Chapter XIII: Argonautic Expedition

The ship Argô was the theme of many songs during the oldest periods of the Grecian epic, even earlier than the Odyssey. The king Æêtês, from whom she is departing, the hero Jasôn, who commands her, and the goddess Hêrê, who watches over him, enabling the Argô to traverse distances and to escape dangers which no ship had ever before encountered, are all circumstances briefly glanced at by Odysseus in his narrative to Alkinous. Moreover, Eunêus, the son of Jasôn and Hypsipylê, governs Lemnos during the siege of Troy by Agamemnôn, and carries on a friendly traffic with the Grecian camp, purchasing from them their Trojan prisoners.[547]

[547] Odyss. xii. 69.—

Οἴη δὴ κείνη γε παρέπλει ποντόπορος νῆυς,
Ἀργὼ πασιμέλουσα, παρ᾽ Αἰήταο πλέουσα·
Καὶ νύ κε τὴν ἔνθ᾽ ὦκα βάλεν μεγάλας ποτὶ πέτρας,
Ἀλλ᾽ Ἥρη παρέπεμψεν, ἐπεὶ φίλος ἦεν Ἰήσων.

See also Iliad, vii. 470.

The legend of Halus in Achaia Phthiôtis, respecting the religious solemnities connected with the family of Athamas and Phryxus (related in a previous chapter), is also interwoven with the voyage of the Argonauts; and both the legend and the solemnities seem evidently of great antiquity. We know further, that the adventures of the Argô were narrated not only by Hesiod and in the Hesiodic poems, but also by Eumêlus and the author of the Naupactian verses—by the latter seemingly at considerable length.[548] But these poems are unfortunately lost, nor have we any means of determining what the original story was; for the narrative, as we have it, borrowed from later sources, is enlarged by local tales from the subsequent Greek colonies—Kyzikus, Heraklêia, Sinopê, and others.

[548] See Hesiod, Fragm. _Catalog._ Fr. 6. p. 33, Düntz.;
_Eoiai_, Frag. 36. p. 39; Frag. 72. p. 47. Compare Schol. ad
Apollôn. Rhod. i. 45; ii. 178-297, 1125; iv. 254-284. Other
poetical sources—

The old epic poem _Ægimius_, Frag. 5. p. 57, Düntz.

_Kinæthôn_ in the _Hêraklêia_ touched upon the death of Hylas
near Kius in Mysia (Schol. Apollôn. Rhod. i. 1357).

The epic poem _Naupactia_, Frag. 1 to 6, Düntz. p. 61.

_Eumêlus_, Frag. 2, 3, 5, p. 65, Düntz.

_Epimenidês_, the Krêtan prophet and poet, composed a poem in
6500 lines, Ἀργοῦς ναυπηγίαν τε, καὶ Ἰάσονος εἰς Κόλχους ἀποπλοῦν
(Diogen. Laër. i. 10, 5), which is noticed more than once in the
Scholia on Apollônius, on subjects connected with the poem (ii.
1125; iii. 42). See Mimnerm. Frag. 10, Schneidewin, p. 15.

_Antimachus_, in his poem _Lydê_, touched upon the Argonautic
expedition, and has been partially copied by Apollônius Rhod.
(Schol. Ap. Rh. i. 1290; ii. 296: iii. 410; iv. 1153).

The logographers Pherekydês and Hekatæus seem to have related the
expedition at considerable length.

The Bibliothek der alten Literatur und Kunst (Göttingen, 1786,
2tes Stück, p. 61) contains an instructive Dissertation by
Groddeck, Ueber die Argonautika, a summary of the various
authorities respecting this expedition.

Jasôn, commanded by Pelias to depart in quest of the golden fleece belonging to the speaking ram which had carried away Phryxus and Hellê, was encouraged by the oracle to invite the noblest youth of Greece to his aid, and fifty of the most distinguished amongst them obeyed the call. Hêraklês, Thêseus, Telamôn and Pêleus, Kastôr and Pollux, Idas and Lynkeus—Zêtês and Kalaïs, the winged sons of Boreas—Meleager, Amphiaraus, Kêpheus, Laertês, Autolykus, Menœtius, Aktôr, Erginus, Euphêmus, Ankæus, Pœas, Periklymenus, Augeas, Eurytus, Admêtus, Akastus, Kæneus, Euryalus, Pêneleôs and Lêitus, Askalaphus and Ialmenus, were among them. Argus the son of Phryxus, directed by the promptings of Athênê, built the ship, inserting in the prow a piece of timber from the celebrated oak of Dodona, which was endued with the faculty of speech:[549] Tiphys was the steersman, Idmôn the son of Apollo and Mopsus accompanied them as prophets, while Orpheus came to amuse their weariness and reconcile their quarrels with his harp.[550]

[549] Apollôn. Rhod. i. 525; iv. 580. Apollodôr. i. 9, 16.
Valerius Flaccus (i. 300) softens down the speech of the ship
Argô into a dream of Jasôn. Alexander Polyhistor explained what
wood was used (Plin. H. N. xiii. 22).

[550] Apollônius Rhodius, Apollodôrus, Valerius Flaccus, the
Orphic Argonautica, and Hyginus, have all given Catalogues of
the Argonautic heroes (there was one also in the lost tragedy
called Λήμνιαι of Sophoklês, see Welcker Gr. Trag. i. 327):
the discrepancies among them are numerous and irreconcilable.
Burmann, in the Catalogus Argonautarum, prefixed to his edition
of Valerius Flaccus, has discussed them copiously. I transcribe
one or two of the remarks of this conscientious and laborious
critic, out of many of a similar tenor, on the impracticability
of a fabulous chronology. Immediately before the first article,
_Acastus_—“Neque enim in ætatibus Argonautarum ullam rationem
temporum constare, neque in stirpe et stemmate deducenda ordinem
ipsum naturæ congruere videbam. Nam et huic militiæ adscribi
videbam Heroas, qui per naturæ leges et ordinem fati eo usque
vitam extrahere non potuêre, ut aliis ab hac expeditione
remotis Heroum militiis nomina dedisse narrari deberent a
Poetis et Mythologis. In idem etiam tempus avos et Nepotes
conjici, consanguineos ætate longe inferiores prioribus ut
æquales adjungi, concoquere vix posse videtur.”—Art. _Ancæus_:
“Scio objici posse, si seriem illam majorem respiciamus,
hunc Ancæum simul cum proavo suo Talao in eandem profectum
fuisse expeditionem. Sed similia exempla in aliis occurrent,
et in fabulis rationem temporum non semper accuratam licet
deducere.”—Art. _Jasôn_: “Herculi enim jam provectâ ætate
adhæsit Theseus juvenis, et in Amazoniâ expeditione socius fuit,
interfuit huic expeditioni, venatui apri Calydonii, et rapuit
Helenam, quæ circa Trojanum bellum maxime floruit: quæ omnia si
Theseus tot temporum intervallis distincta egit, secula duo vel
tria vixisse debuit. Certe Jason Hypsipylem neptem Ariadnes, nec
videre, nec Lemni cognoscere potuit.”—Art. _Meleager_: “Unum
est quod alicui longum ordinem majorum recensenti scrupulum
movere possit: nimis longum intervallum inter Æolum et Meleagrum
intercedere, ut potuerit interfuisse huic expeditioni: cum
nonus fere numeretur ab Æolo, et plurimi ut Jason, Argus, et
alii tertiâ tantum ab Æolo generatione distent. Sed sæpe jam
notavimus, frustra temporum concordiam in fabulis quæri.”

Read also the articles _Castôr and Pollux_, _Nestôr Pêleus_,
_Staphylus_, etc.

We may stand excused for keeping clear of a chronology which is
fertile only in difficulties, and ends in nothing but illusions.

First they touched at the island of Lêmnos, in which at that time there were no men; for the women, infuriated by jealousy and ill-treatment, had put to death their fathers, husbands and brothers. The Argonauts, after some difficulty, were received with friendship, and even admitted into the greatest intimacy. They staid some months, and the subsequent population of the island was the fruit of their visit. Hypsipylê, the queen of the island, bore to Jasôn two sons.[551]

[551] Apollodôr. i. 9, 17; Apollôn. Rhod. i. 609-915; Herodot.
iv. 145. Theocritus (Idyll, xiii. 29) omits all mention of
Lêmnos, and represents the Argô as arriving on the third day
from Iôlkos at the Hellespont. Diodôrus (iv. 41) also leaves out
Lêmnos.

