Chapter I (3)

Morgan's next undertaking was against _Porto Bello_, one of the principal and best fortified ports belonging to the Spaniards in the _West Indies_. He had under his command only 460 men; but not having revealed his design to any person, he came on the town by surprise, and found it unprepared. Shocking cruelties are related to have been committed in this expedition. Among many others, that a castle having made more resistance than had been expected, Morgan, after its surrendering, shut up the garrison in it, and caused fire to be set to the magazine, destroying thereby the castle and the garrison together. In the attack of another fort, he compelled a number of religious persons, both male and female, whom he had taken prisoners, to carry and plant scaling ladders against the walls; and many of them were killed by those who defended the fort. The Buccaneers in the end became masters of the place, and the use they made of their victory corresponded with their actions in obtaining it. Many prisoners died under tortures inflicted on them to make them discover concealed treasures, whether they knew of any or not. A large ransom was also extorted for the town and prisoners.

This success attracted other Buccaneers, among them the French again, to join Morgan; and by a kind of circular notice they rendezvoused in large force under his command at the _Isla de la Vaca_ (by the French called _Isle Avache_) near the SW part of _Hispaniola_.

A large French Buccaneer ship was lying at _la Vaca_, which was not of this combination, the commander and crew of which refused to join with Morgan, though much solicited. Morgan was angry, but dissembled, and with a show of cordiality invited the French captain and his officers to an entertainment on board his own ship. When they were his guests, they found themselves his prisoners; and their ship, being left without officers, was taken without resistance. The men put by Morgan in charge of the ship, fell to drinking; and, whether from their drunkenness and negligence, or from the revenge of any of the prisoners, cannot be known, she suddenly blew up, by which 350 English Buccaneers, and all the Frenchmen on board her, perished. _The History of the Buccaneers of America_, in which the event is related, adds by way of remark, 'Thus was this unjust action of Captain Morgan's soon followed by divine justice; for this ship, the largest in his fleet, was blown up in the air, with 350 Englishmen and all the French prisoners.' This comment seems to have suggested to Voltaire the ridicule he has thrown on the indiscriminate manner in which men sometimes pronounce misfortune to be a peculiar judgment of God, in the dialogue he put into the mouths of Candide and Martin, on the wicked Dutch skipper being drowned.

[Sidenote: 1669. Maracaibo and Gibraltar plundered by Morgan.] From _Isla de la Vaca_ Morgan sailed with his fleet to _Maracaibo_ and _Gibraltar_; which unfortunate towns were again sacked. It was a frequent practice with these desperadoes to secure their prisoners by shutting them up in churches, where it was easy to keep guard over them. This was done by Morgan at _Maracaibo_ and _Gibraltar_, and with so little care for their subsistence, that many of the prisoners were actually starved to death, whilst their merciless victors were rioting in the plunder of their houses.

Morgan remained so long at _Gibraltar_, that the Spaniards had time to repair and put in order a castle at the entrance of the _Lagune of Maracaibo_; and three large Spanish ships of war arrived and took stations near the castle, by which they hoped to cut off the retreat of the pirates. [Sidenote: His Contrivances in effecting his Retreat.] The Buccaneer Histories give Morgan much credit here, for his management in extricating his fleet and prizes from their difficult situation, which is related to have been in the following manner. He converted one of his vessels into a fire-ship, but so fitted up as to preserve the appearance of a ship intended for fighting, and clumps of wood were stuck up in her, dressed with hats on, to resemble men. By means of this ship, the rest of his fleet following close at hand, he took one of the Spanish ships, and destroyed the two others. Still there remained the castle to be passed; which he effected without loss, by a stratagem which deceived the Spaniards from their guard. During the day, and in sight of the castle, he filled his boats with armed men, and they rowed from the ships to a part of the shore which was well concealed by thickets. After waiting as long as might be supposed to be occupied in the landing, all the men lay down close in the bottom of the boats, except two in each, who rowed them back, going to the sides of the ships which were farthest from the castle. This being repeated several times, caused the Spaniards to believe that the Buccaneers intended an assault by land with their whole force; and they made disposition with their cannon accordingly, leaving the side of the castle towards the sea unprovided. When it was night, and the ebb tide began to make, Morgan's fleet took up their anchors, and, without setting sail, it being moonlight, they fell down the river, unperceived, till they were nigh the castle. They then set their sails, and fired upon the castle, and before the Spaniards could bring their guns back to return the fire, the ships were past. The value of the booty made in this expedition was 250,000 pieces of eight.

