a Bœôtian:
assuming the principle of their conjecture to be admissible, they
ought to suppose at least three.

Certainly, if personages of the Grecian mythes are to be treated
as historically real, and their adventures as so many exaggerated
and miscolored facts, it will be necessary to repeat the process
of multiplying entities to an infinite extent. And this is one
among the many reasons for rejecting the fundamental supposition.

But when we consider these personages as purely legendary, so
that an historical basis can neither be affirmed nor denied
respecting them, we escape the necessity of such inconvenient
stratagems. The test of identity is then to be sought in the
attributes, not in the legal description,—in the predicates, not
in the subject. Atalanta, whether born of one father or another,
whether belonging to one place or another, is beautiful, cold,
repulsive, daring, swift of foot and skilful with the bow,—these
attributes constitute her identity. The Scholiast on Theocritus
(iii. 40), in vindicating his supposition that there were two
Atalantas, draws a distinction founded upon this very principle:
he says that the Bœôtian Atalanta was τοξοτὶς, and the Arcadian
Atalanta δρομαία. But this seems an over-refinement: both the
shooting and the running go to constitute an accomplished
huntress.

In respect to Parthenopæus, called by Euripidês and by so many
others the son of Atalanta, it is of some importance to add,
that Apollodôrus, Aristarchus, and Antimachus, the author of the
Thebaid, assigned to him a pedigree entirely different,—making
him an Argeian, the son of Talaos and Lysimachê, and brother of
Adrastus. (Apollodôr. i. 9, 13; Aristarch. ap. Schol. Soph. Œd.
Col. 1320; Antimachus ap. Schol. Æschyl. Sep. Theb. 532; and
Schol. Supplem. ad Eurip. Phœniss. t. viii. p. 461, ed. Matth.
Apollodôrus is in fact inconsistent with himself in another
passage).

We have yet another female in the family of Œneus, whose name the legend has immortalized. His daughter Deianeira was sought in marriage by the river Achelôus, who presented himself in various shapes, first as a serpent and afterwards as a bull. From the importunity of this hateful suitor she was rescued by the arrival of Hêraklês, who encountered Achelôus, vanquished him and broke off one of his horns, which Achelôus ransomed by surrendering to him the horn of Amaltheia, endued with the miraculous property of supplying the possessor with abundance of any food or drink which he desired. Hêraklês was rewarded for his prowess by the possession of Deianeira, and he made over the horn of Amaltheia as his marriage-present to Œneus.[352] Compelled to leave the residence of Œneus in consequence of having in a fit of anger struck the youthful attendant Eunomus, and involuntarily killed him,[353] Hêraklês retired to Trachin, crossing the river Euênus at the place where the Centaur Nessus was accustomed to carry over passengers for hire. Nessus carried over Deianeira, but when he had arrived on the other side, began to treat her with rudeness, upon which Hêraklês slew him with an arrow tinged by the poison of the Lernæan hydra. The dying Centaur advised Deianeira to preserve the poisoned blood which flowed from his wound, telling her that it would operate as a philtre to regain for her the affections of Hêraklês, in case she should ever be threatened by a rival. Some time afterwards the hero saw and loved the beautiful Iolê, daughter of Eurytos, king of Œchalia: he stormed the town, killed Eurytos, and made Iolê his captive. The misguided Deianeira now had recourse to her supposed philtre: she sent as a present to Hêraklês a splendid tunic, imbued secretly with the poisoned blood of the Centaur. Hêraklês adorned himself with the tunic on the occasion of offering a solemn sacrifice to Zeus on the promontory of Kênæon in Eubœa: but the fatal garment, when once put on, clung to him indissolubly, burnt his skin and flesh, and occasioned an agony of pain from which he was only relieved by death. Deianeira slew herself in despair at this disastrous catastrophe.[354]

[352] Sophokl. Trachin. 7. The horn of Amaltheia was described by
Pherekydês (Apollod. ii. 7, 5); see also Strabo, x. p. 458 and
Diodôr. iv. 35, who cites an interpretation of the fables (οἱ
εἰκάζοντες ἐξ αὐτῶν τἀληθές) to the effect that it was symbolical
of an embankment of the unruly river by Hêraklês, and consequent
recovery of very fertile land.

[353] Hellanikus (ap. Athen. ix. p. 410) mentioning this
incident, in two different works, called the attendant by two
different names.

[354] The beautiful drama of the Trachiniæ has rendered this
story familiar: compare Apollod. ii. 7, 7. Hygin. f. 36. Diodôr.
iv. 36-37.

The capture of Œchalia (Οἰχαλίας ἅλωσις) was celebrated in a
very ancient epic poem by Kreophylos, of the Homeric and not of
the Hesiodic character: it passed with many as the work of Homer
himself. (See Düntzer, Fragm. Epic. Græcor. p. 8. Welcker, Der
Epische Cyclus, p. 229). The same subject was also treated in
the Hesiodic Catalogue, or in the Eoiai (see Hesiod, Fragm. 129,
ed. Marktsch.): the number of the children of Eurytos was there
enumerated.