They then proceeded onward along the coast of Thrace, up the Hellespont, to the southern coast of the Propontis, inhabited by the Doliones and their king Kyzikus. Here they were kindly entertained, but after their departure were driven back to the same spot by a storm; and as they landed in the dark, the inhabitants did not know them. A battle took place, in which the chief, Kyzikus, was killed by Jasôn; whereby much grief was occasioned as soon as the real facts became known. After Kyzikus had been interred with every demonstration of mourning and solemnity, the Argonauts proceeded along the coast of Mysia.[552] In this part of the voyage they left Hêraklês behind. For Hylas, his favorite youthful companion, had been stolen away by the nymphs of a fountain, and Hêraklês, wandering about in search of him, neglected to return. At last he sorrowfully retired, exacting hostages from the inhabitants of the neighboring town of Kius that they would persist in the search.[553]

[552] Apollôn. Rhod. 940-1020; Apollodôr. i. 9, 18.

[553] Apollodôr. i. 9, 19. This was the religious legend,
explanatory of a ceremony performed for many centuries by the
people of Prusa: they ran round the lake Askanias shouting and
clamoring for Hylas—“ut littus Hyla, Hyla omne sonaret.” (Virgil,
Eclog.) ... “in cujus memoriam adhuc solemni cursatione lacum
populus circuit et Hylam voce clamat.” Solinus, c. 42.

There is endless discrepancy as to the concern of Hêraklês with
the Argonautic expedition. A story is alluded to in Aristotle
(Politic, iii. 9) that the ship Argô herself refused to take him
on board, because he was so much superior in stature and power
to all the other heroes—οὐ γὰρ ἐθέλειν αὐτὸν ἄγειν τὴν Ἀργὼ μετὰ
τῶν ἄλλων, ὡς ὑπερβάλλοντα πολὺ τῶν πλωτήρων. This was the story
of Pherekydês (Fr. 67, Didot) as well as of Antimachus (Schol.
Apoll. Rhod. i. 1290): it is probably a very ancient portion of
the legend, inasmuch as it ascribes to the ship sentient powers,
in consonance with her other miraculous properties. The etymology
of Aphetæ in Thessaly was connected with the tale of Hêraklês
having there been put on shore from the Argô (Herodot. vii. 193):
Ephorus said that he staid away voluntarily from fondness for
Omphalê (Frag. 9, Didot). The old epic poet Kinæthôn said that
Hêraklês had placed the Kian hostages at Trachin, and that the
Kians ever afterwards maintained a respectful correspondence with
that place (Schol. Ap. Rh. i. 1357). This is the explanatory
legend connected with some existing custom, which we are unable
further to unravel.

They next stopped in the country of the Bebrykians, where the boxing contest took place between the king Amykus and the Argonaut Pollux:[554] they then proceeded onward to Bithynia, the residence of the blind prophet Phineus. His blindness had been inflicted by Poseidôn as a punishment for having communicated to Phryxus the way to Kolchis. The choice had been allowed to him between death and blindness, and he had preferred the latter.[555] He was also tormented by the harpies, winged monsters who came down from the clouds whenever his table was set, snatched the food from his lips and imparted to it a foul and unapproachable odor. In the midst of this misery, he hailed the Argonauts as his deliverers—his prophetic powers having enabled him to foresee their coming. The meal being prepared for him, the harpies approached as usual, but Zêtês and Kalaïs, the winged sons of Boreas, drove them away and pursued them. They put forth all their speed, and prayed to Zeus to be enabled to overtake the monsters; when Hermês appeared and directed them to desist, the harpies being forbidden further to molest Phineus,[556] and retiring again to their native cavern in Krête.[557]

[554] See above, chap. viii. p. 169.

[555] Such was the old narrative of the Hesiodic Catalogue and
Eoiai. See Schol. Apollôn. Rhod. ii. 181-296.

[556] This again was the old Hesiodic story (Schol. Apoll. Rhod.
ii. 296),—

Ἐνθ᾽ οἵγ᾽ εὔχεσθον Αἰνηΐῳ ὑψιμέδοντι.

Apollodôrus (i. 9, 21), Apollônius (178-300), and Valerius Flacc.
(iv. 428-530) agree in most of the circumstances.

[557] Such was the fate of the harpies as given in the old
Naupaktian Verses (See Fragm. Ep. Græc. Düntzer, Naupakt. Fr. 2.
p. 61).

The adventure of the Argonauts with Phineus is given by Diodôrus
in a manner totally different (Diodôr. iv. 44): he seems to
follow Dionysius of Mitylênê (see Schol. Apollôn. Rhod. ii. 207).

Phineus, grateful for the relief afforded to him by the Argonauts, forewarned them of the dangers of their voyage and of the precautions necessary for their safety; and through his suggestions they were enabled to pass through the terrific rocks called Symplêgades. These were two rocks which alternately opened and shut, with a swift and violent collision, so that it was difficult even for a bird to fly through during the short interval. When the Argô arrived at the dangerous spot, Euphêmus let loose a dove. which flew through and just escaped with the loss of a few feathers of her tail. This was a signal to the Argonauts, according to the prediction of Phineus, that they might attempt the passage with confidence. Accordingly they rowed with all their might, and passed safely through: the closing rocks, held for a moment asunder by the powerful arms of Athênê just crushed the ornaments at the stern of their vessel. It had been decreed by the gods, that so soon as any ship once got through, the passage should forever afterwards be safe and easy to all. The rocks became fixed in their separate places, and never again closed.[558]

[558] Apollodôr. i. 9, 22. Apollôn. Rhod. ii. 310-615.

After again halting on the coast of the Mariandynians, where their steersman Tiphys died, as well as in the country of the Amazons, and after picking up the sons of Phryxus, who had been cast away by Poseidôn in their attempt to return from Kolchis to Greece, they arrived in safety at the river Phasis and the residence of Æêtês. In passing by Mount Caucasus, they saw the eagle which gnawed the liver of Prometheus nailed to the rock, and heard the groans of the sufferer himself. The sons of Phryxus were cordially welcomed by their mother Chalciopê.[559] Application was made to Æêtês, that he would grant to the Argonauts, heroes of divine parentage and sent forth by the mandate of the gods, possession of the golden fleece: their aid in return was proffered to him against any or all of his enemies. But the king was wroth, and peremptorily refused, except upon conditions which seemed impracticable.[560] Hêphæstos had given him two ferocious and untamable bulls, with brazen feet, which breathed fire from their nostrils: Jasôn was invited, as a proof both of his illustrious descent and of the sanction of the gods to his voyage, to harness these animals to the yoke, so as to plough a large field and sow it with dragon’s teeth.[561] Perilous as the condition was, each one of the heroes volunteered to make the attempt. Idmôn especially encouraged Jasôn to undertake it,[562] and the goddesses Hêrê and Aphroditê made straight the way for him.[563] Mêdea, the daughter of Æêtês and Eidyia, having seen the youthful hero in his interview with her father, had conceived towards him a passion which disposed her to employ every means for his salvation and success. She had received from Hekatê preëminent magical powers, and she prepared for Jasôn the powerful Prometheian unguent, extracted from an herb which had grown where the blood of Promêtheus dropped. The body of Jasôn having been thus pre-medicated, became invulnerable[564] either by fire or by warlike weapons. He undertook the enterprise, yoked the bulls without suffering injury, and ploughed the field: when he had sown the dragon’s teeth, armed men sprung out of the furrows. But he had been forewarned by Mêdea to cast a vast rock into the midst of them, upon which they began to fight with each other, so that he was easily enabled to subdue them all.[565]

[559] Apollodôr. i. 9, 23. Apollôn. Rhod. ii. 850-1257.

[560] Apollôn. Rhod. iii. 320-385.

[561] Apollôn. Rhod. iii. 410. Apollodôr. i. 9, 23.