Some minor actions of the Buccaneers are omitted here, not being of sufficient consequence to excuse detaining the Reader, to whom will next be related one of their most remarkable exploits.

CHAP. VI.

_Treaty of =America=. Expedition of the Buccaneers against
=Panama=. Exquemelin's History of the American Sea Rovers.
Misconduct of the European Governors in the =West Indies=._

[Sidenote: 1670.] In July 1670, was concluded a Treaty between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_, made expressly with the intention of terminating the Buccaneer war, and of settling all disputes between the subjects of the two countries in _America_. It has been with this especial signification entitled the Treaty of _America_, and is the first which appears to have been dictated by a mutual disposition to establish peace in the _West Indies_. The articles particularly directed to this end are the following:--

[Sidenote: Treaty between Great Britain and Spain, called the Treaty of America.] Art. II. There shall be an universal peace and sincere friendship, as well in _America_, as in other parts, between the Kings of _Great Britain_ and _Spain_, their heirs and successors, their kingdoms, plantations, &c.

III. That all hostilities, depredations, &c. shall cease between the subjects of the said Kings.

IV. The two Kings shall take care that their subjects forbear all acts of hostility, and shall call in all commissions, letters of marque and reprisals, and punish all offenders, obliging them to make reparation.

VII. All past injuries, on both sides, shall be buried in oblivion.

VIII. The King of _Great Britain_ shall hold and enjoy all the lands, countries, &c. he is now possessed of in _America_.

IX. The subjects on each side shall forbear trading or sailing to any places whatsoever under the dominion of the other, without particular licence.

XIV. Particular offences shall be repaired in the common course of justice, and no reprisals made unless justice be denied, or unreasonably retarded.

When notice of this Treaty was received in the _West Indies_, the Buccaneers, immediately as of one accord, resolved to undertake some grand expedition. Many occurrences had given rise to jealousies between the English and the French in the _West Indies_; but Morgan's reputation as a commander was so high, that adventurers from all parts signified their readiness to join him, and he appointed _Cape Tiburon_ on the West of _Hispaniola_ for the place of general rendezvous. In consequence of this summons, in the beginning of December 1670, a fleet was there collected under his command, consisting of no less than thirty-seven vessels of different sizes, and above 2000 men. Having so large a force, he held council with the principal commanders, and proposed for their determination, which they should attempt of the three places, _Carthagena_, _Vera Cruz_, and _Panama_. _Panama_ was believed to be the richest, and on that City the lot fell.

A century before, when the name of Buccaneer was not known, roving adventurers had crossed the _Isthmus of America_ from the _West Indies_ to the _South Sea_; but the fate of Oxnam and his companions deterred others from the like attempt, until the time of the Buccaneers, who, as they increased in numbers, extended their enterprises, urged by a kind of necessity, the _West Indies_ not furnishing plunder sufficient to satisfy so many men, whose modes of expenditure were not less profligate than their means of obtaining were violent and iniquitous.

[Sidenote: Expedition of the Buccaneers against Panama.] The rendezvous appointed by Morgan for meeting his confederates was distant from any authority which could prevent or impede their operations; and whilst they remained on the coast of _Hispaniola_, he employed men to hunt cattle, and cure meat. He also sent vessels to collect maize, at the settlements on the _Tierra Firma_. Specific articles of agreement were drawn up and subscribed to, for the distribution of plunder. Morgan, as commander in chief, was to receive one hundredth part; each captain was to have eight shares; provision was stipulated for the maimed and wounded, and rewards for those who should particularly distinguish themselves. [Sidenote: December. They take the Island S^{ta} Katalina.] These matters being settled, on December the 16th, the whole fleet sailed, from _Cape Tiburon_; on the 20th, they arrived at the Island _S^{ta} Katalina_, then occupied by the Spaniards, who had garrisoned it chiefly with criminals sentenced to serve there by way of punishment. Morgan had fully entered into the project of Mansvelt for forming an establishment at _S^{ta} Katalina_, and he was not the less inclined to it now that he considered himself as the head of the Buccaneers. The Island surrendered upon summons. It is related, that at the request of the Governor, in which Morgan indulged him, a military farce was performed; Morgan causing cannon charged only with powder to be fired at the fort, which returned the like fire for a decent time, and then lowered their flag.