This exploit seems constantly mentioned as the last performed by
Hêraklês, and as immediately preceding his death or apotheosis on
Mount Œta: but whether the legend of Deianeira and the poisoned
tunic be very old, we cannot tell.

The tale of the death of Iphitos, son of Eurytos, by Hêraklês, is
as ancient as the Odyssey (xxi. 19-40): but it is there stated,
that Eurytos dying left his memorable bow to his son Iphitos (the
bow is given afterwards by Iphitos to Odysseus, and is the weapon
so fatal to the suitors),—a statement not very consistent with
the story that Œchalia was taken and Eurytos slain by Hêraklês.
It is plain that these were distinct and contradictory legends.
Compare Soph. Trachin. 260-285 (where Iphitos dies before
Eurytos), not only with the passage just cited from the Odyssey,
but also with Pherekydês, Fragm. 34, Didot.

Hyginus (f. 33) differs altogether in the parentage of Deianeira:
he calls her daughter of Dexamenos: his account of her marriage
with Hêraklês is in every respect at variance with Apollodôrus.
In the latter, Mnêsimachê is the daughter of Dexamenos; Hêraklês
rescues her from the importunities of the Centaur Eurytiôn (ii.
5, 5).

We have not yet exhausted the eventful career of Œneus and his family—ennobled among the Ætôlians especially, both by religious worship and by poetical eulogy—and favorite themes not merely in some of the Hesiodic poems, but also in other ancient epic productions, the Alkmæênis and the Cyclic Thêbais.[355] By another marriage, Œneus had for his son Tydeus, whose poetical celebrity is attested by the many different accounts given both of the name and condition of his mother. Tydeus, having slain his cousins, the sons of Melas, who were conspiring against Œneus, was forced to become an exile, and took refuge at Argos with Adrastus, whose daughter Deipylê he married. The issue of this marriage was Diomêdês, whose brilliant exploits in the siege of Troy were not less celebrated than those of his father at the siege of Thêbes. After the departure of Tydeus, Œneus was deposed by the sons of Agrios, and fell into extreme poverty and wretchedness, from which he was only rescued by his grandson Diomêdês, after the conquest of Troy.[356] The sufferings of this ancient warrior, and the final restoration and revenge by Diomêdês, were the subject of a lost tragedy of Euripidês, which even the ridicule of Aristophanês demonstrates to have been eminently pathetic.[357]

[355] See the references in Apollod. i, 8, 4-5. Pindar, Isthm.
iv. 32. Μελέταν δὲ σοφισταῖς Διὸς ἕκατι πρόσβαλον σεβιζόμενοι Ἐν
μὲν Αἰτωλῶν θυσίαισι φαενναῖς Οἰνεΐδαι κρατεροὶ, etc.

[356] Hekat. Fragm. 341, Didot. In this story Œneus is connected
with the first discovery of the vine and the making of wine
(οἶνος): compare Hygin. f. 129, and Servius ad Virgil. Georgic.
i. 9.

[357] See Welcker (Griechisch. Tragöd. ii. p. 583) on the lost
tragedy called Œneus.

Though the genealogy just given of Œneus is in part Homeric, and seems to have been followed generally by the mythographers, yet we find another totally at variance with it in Hekatæus, which he doubtless borrowed from some of the old poets: the simplicity of the story annexed to it seems to attest its antiquity. Orestheus, son of Deukaliôn, first passed into Ætôlia, and acquired the kingdom: he was father of Phytios, who was father of Œneus. Ætôlus was son of Œneus.[358]

[358] Timoklês, Comic. ap. Athenæ. vii. p. 223.—

Γέρων τις ἀτυχεῖ; κατέμαθεν τὸν Οἰνέα.

Ovid. Heroid. ix. 153.—

“Heu! devota domus! Solio sedet Agrios alto
Œnea desertum nuda senecta premit.”

The account here given is in Hyginus (f. 175): but it is in many
points different both from Apollodôrus (i. 8, 6; Pausan. ii.
25) and Pherekydês (Fragm. 83, Didot). It seems to be borrowed
from the lost tragedy of Euripidês. Compare Schol. ad Aristoph.
Acharn. 417. Antonin. Liberal. c. 37. In the Iliad, Œneus is dead
before the Trojan war (ii. 641).

The account of Ephorus again is different (ap. Strabo. x. p.
462); he joins Alkmæôn with Diomêdês: but his narrative has the
air of a tissue of quasi-historical conjectures, intended to
explain the circumstance that the Ætôlian Diomêdês is king of
Argos during the Trojan war.

Pausanias and Apollodôrus affirm that Œneus was buried at Œnoê
between Argos and Mantineia, and they connect the name of this
place with him. But it seems more reasonable to consider him as
the eponymous hero of Œniadæ in Ætôlia.

The original migration of Ætolus from Elis to Ætôlia—and the subsequent establishment in Elis of Oxylus, his descendant in the tenth generation, along with the Dôrian invaders of Peloponnêsus—were commemorated by two inscriptions, one in the agora of Elis, the other in that of the Ætôlian chief town, Thermum, engraved upon the statues of Ætôlus and Oxylus,[359] respectively.

[359] Ephor. Fragm. 29. Didot ap. Strab. x.