[562] This was the story of the Naupaktian Verses (Schol.
Apollôn. Rhod. iii. 515-525): Apollônius and others altered it.
Idmôn, according to them, died in the voyage before the arrival
at Kolchis.

[563] Apollôn. Rhod. iii. 50-200. Valer. Flacc. vi. 440-480.
Hygin. fab. 22.

[564] Apollôn. Rhod. iii. 835. Apollodôr. i. 9, 23. Valer. Flacc
vii. 356 Ovid, Epist. xii. 15.

“Isset anhelatos non præmedicatus in ignes
Immemor Æsonides, oraque adunca boum.”

[565] Apollôn. Rhod. iii. 1230-1400.

The task prescribed had thus been triumphantly performed. Yet Æêtês not only refused to hand over the golden fleece, but even took measures for secretly destroying the Argonauts and burning their vessel. He designed to murder them during the night after a festal banquet; but Aphroditê, watchful for the safety of Jasôn,[566] inspired the Kolchian king at the critical moment with an irresistible inclination for his nuptial bed. While he slept, the wise Idmôn counselled the Argonauts to make their escape, and Mêdea agreed to accompany them.[567] She lulled to sleep by a magic potion the dragon who guarded the golden fleece, placed that much-desired prize on board the vessel, and accompanied Jasôn with his companions in their flight, carrying along with her the young Apsyrtus, her brother.[568]

[566] The Naupaktian Verses stated this (see the Fragm. 6, ed.
Düntzer, p. 61, ap. Schol. Apollôn. Rhod. iv. 59-86).

[567] Such was the story of the Naupaktian Verses (See Fragm. 6.
p 61 Düntzer ap. Schol. Apollôn. Rhod. iv. 59, 86, 87).

[568] Apollodôr. i. 9, 23. Apollôn. Rhod. iv. 220.

Pherekydês said that Jasôn killed the dragon (Fr. 74, Did.).

Æêtês, profoundly exasperated at the flight of the Argonauts with his daughter, assembled his forces forthwith, and put to sea in pursuit of them. So energetic were his efforts that he shortly overtook the retreating vessel, when the Argonauts again owed their safety to the stratagem of Mêdea. She killed her brother Apsyrtus, cut his body in pieces and strewed the limbs round about in the sea. Æêtês on reaching the spot found these sorrowful traces of his murdered son; but while he tarried to collect the scattered fragments, and bestow upon the body an honorable interment, the Argonauts escaped.[569] The spot on which the unfortunate Apsyrtus was cut up received the name of Tomi.[570] This fratricide of Mêdea, however, so deeply provoked the indignation of Zeus, that he condemned the Argô and her crew to a trying voyage, full of hardship and privation, before she was permitted to reach home. The returning heroes traversed an immeasurable length both of sea and of river: first up the river Phasis into the ocean which flows round the earth—then following the course of that circumfluous stream until its junction with the Nile,[571] they came down the Nile into Egypt, from whence they carried the Argô on their shoulders by a fatiguing land-journey to the lake Tritônis in Libya. Here they were rescued from the extremity of want and exhaustion by the kindness of the local god Tritôn, who treated them hospitably, and even presented to Euphêmus a clod of earth, as a symbolical promise that his descendants should one day found a city on the Libyan shore. The promise was amply redeemed by the flourishing and powerful city of Kyrênê,[572] whose princes the Battiads boasted themselves as lineal descendants of Euphêmus.

[569] This is the story of Apollodôrus (i. 9, 24), who seems
to follow Pherekydês (Fr. 73, Didot). Apollônius (iv. 225-480)
and Valerius Flaccus (viii. 262 _seq._) give totally different
circumstances respecting the death of Apsyrtus; but the narrative
of Pherekydês seems the oldest: so revolting a story as that of
the cutting up of the little boy cannot have been imagined in
later times.

Sophoklês composed two tragedies on the adventures of Jasôn and
Mêdea, both lost—the Κολχίδες and the Σκύθαι. In the former he
represented the murder of the child Apsyrtus as having taken
place in the house of Æêtês: in the latter he introduced the
mitigating circumstance, that Apsyrtus was the son of Æêtês by a
different mother from Mêdea (Schol. Apollôn Rhod. iv. 223).

[570] Apollodôr. i. 9, 24, τὸν τόπον προσηγόρευσε Τόμους. Ovid.
Trist. iii. 9. The story that Apsyrtus was cut in pieces, is the
etymological legend explanatory of the name Tomi.

There was however a place called Apsarus, on the southern coast
of the Euxine, west of Trapezus, where the tomb of Apsyrtus was
shown, and where it was affirmed that he had been put to death.
He was the eponymus of the town, which was said to have been once
called Apsyrtus, and only corrupted by a barbarian pronunciation
(Arrian. Periplus, Euxin. p. 6; Geogr. Min. v. 1). Compare
Procop. Bell. Goth. iv. 2.

Strabo connects the death of Apsyrtus with the Apsyrtides,
islands off the coast of Illyria, in the Adriatic (vii p. 315).

[571] The original narrative was, that the Argô returned by
navigating the circumfluous ocean. This would be almost certain,
even without positive testimony, from the early ideas entertained
by the Greeks respecting geography; but we know further that
it was the representation of the Hesiodic poems, as well as of
Mimnermus, Hekatæus and Pindar, and even of Antimachus. Schol.
Parisina Ap. Rhod. iv. 254. Ἑκαταῖος δὲ ὁ Μιλήσιος διὰ τοῦ
Φάσιδος ἀνελθεῖν φησὶν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸν Ὠκεανόν· διὰ δὲ τοῦ Ὠκεανοῦ
κατελθεῖν εἰς τὸν Νεῖλον· ἐκ δὲ τοῦ Νείλου εἰς τὴν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς
θάλασσαν. Ἡσίοδος δὲ καὶ Πίνδαρος ἐν Πυθιονίκαις καὶ Ἀντίμαχος
ἐν Λυδῇ διὰ τοῦ Ὠκεανοῦ φασὶν ἐλθεῖν αὐτοὺς εἰς Λιβύην· εἶτα
βαστάσαντας τὴν Ἀργὼ εἰς τὸ ἡμέτερον ἀφικέσθαι πέλαγος. Compare
the Schol. Edit. ad iv. 259.

[572] See the fourth Pythian Ode of Pindar, and Apollôn. Rhod.
iv. 1551-1756.

The tripod of Jasôn was preserved by the Euesperitæ in Libya,
Diod. iv. 56: but the legend, connecting the Argonauts with
the lake Tritônis in Libya, is given with some considerable
differences in Herodotus, iv. 179.

Refreshed by the hospitality of Tritôn, the Argonauts found themselves again on the waters of the Mediterranean in their way homeward. But before they arrived at Iôlkos they visited Circê, at the island of Ææa, where Mêdea was purified for the murder of Apsyrtus: they also stopped at Korkyra, then called Drepanê, where Alkinous received and protected them. The cave in that island where the marriage of Mêdea with Jasôn was consummated, was still shown in the time of the historian Timæus, as well as the altars to Apollo which she had erected, and the rites and sacrifices which she had first instituted.[573] After leaving Korkyra, the Argô was overtaken by a perilous storm near the island of Thêra. The heroes were saved from imminent peril by the supernatural aid of Apollo, who, shooting from his golden bow an arrow which pierced the waves like a track of light, caused a new island suddenly to spring up in their track and present to them a port of refuge. The island was called Anaphê; and the grateful Argonauts established upon it an altar and sacrifices in honor of Apollo Æglêtês, which were ever afterwards continued, and traced back by the inhabitants to this originating adventure.[574]

[573] Apollôn. Rhod. iv. 1153-1217. Timæus, Fr. 7-8, Didot.
Τίμαιος ἐν Κερκύρᾳ λέγων γενέσθαι τοὺς γάμους, καὶ περὶ τῆς
θυσίας ἱστορεῖ, ἔτι καὶ νῦν λέγων ἄγεσθαι αὐτὴν κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν,
Μηδείας πρῶτον θυσάσης ἐν τῷ τοῦ Απολλῶνος ἱερῷ. Καὶ Βωμοὺς δέ
φησι μνημεῖα τῶν γάμων ἱδρύσασθαι συνεγγὺς μὲν τῆς θαλάσσης, οὐ
μακρὰν δὲ τῆς πόλεως. Ὀνομάζουσι δὲ τὸν μὲν, Νυμφῶν· τὸν δὲ,
Νηρηΐδων.