Morgan judged it would contribute to the success of the proposed expedition against _Panama_, to make himself master of the fort or castle of _San Lorenzo_ at the entrance of the _River Chagre_. For this purpose he sent a detachment of 400 men under the command of an old Buccaneer named Brodely, and in the mean time remained himself with the main body of his forces at _S^{ta} Katalina_, to avoid giving the Spaniards cause to suspect his further designs.

[Sidenote: Attack of the Castle at the River Chagre.] The Castle of _Chagre_ was strong, both in its works and in situation, being built on the summit of a steep hill. It was valiantly assaulted, and no less valiantly defended. The Buccaneers were once forced to retreat. They returned to the attack, and were nearly a second time driven back, when a powder magazine in the fort blew up, and the mischief and confusion thereby occasioned gave the Buccaneers opportunity to force entrance through the breaches they had made. The Governor of the castle refused to take quarter which was offered him by the Buccaneers, as did also some of the Spanish soldiers. More than 200 men of 314 which composed the garrison were killed. The loss on the side of the Buccaneers was above 100 men killed outright, and 70 wounded.

[Sidenote: 1671. January. March of the Buccaneers across the Isthmus.] On receiving intelligence of the castle being taken, Morgan repaired with the rest of his men from _S^{ta} Katalina_. He set the prisoners to work to repair the Castle of _San Lorenzo_, in which he stationed a garrison of 500 men; he also appointed 150 men to take care of the ships; and on the 18th of January 1671[11], he set forward at the head of 1200 men for _Panama_. One party with artillery and stores embarked in canoes, to mount the _River Chagre_, the course of which is extremely serpentine. At the end of the second day, however, they quitted the canoes, on account of the many obstructions from trees which had fallen in the river, and because the river was at this time in many places almost dry; but the way by land was also found so difficult for the carriage of stores, that the canoes were again resorted to. On the sixth day, when they had expended great part of their travelling store of provisions, they had the good fortune to discover a barn full of maize. They saw many native Indians, who all kept at a distance, and it was in vain endeavoured to overtake some.

On the seventh day they came to a village called _Cruz_, the inhabitants of which had set fire to their houses, and fled. They found there, however, fifteen jars of Peruvian wine, and a sack of bread. The village of _Cruz_ is at the highest part of the _River Chagre_ to which boats or canoes, can arrive. It was reckoned to be eight leagues distant from _Panama_.

On the ninth day of their journey, they came in sight of the _South Sea_; and here they were among fields in which cattle grazed. Towards evening, they had sight of the steeples of _Panama_. In the course of their march thus far from the Castle of _Chagre_, they lost, by being fired at from concealed places, ten men killed; and as many more were wounded.

_Panama_ had not the defence of regular fortifications. Some works had been raised, but in parts the city lay open, and was to be won or defended by plain fighting. According to the Buccaneer account, the Spaniards had about 2000 infantry and 400 horse; which force, it is to be supposed, was in part composed of inhabitants and slaves.

[Sidenote: 27th. The City of Panama taken.] January the 27th, early in the morning, the Buccaneers resumed their march towards the city. The Spaniards came out to meet them. In this battle, the Spaniards made use of wild bulls, which they drove upon the Buccaneers to disorder their ranks; but it does not appear to have had much effect. In the end, the Spaniards gave way, and before night, the Buccaneers were masters of the city. All that day, the Buccaneers gave no quarter, either during the battle, or afterwards. Six hundred Spaniards fell. The Buccaneers lost many men, but the number is not specified.