[574] Apollodôr. i. 9, 25. Apollôn. Rhod. iv. 1700-1725.

On approaching the coast of Krête, the Argonauts were prevented from landing by Talôs, a man of brass, fabricated by Hêphæstos, and presented by him to Minôs for the protection of the island.[575] This vigilant sentinel hurled against the approaching vessel fragments of rock, and menaced the heroes with destruction. But Mêdea deceived him by a stratagem and killed him; detecting and assailing the one vulnerable point in his body. The Argonauts were thus enabled to land and refresh themselves. They next proceeded onward to Ægina, where however they again experienced resistance before they could obtain water—then along the coast of Eubœa and Locris back to Iôlkos in the gulf of Pagasæ, the place from whence they had started. The proceedings of Pelias during their absence, and the signal revenge taken upon him by Mêdea after their return, have already been narrated in a preceding section.[576] The ship Argô herself, in which the chosen heroes of Greece had performed so long a voyage and braved so many dangers, was consecrated by Jasôn to Poseidôn at the isthmus of Corinth. According to another account, she was translated to the stars by Athênê, and became a constellation.[577]

[575] Some called Talôs a remnant of the brazen race of men
(Schol. Apoll. Rhod. iv. 1641).

[576] Apollodôr. i. 9, 26. Apollôn. Rhod. iv. 1638.

[577] Diodôr. iv. 53. Eratosth. Catasterism. c. 35.

Traces of the presence of the Argonauts were found not only in the regions which lay between Iôlkos and Kolchis, but also in the western portion of the Grecian world—distributed more or less over all the spots visited by Grecian mariners or settled by Grecian colonists, and scarcely less numerous than the wanderings of the dispersed Greeks and Trojans after the capture of Troy. The number of Jasonia, or temples for the heroic worship of Jasôn, was very great, from Abdêra in Thrace,[578] eastward along the coast of the Euxine, to Armenia and Media. The Argonauts had left their anchoring-stone on the coast of Bebrykia, near Kyzikus, and there it was preserved during the historical ages in the temple of the Jasonian Athênê.[579] They had founded the great temple of the Idæan mother on the mountain Dindymon, near Kyzikus, and the Hieron of Zeus Urios on the Asiatic point at the mouth of the Euxine, near which was also the harbor of Phryxus.[580] Idmôn, the prophet of the expedition, who was believed to have died of a wound by a wild boar on the Mariandynian coast, was worshipped by the inhabitants of the Pontic Hêrakleia with great solemnity, as their Heros Poliuchus, and that too by the special direction of the Delphian god. Autolykus, another companion of Jasôn, was worshipped as Œkist by the inhabitants of Sinopê. Moreover, the historians of Hêrakleia pointed out a temple of Hekatê in the neighboring country of Paphlagonia, first erected by Mêdea;[581] and the important town of Pantikapæon, on the European side of the Cimmerian Bosporus, ascribed its first settlement to a son of Æêtês.[582] When the returning ten thousand Greeks sailed along the coast, called the Jasonian shore, from Sinopê to Hêrakleia, they were told that the grandson of Æêtês was reigning king of the territory at the mouth of the Phasis, and the anchoring-places where the Argô had stopped were specially pointed out to them.[583] In the lofty regions of the Moschi, near Kolchis, stood the temple of Leukothea, founded by Phryxus, which remained both rich and respected down to the times of the kings of Pontus, and where it was an inviolable rule not to offer up a ram.[584] The town of Dioskurias, north of the river Phasis, was believed to have been hallowed by the presence of Kastôr and Pollux in the Argô, and to have received from them its appellation.[585] Even the interior of Mêdea and Armenia was full of memorials of Jasôn and Mêdea and their son Mêdus, or of Armenus the son of Jasôn, from whom the Greeks deduced not only the name and foundation of the Medes and Armenians, but also the great operation of cutting a channel through the mountains for the efflux of the river Araxes, which they compared to that of the Peneius in Thessaly.[586] And the Roman general Pompey, after having completed the conquest and expulsion of Mithridatês, made long marches through Kolchis into the regions of Caucasus, for the express purpose of contemplating the spots which had been ennobled by the exploits of the Argonauts, the Dioskuri and Hêraklês.[587]

[578] Strabo. xi. p. 526-531.

[579] Apollôn. Rhod. i. 955-960, and the Scholia.

There was in Kyzikus a temple of Apollo under different
ἐπικλήσεις; some called it the temple of the Jasonian Apollo.

Another anchor however was preserved in the temple of Rhea on the
banks of the Phasis, which was affirmed to be the anchor of the
ship Argô. Arrian saw it there, but seems to have doubted its
authenticity (Periplus, Euxin. Pont. p. 9. Geogr. Min. v. 1).

[580] Neanthês ap. Strabo. i. p. 45. Apollôn. Rhod. i. 1125, and
Schol. Steph. Byz. v. Φρίξος.

Apollônius mentions the fountain called Jasoneæ, on the hill
of Dindymon. Apollôn. Rhod. ii. 532, and the citations from
Timosthenês and Herodôrus in the Scholia. See also Appian.
Syriac. c. 63.

[581] See the historians of Hêrakleia, Nymphis and Promathidas,
Fragm. Orelli, pp. 99, 100-104. Schol. ad Apollôn. Rhod. iv. 247.
Strabo, xii. p. 546. Autolykus, whom he calls companion of Jasôn,
was, according to another legend, comrade of Hêraklês in his
expedition against the Amazons.

[582] Stephan. Byz. v. Παντικαπαῖον, Eustath. ad Dionys.
Periêgêt. 311.

[583] Xenophôn, Anabas. vi. 2, 1; v. 7, 37.

[584] Strabo, xi. p. 499.

[585] Appian, Mithridatic. c. 101.

[586] Strabo, xi. p. 499, 503, 526, 531; i. p. 45-48. Justin,
xlii. 3, whose statements illustrate the way in which men found a
present home and application for the old fables,—“Jason, primus
humanorum post Herculem et Liberum, qui reges Orientis fuisse
traduntur, eam cœli plagam domuisse dicitur. Cum Albanis fœdus
percussit, qui Herculem ex Italiâ ab Albano monte, cum, Geryone
extincto, armenta ejus per Italiam duceret, secuti dicuntur;
quique, memores Italicæ originis, exercitum Cn. Pompeii bello
Mithridatico fratres consalutavêre. Itaque Jasoni totus fere
Oriens, ut conditori, divinos honores templaque constituit; quæ
Parmenio, dux Alexandri Magni, post multos annos dirui jussit, ne
cujusquam nomen in Oriente venerabilius quam Alexandri esset.”

The Thessalian companions of Alexander the Great, placed by his
victories in possession of rich acquisitions in these regions,
pleased themselves by vivifying and multiplying all these
old fables, proving an ancient kindred between the Medes and
Thessalians. See Strabo, xi. p. 530. The temples of Jasôn were
τιμώμενα σφόδρα ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων (_ib._ p. 526).

The able and inquisitive geographer Eratosthenês was among those
who fully believed that Jasôn had left his ships in the Phasis,
and had undertaken a land expedition into the interior country,
in which he had conquered Media and Armenia (Strabo, i. p. 48).

[587] Appian, Mithridatic. 103: τοὺς Κόλχους ἐπήει, καθ᾽ ἰστορίαν
τῆς Ἀργοναυτῶν καὶ Διοσκούρων καὶ Ἡρακλέους ἐπιδημίας, καὶ
μάλιστα τὸ πάθος ἰδεῖν ἐθέλων, ὃ Προμηθεῖ φασὶ γενέσθαι περὶ τὸ
Καύκασον ὄρος. The lofty crag of Caucasus called Strobilus, to
which Promêtheus had been attached, was pointed out to Arrian
himself in his Periplus (p. 12. Geogr. Minor vol. i.).