[Sidenote: The City burnt.] One of the first precautions taken by Morgan after his victory, was to prevent drunkenness among his men: to which end, he procured to have it reported to him that all the wine in the city had been poisoned by the inhabitants; and on the ground of this intelligence, he strictly prohibited every one, under severe penalties, from tasting wine. Before they had well fixed their quarters in _Panama_, several parts of the city burst out in flames, which spread so rapidly, that in a short time many magnificent edifices built with cedar, and a great part of the city, were burnt to the ground. Whether this was done designedly, or happened accidentally, owing to the consternation of the inhabitants during the assault, has been disputed. Morgan is accused of having directed some of his people to commit this mischief, but no motive is assigned that could induce him to an act which cut off his future prospect of ransom. Morgan charged it upon the Spaniards; and it is acknowledged the Buccaneers gave all the assistance they were able to those of the inhabitants who endeavoured to stop the progress of the fire, which nevertheless continued to burn near four weeks before it was quite extinguished. Among the buildings destroyed, was a factory-house belonging to the Genoese, who then carried on the trade of supplying the Spaniards with slaves from _Africa_.

The rapacity, licentiousness, and cruelty, of the Buccaneers, in their pillage of _Panama_, had no bounds. 'They spared,' says the narrative of a Buccaneer named Exquemelin, 'in these their cruelties no sex nor condition whatsoever. As to religious persons and priests, they granted them less quarter than others, unless they procured a considerable sum of money for their ransom.' Morgan sent detachments to scour the country for plunder, and to bring in prisoners from whom ransom might be extorted. Many of the inhabitants escaped with their effects by sea, and went for shelter to the Islands in the _Bay of Panama_. Morgan found a large boat lying aground in the Port, which he caused to be lanched, and manned with a numerous crew, and sent her to cruise among the Islands. A galeon, on board which the women of a convent had taken refuge, and in which money, plate, and other valuable effects, had been lodged, very narrowly escaped falling into their hands. They made prize of several vessels, one of which was well adapted for cruising. This opened a new prospect; and some of the Buccaneers began to consult how they might quit Morgan, and seek their fortunes on the _South Sea_, whence they proposed to sail, with the plunder they should obtain, by the _East Indies_ to _Europe_. But Morgan received notice of their design before it could be put in execution, and to prevent such a diminution of his force, he ordered the masts of the ship to be cut away, and all the boats or vessels lying at _Panama_ which could suit their purpose, to be burnt.

[Sidenote: Feb. 24th. The Buccaneers depart from Panama.] The old city of _Panama_ is said to have contained 7000 houses, many of which were magnificent edifices built with cedar. On the 24th of February, Morgan and his men departed from its ruins, taking with them 175 mules laden with spoil, and 600 prisoners, some of them carrying burthens, and others for whose release ransom was expected. Among the latter were many women and children. These poor creatures were designedly caused to suffer extreme hunger and thirst, and kept under apprehensions of being carried to _Jamaica_ to be sold as slaves, that they might the more earnestly endeavour to procure money to be brought for their ransom. When some of the women, upon their knees and in tears, begged of Morgan to let them return to their families, his answer to them was, that 'he came not there to listen to cries and lamentations, but to seek money,' Morgan's thirst for money was not restrained to seeking it among his foes. He had a hand equally ready for that of his friends. Neither did he think his friends people to be trusted; for in the middle of the march back to _Chagre_, he drew up his men and caused them to be sworn, that they had not reserved or concealed any plunder, but had delivered all fairly into the common stock. This ceremony, it seems, was not uncustomary. 'But Captain Morgan having had experience that those loose fellows would not much stickle to swear falsely in such a case, he commanded every one to be searched; and that it might not be esteemed an affront, he permitted himself to be first searched, even to the very soles of his shoes. The French Buccaneers who had engaged on this expedition with Morgan, were not well satisfied with this new custom of searching; but their number being less than that of the English, they were forced to submit.' On arriving at _Chagre_, a division was made. The narrative says, 'every person received his portion, or rather what part thereof Captain Morgan was pleased to give him. For so it was, that his companions, even those of his own nation, complained of his proceedings; for they judged it impossible that, of so many valuable robberies, no greater share should belong to them than 200 pieces of eight _per_ head. But Captain Morgan was deaf to these, and to many other complaints of the same kind.'