In the west, memorials either of the Argonauts or of the pursuing Kolchians were pointed out in Korkyra, in Krête, in Epirus near the Akrokeraunian mountains, in the islands called Apsyrtides near the Illyrian coast, at the bay of Caieta as well as at Poseidônia on the southern coast of Italy, in the island of Æthalia or Elba, and in Libya.[588]

[588] Strabo, i. pp. 21, 45, 46; v. 224-252. Pompon. Mel. ii. 3.
Diodôr. iv. 56. Apollôn. Rhod. iv. 656. Lycophron, 1273.—

Τύρσιν μακεδνὰς ἀμφὶ Κιρκαίου νάπας
Ἀργοῦς τε κλεινὸν ὅρμον Αἰήτην μέγαν.

Such is a brief outline of the Argonautic expedition, one of the most celebrated and widely-diffused among the ancient tales of Greece. Since so many able men have treated it as an undisputed reality, and even made it the pivot of systematic chronological calculations, I may here repeat the opinion long ago expressed by Heyne, and even indicated by Burmann, that the process of dissecting the story, in search of a basis of fact, is one altogether fruitless.[589] Not only are we unable to assign the date or identify the crew, or decipher the log-book, of the Argô, but we have no means of settling even the preliminary question, whether the voyage be matter of fact badly reported, or legend from the beginning. The widely-distant spots in which the monuments of the voyage were shown, no less than the incidents of the voyage itself, suggests no other parentage than epical fancy. The supernatural and the romantic not only constitute an inseparable portion of the narrative, but even embrace all the prominent and characteristic features; if they do not comprise the whole, and if there be intermingled along with them any sprinkling of historical or geographical fact,—a question to us indeterminable,—there is at least no solvent by which it can be disengaged, and no test by which it can be recognized. Wherever the Grecian mariner sailed, he carried his religious and patriotic mythes along with him. His fancy and his faith were alike full of the long wanderings of Jasôn, Odysseus, Perseus, Hêraklês, Dionysus, Triptolemus or Iô; it was pleasing to him in success, and consoling to him in difficulty, to believe that their journeys had brought them over the ground which he was himself traversing. There was no tale amidst the wide range of the Grecian epic more calculated to be popular with the seaman, than the history of the primæval ship Argô and her distinguished crew, comprising heroes from all parts of Greece, and especially the Tyndarids Kastôr and Pollux, the heavenly protectors invoked during storm and peril. He localized the legend anew wherever he went, often with some fresh circumstances suggested either by his own adventures or by the scene before him. He took a sort of religious possession of the spot, connecting it by a bond of faith with his native land, and erecting in it a temple or an altar with appropriate commemorative solemnities. The Jasonium thus established, and indeed every visible object called after the name of the hero, not only served to keep alive the legend of the Argô in the minds of future comers or inhabitants, but was accepted as an obvious and satisfactory proof that this marvellous vessel had actually touched there in her voyage.

[589] Heyne, Observ. ad Apollodôr. i. 9, 16. p. 72. “Mirum in
modum fallitur, qui in his commentis certum fundum historicum
vel geographicum aut exquirere studet, aut se reperisse, atque
historicam vel geographicam aliquam doctrinam, systema nos
dicimus, inde procudi posse, putat,” etc.

See also the observations interspersed in Burmann’s Catalogus
Argonautarum, prefixed to his edition of Valerius Flaccus.

The Persian antiquarians whom Herodotus cites at the beginning
of his history (i. 2-4—it is much to be regretted that Herodotus
did not inform us who they were, and whether they were the same
as those who said that Perseus was an Assyrian by birth and
had become a Greek, vi. 54), joined together the abductions of
Iô and of Eurôpê, of Mêdea and of Helen, as pairs of connected
proceedings, the second injury being a retaliation for the
first,—they drew up a debtor and creditor account of abductions
between Asia and Europe. The Kolchian king (they said) had sent a
herald to Greece to ask for his satisfaction for the wrong done
to him by Jasôn and to re-demand his daughter Mêdea; but he was
told in reply that the Greeks had received no satisfaction for
the previous rape of Iô.

There was some ingenuity in thus binding together the old
fables, so as to represent the invasions of Greece by Darius and
Xerxês as retaliations for the unexpiated destruction wrought by
Agamemnôn.

The epic poets, building both on the general love of fabulous incident and on the easy faith of the people, dealt with distant and unknown space in the same manner as with past and unrecorded time. They created a mythical geography for the former, and a mythical history for the latter. But there was this material difference between the two: that while the unrecorded time was beyond the reach of verification, the unknown space gradually became trodden and examined. In proportion as authentic local knowledge was enlarged, it became necessary to modify the geography, or shift the scene of action, of the old mythes; and this perplexing problem was undertaken by some of the ablest historians and geographers of antiquity,—for it was painful to them to abandon any portion of the old epic, as if it were destitute of an ascertainable basis of truth.

Many of these fabulous localities are to be found in Homer and Hesiod, and the other Greek poets and logographers,—Erytheia, the garden of the Hesperides, the garden of Phœbus,[590] to which Boreas transported the Attic maiden Orithyia, the delicious country of the Hyperboreans, the Elysian plain,[591] the fleeting island of Æolus, Thrinakia, the country of the Æthiopians, the Læstrygones, the Kyklôpes, the Lotophagi, the Sirens, the Cimmerians and the Gorgons,[592] etc. These are places which (to use the expression of Pindar respecting the Hyperboreans) you cannot approach either by sea or by land:[593] the wings of the poet alone can carry you thither. They were not introduced into the Greek mind by incorrect geographical reports, but, on the contrary, had their origin in the legend, and passed from thence into the realities of geography,[594] which they contributed much to pervert and confuse. For the navigator or emigrant, starting with an unsuspicious faith in their real existence, looked out for them in his distant voyages, and constantly fancied that he had seen or heard of them, so as to be able to identify their exact situation. The most contradictory accounts indeed, as might be expected, were often given respecting the latitude and longitude of such fanciful spots, but this did not put an end to the general belief in their real existence.

[590] Sophokl. ap. Strabo. vii. p. 295.—

Ὑπέρ τε πόντον πάντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατα χθονὸς,
Νυκτός τε πηγὰς οὐρανοῦ τ᾽ ἀναπτυχὰς,
Φοίβου τε παλαιὸν κῆπον.

[591] Odyss. iv. 562. The Islands of the Blessed, in Hesiod, are
near the ocean (Opp. Di. 169).

[592] Hesiod, Theogon. 275-290. Homer, Iliad, i. 423. Odyss. i.
23; ix 86-206; x 4-83; xii. 135. Mimnerm. Fragm. 13, Schneidewin.

[593] Pindar, Pyth. x. 29.—

Ναυσὶ δ᾽ οὔτε πεζὸς ἰὼν ἂν εὕροις
Ἐς Ὑπερβορέων ἀγῶνα θαυματὰν ὁδόν.
Παρ᾽ οἷς ποτε Περσεὺς ἐδαίσατο λαγετὰς, etc.

Hesiod, and the old epic poem called the Epigoni, both mentioned
the Hyperboreans (Herod. iv. 32-34).

[594] This idea is well stated and sustained by Völcker
(Mythische Geographie der Griechen und Römer, cap. i. p. 11),
and by Nitzsch in his Comments on the Odyssey—Introduct. Remarks
to b. ix. p. xii.-xxxiii. The twelfth and thirteenth chapters of
the History of Orchomenos, by O. Müller, are also full of good
remarks on the geography of the Argonautic voyage (pp. 274-299).

The most striking evidence of this disposition of the Greeks is
to be found in the legendary discoveries of Alexander and his
companions, when they marched over the untrodden regions in the
east of the Persian empire (see Arrian, Hist. Al. v. 3: compare
Lucian. Dialog. Mortuor. xiv. vol. i. p. 212. Tauch) because
these ideas were first broached at a time when geographical
science was sufficiently advanced to canvass and criticize them.
The early settlers in Italy, Sicily and the Euxine, indulged
their fanciful vision without the fear of any such monitor: there
was no such thing as a map before the days of Anaximander, the
disciple of Thalês.