As Morgan was not disposed to allay the discontents of his men by coming to a more open reckoning with them, to avoid having the matter pressed upon him, he determined to withdraw from his command, 'which he did without calling any council, or bidding any one adieu; but went secretly on board his own ship, and put out to sea without giving notice, being followed only by three or four vessels of the whole fleet, who it is believed went shares with him in the greatest part of the spoil.'

The rest of the Buccaneer vessels soon separated. Morgan went to _Jamaica_, and had begun to levy men to go with him to the Island _S^{ta} Katalina_, which he purposed to hold as his own, and to make it a common place of refuge for pirates; when the arrival of a new Governor at _Jamaica_, Lord John Vaughan, with orders to enforce the late treaty with _Spain_, obliged him to relinquish his plan.

[Sidenote: Exquemelin's History of the Buccaneers of America.] The foregoing account of the destruction of _Panama_ by Morgan, is taken from a History of the Buccaneers of America, written originally in the Dutch language by a Buccaneer named Exquemelin, and published at Amsterdam in 1678, with the title of _De Americaensche Zee Roovers_. Exquemelin's book contains only partial accounts of the actions of some of the principal among the Buccaneers. He has set forth the valour displayed by them in the most advantageous light; but generally, what he has related is credible. His history has been translated into all the European languages, but with various additions and alterations by the translators, each of whom has inclined to maintain the military reputation of his own nation. The Spanish translation is entitled _Piratas_, and has the following short complimentary Poem prefixed, addressed to the Spanish editor and emendator:--

De Agamenon canto la vida Homero
Y Virgilio de Eneas lo piadoso
Camoes de Gama el curso presurosso
Gongora el brio de Colon Velero.

Tu, O Alonso! mas docto y verdadoro,
Descrives del America ingenioso
Lo que assalta el Pirata codicioso:
Lo que defiende el Espanol Guerrero.

The French translation is entitled _Les Avanturiers qui se sont signalez dans les Indes_, and contains actions of the French Flibustiers which are not in Exquemelin. The like has been done in the English translation, which has for title _The Bucaniers of America_. The English translator, speaking of the sacking of _Panama_, has expressed himself with a strange mixture of boasting and compunctious feeling. This account, he says, contains the unparalleled and bold exploits of Sir Henry Morgan, written by one of the Buccaneers who was present at those tragedies.

It has been remarked, that the treaty of _America_ furnishes an apology for the enterprises of the Buccaneers previous to its notification; it being so worded as to admit an inference that the English and Spaniards were antecedently engaged in a continual war in _America_.

[Sidenote: 1671.] The new Governor of _Jamaica_ was authorized and instructed to proclaim a general pardon, and indemnity from prosecution, for all piratical offences committed to that time; and to grant 35 acres of land to every Buccaneer who should claim the benefit of the proclamation, and would promise to apply himself to planting; a measure from which the most beneficial effects might have been expected, not to the British colonists only, but to all around, in turning a number of able men from destructive occupations to useful and productive pursuits, if it had not been made subservient to sordid views. The author of the _History of Jamaica_ says, 'This offer was intended as a lure to engage the Buccaneers to come into port with their effects, that the Governor might, and which he was directed to do, take from them the tenths and fifteenths of their booty as the dues of the Crown [and of the Colonial Government] for granting them commissions.' Those who had neglected to obtain commissions would of course have to make their peace by an increased composition. In consequence of this scandalous procedure, the Jamaica Buccaneers, to avoid being so taxed, kept aloof from _Jamaica_, and were provoked to continue their old occupations. Most of them joined the French Flibustiers at _Tortuga_. Some were afterwards apprehended at _Jamaica_, where they were brought to trial, condemned as pirates, and executed.

[Sidenote: 1672.] A war which was entered into by _Great Britain_ and _France_ against _Holland_, furnished for a time employment for the Buccaneers and Flibustiers, and procured the Spaniards a short respite.