In the present advanced state of geographical knowledge, the story of that man who after reading Gulliver’s Travels went to look in his map for Lilliput, appears an absurdity. But those who fixed the exact locality of the floating island of Æolus or the rocks of the Sirens did much the same,[595] and, with their ignorance of geography and imperfect appreciation of historical evidence, the error was hardly to be avoided. The ancient belief which fixed the Sirens on the islands of Sirenusæ off the coast of Naples—the Kyklôpes, Erytheia, and the Læstrygones in Sicily—the Lotophagi on the island of Mêninx[596] near the Lesser Syrtis—the Phæakians at Korkyra—and the goddess Circê at the promontory of Circeium—took its rise at a time when these regions were first Hellenized and comparatively little visited. Once embodied in the local legends, and attested by visible monuments and ceremonies, it continued for a long time unassailed; and Thucydidês seems to adopt it, in reference to Korkyra and Sicily before the Hellenic colonization, as matter of fact generally unquestionable,[597] though little avouched as to details. But when geographical knowledge became extended, and the criticism upon the ancient epic was more or less systematized by the literary men of Alexandria and Pergamus, it appeared to many of them impossible that Odysseus could have seen so many wonders, or undergone such monstrous dangers, within limits so narrow, and in the familiar track between the Nile and the Tiber. The scene of his weather-driven course was then shifted further westward. Many convincing evidences were discovered, especially by Asklepiadês of Myrlea, of his having visited various places in Ibêria:[598] several critics imagined that he had wandered about in the Atlantic Ocean outside of the Strait of Gibraltar,[599] and they recognized a section of Lotophagi on the coast of Mauritania, over and above those who dwelt on the island of Mêninx.[600] On the other hand, Eratosthenês and Apollodôrus treated the places visited by Odysseus as altogether unreal, for which scepticism they incurred much reproach.[601]

[595] See Mr. Payne Knight, Prolegg. ad Homer. c. 49. Compare
Spohn—“de extremâ Odysseæ parte”—p. 97.

[596] Strabo. xvii. p. 834. An altar of Odysseus was shown upon
this island, as well as some other evidences (σύμβολα) of his
visit to the place.

Apollônius Rhodius copies the Odyssey in speaking of the island
of Thrinakia and the cattle of Helios (iv. 965, with Schol.). He
conceives Sicily as Thrinakia, a name afterwards exchanged for
Trinakria. The Scholiast ad Apoll. (1. c.) speaks of Trinax king
of Sicily. Compare iv. 291 with the Scholia.

[597] Thucyd. i. 25-vi. 2. These local legends appear in the eyes
of Strabo convincing evidence (i. p. 23-26),—the tomb of the
siren Parthenopê at Naples, the stories at Cumæ and Dikæarchia
about the νεκυομαντεῖον of Avernus, and the existence of places
named after Baius and Misênus, the companions of Odysseus, etc.

[598] Strabo, iii. p. 150-157. Οὐ γὰρ μόνον οἱ κατὰ τὴν
Ἰταλίαν καὶ Σικελίαν τόποι καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς τῶν τοιούτων
σημεῖα ὑπογράφουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῇ Ἰβηρίᾳ Ὀδύσσεια πόλις
δείκνυται, καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερὸν, καὶ ἄλλα μύρια ἴχνη τῆς τε ἐκείνου
πλάνης, καὶ ἄλλων τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Τρωϊκοῦ πολέμου περιγενομένων (I
adopt Grosskurd’s correction of the text from γενομένων to
περιγενομένων, in the note to his German translation of Strabo).

Asklepiadês (of Myrlea in Bithynia, about 170 B. C.) resided
some time in Turditania, the south-western region of Spain along
the Guadalquivir, as a teacher of Greek literature (παιδεύσας τὰ
γραμματικὰ), and composed a periegesis of the Iberian tribes,
which unfortunately has not been preserved. He made various
discoveries in archæology, and successfully connected his old
legends with several portions of the territory before him. His
discoveries were,—1. In the temple of Athênê, at this Iberian
town of Odysseia, there were shields and beaks of ships affixed
to the walls, monuments of the visit of Odysseus himself. 2.
Among the Kallæki, in the northern part of Portugal, several of
the companions of Teukros had settled and left descendants: there
were in that region two Grecian cities, one called Hellenês,
the other called Amphilochi; for Amphilochus also, the son of
Amphiaraus, had died in Iberia, and many of his soldiers had
taken up their permanent residence in the interior. 3. Many new
inhabitants had come into Iberia with the expedition of Hêraklês;
some also after the conquest of Messênê by the Lacedæmonians. 4.
In Cantabria, on the north. coast of Spain, there was a town and
region of Lacedæmonian colonists. 5. In the same portion of the
country there was the town of Opsikella, founded by Opsikellas,
one of the companions of Antenôr in his emigration from Troy
(Strabo, iii. p. 157).

This is a specimen of the manner in which the seeds of Grecian
mythus came to be distributed over so large a surface. To an
ordinary Greek reader, these legendary discoveries of Asklepiadês
would probably be more interesting than the positive facts
which he communicated respecting the Iberian tribes; and his
Turditanian auditors would be delighted to hear—while he was
reciting and explaining to them the animated passage of the
Iliad, in which Agamemnôn extols the inestimable value of the bow
of Teukros (viii. 281)—that the heroic archer and his companions
had actually set foot in the Iberian peninsula.

[599] This was the opinion of Kratês of Mallus, one of the
most distinguished of the critics on Homer: it was the subject
of an animated controversy between him and Aristarchus (Aulus
Gellius, N. A. xiv. 6; Strabo, iii. p. 157). See the instructive
treatise of Lehrs, De Aristarchi Studiis, c. v. § 4. p. 251.
Much controversy also took place among the critics respecting
the ground which Menelaus went over in his wanderings (Odyss.
iv.). Kratês affirmed that he had circumnavigated the southern
extremity of Africa and gone to India: the critic Aristonikus,
Strabo’s contemporary, enumerated all the different opinions
(Strabo, i. p. 38).

[600] Strabo, iii. p. 157.

[601] Strabo, i. p. 22-44; vii. p. 299.

The fabulous island of Erytheia,—the residence of the three headed Geryôn with his magnificent herd of oxen, under the custody of the two-headed dog Orthrus, and described by Hesiod, like the garden of the Hesperides, as extra-terrestrial, on the farther side of the circumfluous ocean;—this island was supposed by the interpreters of Stesichorus the poet to be named by him off the south-western region of Spain called Tartêssus, and in the immediate vicinity of Gadês. But the historian Hekatæus, in his anxiety to historicize the old fable, took upon himself to remove Erytheia from Spain nearer home to Epirus. He thought it incredible that Hêraklês should have traversed Europe from east to west, for the purpose of bringing the cattle of Geryôn to Eurystheus at Mykênæ, and he pronounced Geryôn to have been a king of Epirus, near the Gulf of Ambrakia. The oxen reared in that neighborhood were proverbially magnificent, and to get them even from thence and bring them to Mykênæ (he contended) was no inconsiderable task. Arrian, who cites this passage from Hekatæus, concurs in the same view,—an illustration of the license with which ancient authors fitted on their fabulous geographical names to the real earth, and brought down the ethereal matter of legend to the lower atmosphere of history.[602]

[602] Stesichori Fragm. ed. Kleine; Geryonis, Fr. 5. p. 60; ap.
Strabo. iii. p. 148; Herodot. iv. 8. It seems very doubtful
whether Stesichorus meant to indicate any neighboring island as
Erytheia, if we compare Fragm. 10. p. 67 of the Geryonis, and the
passages of Athenæus and Eustathius there cited. He seems to have
adhered to the old fable, placing Erytheia on the opposite side
of the ocean-stream, for Hêraklês crosses the ocean to get to it.

Hekatæus, ap. Arrian. Histor. Alex. ii. 16. Skylax places
Erytheia, “whither Geryôn is said to have come to feed his oxen,”
in the Kastid territory near the Greek city of Apollônia on the
Ionic Gulf, northward of the Keraunian mountains. There were
splendid cattle consecrated to Hêlios near Apollônia, watched
by the citizens of the place with great care (Herodot. ix. 93;
Skylax, c. 26).

About Erytheia, Cellerius observes (Geogr. Ant. ii. 1, 227),
“Insula Erytheia, quam veteres adjungunt Gadibus, vel demersa
est, vel in scopulis quærenda, vel pars est ipsarum Gadium, neque
hodie ejus formæ aliqua, uti descripta est, fertur superesse.” To
make the disjunctive catalogue complete, he ought to have added,
“or it never really existed,”—not the least probable supposition
of all.