[Sidenote: 1673. Flibustiers shipwrecked at Porto Rico;] In 1673, the French made an attempt to take the Island of _Curacao_ from the Dutch, and failed. M. d'Ogeron, the Governor of _Tortuga_, intended to have joined in this expedition, for which purpose he sailed in a ship named l'Ecueil, manned with 300 Flibustiers; but in the night of the 25th of February, she ran aground among some small islands and rocks, near the North side of the Island _Porto Rico_. The people got safe to land, but were made close prisoners by the Spaniards. After some months imprisonment, M. d'Ogeron, with three others, made their escape in a canoe, and got back to _Tortuga_. The Governor General over the French West-India Islands at that time, was a M. de Baas, who sent to _Porto Rico_ to demand the deliverance of the French detained there prisoners. The Spanish Governor of _Porto Rico_ required 3000 pieces of eight to be paid for expences incurred. De Baas was unwilling to comply with the demand, and sent an agent to negociate for an abatement in the sum; but they came to no agreement. M. d'Ogeron in the mean time collected five hundred men in _Tortuga_ and _Hispaniola_, with whom he embarked in a number of small vessels to pass over to _Porto Rico_, to endeavour the release of his shipwrecked companions; but by repeated tempests, several of his flotilla were forced back, and he reached _Porto Rico_ with only three hundred men.

[Sidenote: And put to death by the Spaniards.] On their landing, the Spanish Governor put to death all his French prisoners, except seventeen of the officers. Afterwards in an engagement with the Spaniards, D'Ogeron lost seventeen men, and found his strength not sufficient to force the Spaniards to terms; upon which he withdrew from _Porto Rico_, and returned to _Tortuga_. The seventeen French officers that were spared in the massacre of the prisoners, the Governor of _Porto Rico_ put on board a vessel bound for the _Tierra Firma_, with the intention of transporting them to _Peru_; but from that fate they were delivered by meeting at sea with an English Buccaneer cruiser. Thus, by the French Governor General disputing about a trifling balance, three hundred of the French Buccaneers, whilst employed for the French king's service under one of his officers, were sacrificed.

CHAP. VII.

_=Thomas Peche=. Attempt of =La Sound= to cross the =Isthmus of
America=. Voyage of =Antonio de Vea= to the =Strait of
Magalhanes=. Various Adventures of the Buccaneers, in the
=West Indies=, to the year 1679._

[Sidenote: 1673. Thomas Peche.] In 1673, Thomas Peche, an Englishman, fitted out a ship in _England_ for a piratical voyage to the _South Sea_ against the Spaniards. Previous to this, Peche had been many years a Buccaneer in the _West Indies_, and therefore his voyage to the _South Sea_ is mentioned as a Buccaneer expedition; but it was in no manner connected with any enterprise in or from the _West Indies_. The only information we have of Peche's voyage is from a Spanish author, _Seixas y Lovera_; and by that it may be conjectured that Peche sailed to the _Aleutian Isles_.[12]

[Sidenote: 1675.] About this time the French West-India Company was suppressed; but another Company was at the same time erected in its stead, and under the unpromising title of _Compagnie des Fermiers du domaine d'Occident_.

[Sidenote: La Sound attempts to cross the Isthmus.] Since the plundering of _Panama_, the imaginations of the Buccaneers had been continually running on expeditions to the _South Sea_. This was well known to the Spaniards, and produced many forebodings and prophecies, in _Spain_ as well as in _Peru_, of great invasions both by sea and land. The alarm was increased by an attempt of a French Buccaneer, named La Sound, with a small body of men, to cross over land to the _South Sea_. La Sound got no farther than the town of _Cheapo_, and was driven back. Dampier relates, 'Before my going to the _South Seas_, I being then on board a privateer off _Portobel_, we took a packet from _Carthagena_. We opened a great many of the merchants' letters, several of which informed their correspondents of a certain prophecy that went about _Spain_ that year, the tenor of which was, _That the English privateers in the West Indies would that year open a door into the South Seas_.'