Both the track and the terminus of the Argonautic voyage appear in the most ancient epic as little within the conditions of reality, as the speaking timbers or the semi-divine crew of the vessel. In the Odyssey, Æêtês and Circê (Hesiod names Mêdea also) are brother and sister, offspring of Hêlios. The Ææan island, adjoining the circumfluous ocean, “where the house and dancing-ground of Eôs are situated, and where Hêlios rises,” is both the residence of Circê and of Æêtês, inasmuch as Odysseus, in returning from the former, follows the same course as the Argô had previously taken in returning from the latter.[603] Even in the conception of Mimnermus, about 600 B. C., Æa still retained its fabulous attributes in conjunction with the ocean and Hêlios, without having been yet identified with any known portion of the solid earth;[604] and it was justly remarked by Dêmêtrius of Skêpsis in antiquity[605] (though Strabo vainly tries to refute him), that neither Homer nor Mimnermus designates Kolchis either as the residence of Æêtês, or as the terminus of the Argonautic voyage. Hesiod carried the returning Argonauts through the river Phasis into the ocean. But some of the poems ascribed to Eumêlus were the first which mentioned Æêtês and Kolchis, and interwove both of them into the Corinthian mythical genealogy.[606] These poems seem to have been composed subsequent to the foundation of Sinopê, and to the commencement of Grecian settlement on the Borysthenês, between the years 600 and 500 B. C. The Greek mariners who explored and colonized the southern coast of the Euxine, found at the extremity of their voyage the river Phasis and its barbarous inhabitants: it was the easternmost point which Grecian navigation (previous to the time of Alexander the Great) ever attained, and it was within sight of the impassable barrier of Caucasus.[607] They believed, not unnaturally, that they had here found “the house of Eôs (the morning) and the rising place of the sun,” and that the river Phasis, if they could follow it to its unknown beginning, would conduct them to the circumfluous ocean. They gave to the spot the name of Æa, and the fabulous and real title gradually became associated together into one compound appellation,—the Kolchian Æa, or Æa of Kolchis.[608] While Kolchis was thus entered on the map as a fit representative for the Homeric “house of the morning,” the narrow strait of the Thracian Bosporus attracted to itself the poetical fancy of the Symplêgades, or colliding rocks, through which the heaven-protected Argô had been the first to pass. The powerful Greek cities of Kyzikus, Hêrakleia and Sinopê, each fertile in local legends, still farther contributed to give this direction to the voyage; so that in the time of Hekatæus it had become the established belief that the Argô had started from Iôlkos and gone to Kolchis.

[603] Hesiod, Theogon. 956-992; Homer, Odyss. xii. 3-69.—

Νῆσον ἐς Αἰαίην, ὅθι τ᾽ Ἠοῦς ἠριγενείης
Οἴκια καὶ χόροι εἰσὶ, καὶ ἀντολαὶ ἠελίοιο.

[604] Mimnerm. Fragm. 10-11, Schneidewin; Athenæ. vii. p. 277.—

Οὐδέ κοτ᾽ ἂν μέγα κῶας ἀνήγαγεν αὐτὸς Ἰήσων
Ἐξ Αἴης τελέσας ἀλγινόεσσαν ὁδὸν,
Ὑβρίστῃ Πελίῃ τελέων χαλεπῆρες ἄεθλον,
Οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐπ᾽ Ὠκεανοῦ καλὸν ἵκοντο ῥόον.
· · · · ·
Αἰήταο πόλιν, τόθι τ᾽ ὠκέος Ἠελίοιο
Ἀκτῖνες χρυσέῳ κείαται ἐν θαλάμῳ,
Ὠκεανοῦ παρὰ χείλεσ᾽, ἵν᾽ ὤχετο θεῖος Ἰήσων.

[605] Strabo, i. p. 45-46. Δημήτριος ὁ Σκήψιος ... πρὸς Νεάνθη
τὸν Κυζικηνὸν ~φιλοτιμοτέρως~ ἀντιλέγων, εἰπόντα, ὅτι οἱ
Ἀργοναῦται πλέοντες εἰς Φᾶσιν τὸν ὑφ᾽ Ὁμήρου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
ὁμολογούμενον πλοῦν, ἱδρύσαντο τὰ τῆς Ἰδαίας μητρὸς ἱερὰ ἐπὶ
Κύζικον ... ~ἀρχήν φησὶ μηδ᾽ εἰδέναι τὴν εἰς Φᾶσιν ἀποδημίαν τοῦ
Ἰάσονος Ὅμηρον~. Again, p. 46, παραλαβὼν μάρτυρα Μίμνερμον, ὃς ἐν
τῷ Ὠκεανῷ ποιήσας οἴκησιν Αἰήτου, etc.

The adverb φιλοτιμοτέρως reveals to us the municipal rivalry
and contention between the small town Skêpsis and its powerful
neighbor Kyzikus, respecting points of comparative archæology.

[606] Eumêlus, Fragm. Εὐρωπία 7, Κορινθιακὰ 2-5. pp. 63-68,
Düntzer.

[607] Arrian, Periplus Pont. Euxin. p. 12; ap. Geogr. Minor. vol.
i. He saw the Caucasus from Dioskurias.

[608] Herodot i. 2; vii. 193-197. Eurip. Mêd. 2. Valer. Flacc. v.
51.

Æêtês thus received his home from the legendary faith and fancy of the eastern Greek navigators: his sister Circê, originally his fellow-resident, was localized by the western. The Hesiodic and other poems, giving expression to the imaginative impulses of the inhabitants of Cumæ and other early Grecian settlers in Italy and Sicily,[609] had referred the wanderings of Odysseus to the western or Tyrrhenian sea, and had planted the Cyclôpes, the Læstrygones, the floating island of Æolus, the Lotophagi, the Phæacians, etc., about the coast of Sicily, Italy, Libya, and Korkyra. In this way the Ææan island,—the residence of Circê, and the extreme point of the wanderings of Odysseus, from whence he passes only to the ocean and into Hadês—came to be placed in the far west, while the Æa of Æêtês was in the far east,—not unlike our East and West Indies. The Homeric brother and sister were separated and sent to opposite extremities of the Grecian terrestrial horizon.[610]

[609] Strabo, i. p. 23. Völcker (Ueber Homerische Geographie,
v. 66) is instructive upon this point, as upon the geography
of the Greek poets generally. He recognizes the purely
mythical character of Æa in Homer and Hesiod, but he tries to
prove—unsuccessfully, in my judgment—that Homer places Æêtês in
the east, while Circê is in the west, and that Homer refers the
Argonautic voyage to the Euxine Sea.

[610] Strabo (or Polybius, whom he has just been citing) contends
that Homer knew the existence of Æêtês in Kolchis, and of Circê
at Circeium, as historical persons, as well as the voyage of
Jasôn to Æa as an historical fact. Upon this he (Homer) built
a superstructure of fiction (προσμύθευμα): he invented the
brotherhood between them, and he placed both the one and the
other in the exterior ocean (συγγενείας τε ἔπλασε τῶν οὕτω
διῳκισμένων, καὶ ἐξωκεανισμὸν ἀμφοῖν, i. p. 20); perhaps also
Jasôn might have wandered as far as Italy, as evidences (σημεῖά
τινα) are shown that he did (_ib._).

But the idea that Homer conceived Æêtês in the extreme east and
Circê in the extreme west, is not reconcilable with the Odyssey.
The supposition of Strabo is alike violent and unsatisfactory.

Circê was worshipped as a goddess at Circeii (Cicero, Nat. Deor.
iii. 19). Hesiod, in the Theogony, represents the two sons of
Circê by Odysseus as reigning over all the warlike Tyrrhenians
(Theog. 1012), an undefined western sovereignty. The great
Mamilian gens at Tusculum traced their descent to Odysseus and
Circê (Dionys. Hal. iv. 45).

The track from Iôlkos to Kolchis, however, though plausible as far as it went, did not realize all the conditions of the genuine fabulous voyage: it did not explain the evidences of the visit of these maritime heroes which were to be found in Libya, in Krêtê in Anaphê, in Korkyra, in the Adriatic Gulf, in Italy and in Æthalia. It became necessary to devise another route for them in their return, and the Hesiodic narrative was (as I have before observed), that they came back by the circumfluous ocean; first going up the river Phasis into the circumfluous ocean; following that deep and gentle stream until they entered the Nile, and came down its course to the coast of Libya. This seems also to have been the belief of Hekatæus.[611] But presently several Greeks (and Herodotus among them) began to discard the idea of a circumfluous ocean-stream, which had pervaded their old geographical and astronomical fables, and which explained the supposed easy communication between one extremity of the earth and another. Another idea was then started for the returning voyage of the Argonauts. It was supposed that the river Ister, or Danube, flowing from the Rhipæan mountains in the north-west of Europe, divided itself into two branches, one of which fell into the Euxine Sea, and the other into the Adriatic.

[611] See above, p. 239. There is an opinion cited from Hekatæus
in Schol. Apoll. Rhod. iv. 284. contrary to this, which is given
by the same scholiast on iv. 259. But, in spite of the remarks
of Klausen (ad. Fragment. Hekatæi, 187. p. 98), I think that the
Schol. ad. iv. 284 has made a mistake in citing Hekatæus; the
more so as the scholiast, as printed from the Codex Parisinus,
cites the same opinion without mentioning Hekatæus. According
to the old Homeric idea, the ocean stream flowed all round the
earth, and was the source of all the principal rivers which
flowed into the great internal sea, or Mediterranean (see
Hekatæus, Fr. 349; Klausen, ap. Arrian. ii. 16, where he speaks
of the Mediterranean as the μεγάλη θάλασσα). Retaining this old
idea of the ocean-stream, Hekatæus would naturally believe that
the Phasis joined it: nor can I agree with Klausen (ad Fr. 187)
that this implies a degree of ignorance too gross to impute to
him.

The Argonauts, fleeing from the pursuit of Æêtês, had been obliged to abandon their regular course homeward, and had gone from the Euxine Sea up the Ister; then passing down the other branch of that river, they had entered into the Adriatic, the Kolchian pursuers following them. Such is the story given by Apollônius Rhodius from Timagêtus, and accepted even by so able a geographer as Eratosthenês—who preceded him by one generation, and who, though sceptical in regard to the localities visited by Odysseus, seems to have been a firm believer in the reality of the Argonautic voyage.[612] Other historians again, among whom was Timæus, though they considered the ocean as an outer sea, and no longer admitted the existence of the old Homeric ocean-stream, yet imagined a story for the return-voyage of the Argonauts somewhat resembling the old tale of Hesiod and Hekatæus. They alleged that the Argô, after entering into the Palus Mæotis, had followed the upward course of the river Tanais; that she had then been carried overland and launched in a river which had its mouth in the ocean or great outer sea. When in the ocean, she had coasted along the north and west of Europe until she reached Gadês and the Strait of Gibraltar, where she entered into the Mediterranean, and there visited the many places specified in the fable. Of this long voyage, in the outer sea to the north and west of Europe, many traces were affirmed to exist along the coast of the ocean.[613] There was again a third version, according to which the Argonauts came back as they went, through the Thracian Bosporus and the Hellespont. In this way geographical plausibility was indeed maintained, but a large portion of the fabulous matter was thrown overboard.[614]

[612] Apollôn. Rhod. iv. 287; Schol. ad iv. 284; Pindar, Pyth.
iv. 447, with Schol.; Strabo, i. p. 46-57; Aristot. Mirabil.
Auscult. c. 105. Altars were shown in the Adriatic, which had
been erected both by Jasôn and by Mêdea (_ib._).

Aristotle believed in the forked course of the Ister, with one
embouchure in the Euxine and another in the Adriatic: he notices
certain fishes called τρίχιαι, who entered the river (like the
Argonauts) from the Euxine, went up it as far as the point of
bifurcation and descended into the Adriatic (Histor. Animal.
viii. 15). Compare Ukert, Geographie der Griech. und Römer, vol.
iii. p. 145-147, about the supposed course of the Ister.

[613] Diodôr. iv. 56; Timæus, Fragm. 53. Göller. Skymnus the
geographer also adopted this opinion (Schol. Apoll. Rhod.
284-287). The pseudo-Orpheus in the poem called Argonautica seems
to give a jumble of all the different stories.

[614] Diodôr. iv. 49. This was the tale both of Sophoklês and of
Kallimachus (Schol. Apoll. Rhod. iv. 284).

See the Dissertation of Ukert, Beylage iv. vol. i. part 2, p. 320
of his Geographie der Griechen und Römer, which treats of the
Argonautic voyage at some length; also J. H. Voss, Alte Weltkunde
über die Gestalt der Erde, published in the second volume of the
Kritische Blätter, pp. 162, 314-326; and Forbiger, Handbuch der
Alten Geographie-Einleitung, p. 8.

Such were the various attempts made to reconcile the Argonautic legend with enlarged geographical knowledge and improved historical criticism. The problem remained unsolved, but the faith in the legend did not the less continue. It was a faith originally generated at a time when the unassisted narrative of the inspired poet sufficed for the conviction of his hearers; it consecrated one among the capital exploits of that heroic and superhuman race, whom the Greek was accustomed at once to look back upon as his ancestors and to worship conjointly with his gods: it lay too deep in his mind either to require historical evidence for its support, or to be overthrown by geographical difficulties as they were then appreciated. Supposed traces of the past event, either preserved in the names of places, or embodied in standing religious customs with their explanatory comments, served as sufficient authentication in the eyes of the curious inquirer. And even men trained in a more severe school of criticism contented themselves with eliminating the palpable contradictions and softening down the supernatural and romantic events, so as to produce an Argonautic expedition of their own invention as the true and accredited history. Strabo, though he can neither overlook nor explain the geographical impossibilities of the narrative, supposes himself to have discovered the basis of actual fact, which the original poets had embellished or exaggerated. The golden fleece was typical of the great wealth of Kolchis, arising from gold-dust washed down by the rivers; and the voyage of Jasôn was in reality an expedition at the head of a considerable army, with which he plundered this wealthy country and made extensive conquests in the interior.[615] Strabo has nowhere laid down what he supposes to have been the exact measure and direction of Jasôn’s march, but he must have regarded it as very long, since he classes Jasôn with Dionysus and Hêraklês, and emphatically characterizes all the three as having traversed wider spaces of ground than any moderns could equal.[616] Such was the compromise which a mind like that of Strabo made with the ancient legends. He shaped or cut them down to the level of his own credence, and in this waste of historical criticism, without any positive evidence, he took to himself the credit of greater penetration than the literal believers, while he escaped the necessity of breaking formally with the bygone heroic world.

[615] Strabo, i. p. 45. He speaks here of the voyage of Phryxus,
as well as that of Jasôn, as having been a military undertaking
(στρατεία): so again, iii. p. 149, he speaks of the military
expedition of Odysseus—ἡ τοῦ Ὀδυσσέως στρατία, and ἡ Ἡρακλέους
στρατία (_ib._). Again xi. p. 498. Οἱ μῦθοι, αἰνιττόμενοι τὴν
Ἰάσονος στρατείαν προελθόντος μέχρι καὶ Μηδίας· ἔτι δὲ πρότερον
τὴν Φρίξου. Compare also Justin, xlii. 2-3; Tacit. Annal. vi. 34.

Strabo cannot speak of the old fables with literal fidelity: he
unconsciously transforms them into quasi-historical incidents of
his own imagination. Diodôrus gives a narrative of the same kind,
with decent substitutes for the fabulous elements (iv. 40-47-56).

[616] Strabo, i. p. 48. The far-extending expeditions undertaken
in the eastern regions by Dionysus and Hêraklês were constantly
present to the mind of Alexander the Great as subjects of
comparison with himself: he imposed upon his followers perilous
and trying marches, from anxiety to equal or surpass the alleged
exploits of Semiramis, Cyrus, Perseus, and Hêraklês. (Arrian, v.
2, 3; vi. 24, 3; vii. 10, 12. Strabo, iii. p. 171; xv. p. 686;
xvii. p. 81).