[Sidenote: Voyage of Ant. de Vea to the Strait of Magalhanes.] In 1675, it was reported and believed in _Peru_, that strange ships, supposed to be Pirates, had been seen on the coast of _Chili_, and it was apprehended that they designed to form an establishment there. In consequence of this information or rumour, the Viceroy sent a ship from _Peru_, under the command of Don Antonio de Vea, accompanied with small barks as tenders, to reconnoitre the _Gulf de la Santissima Trinidada_, and to proceed thence to the West entrance of the _Strait of Magalhanes_. De Vea made examination at those places, and was convinced, from the poverty of the land, that no settlement of Europeans could be maintained there. One of the Spanish barks, with a crew of sixteen men, was wrecked on the small Islands called _Evangelists_, at the West entrance of the _Strait_. De Vea returned to _Callao_ in April 1676[13].

[Sidenote: 1676.] The cattle in _Hispaniola_ had again multiplied so much as to revive the business of hunting and the _boucan_. In 1676, some French who had habitations in the _Peninsula of Samana_ (the NE part of _Hispaniola_) made incursions on the Spaniards, and plundered one of their villages. Not long afterwards, the Spaniards learnt that in _Samana_ there were only women and children, the men being all absent on the chace; and that it would be easy to surprise not only the habitations, but the hunters also, who had a boucan at a place called the _Round Mountain_. [Sidenote: Massacre of the French in Samana.] This the Spaniards executed, and with such full indulgence to their wish to extirpate the French in _Hispaniola_, that they put to the sword every one they found at both the places. The French, in consequence of this misfortune, strengthened their fortifications at _Cape Francois_, and made it their principal establishment in the Island.

[Sidenote: 1678. French Fleet wrecked on the Isles de Aves.] In 1678, the French again undertook an expedition against the Dutch Island _Curacao_, with a large fleet of the French king's ships, under the command of Admiral the Count d'Etrees. The French Court were so earnest for the conquest of _Curacao_, to wipe off the disgrace of the former failure, that the Governor of _Tortuga_ was ordered to raise 1200 men to join the Admiral d'Etrees. The king's troops within his government did not exceed 300 men; nevertheless, the Governor collected the number required, the Flibustiers willingly engaging in the expedition. Part of them embarked on board the king's ships, and part in their own cruising vessels. By mistake in the navigation, d'Etrees ran ashore in the middle of the night on some small Isles to the East of _Curacao_, called _de Aves_, which are surrounded with breakers, and eighteen of his ships, besides some of the Flibustier vessels, were wrecked. The crews were saved, excepting about 300 men.

The _Curacao_ expedition being thus terminated, the Flibustiers who had engaged in it, after saving as much as they could of the wrecks, went on expeditions of their own planning, to seek compensation for their disappointment and loss. [Sidenote: Granmont.] Some landed on _Cuba_, and pillaged _Puerto del Principe_. One party, under Granmont, a leader noted for the success of his enterprises, went to the Gulf of _Venezuela_, and the ill-fated towns _Maracaibo_ and _Gibraltar_ were again plundered; but what the Buccaneers obtained was not of much value. In August this year, _France_ concluded a treaty of peace with _Spain_ and _Holland_.

The Government in _Jamaica_ had by this time relapsed to its former propensities, and again encouraged the Buccaneers, and shared in their gains. One crew of Buccaneers carried there a vessel taken from the Spaniards, the cargo of which produced for each man's share to the value of 400_l._ After disposing of the cargo, they burnt the vessel; and 'having paid the Governor his duties, they embarked for _England_, where,' added the author, 'some of them live in good reputation to this day[14].'

As long as the war had lasted between _France_ and _Spain_, the French Buccaneers had the advantage of being lawful privateers. An English Buccaneer relates, 'We met a French private ship of war, mounting eight guns, who kept in our company some days. Her commission was only for three months. We shewed him our commission, which was for three years to come. This we had purchased at a cheap rate, having given for it only ten pieces of eight; but the truth of the thing was, that our commission was made out at first only for three months, the same date as the Frenchman's, whereas among ourselves we contrived to make it that it should serve for three years, for with this we were resolved to seek our fortunes.' Whenever _Spain_ was at war with another European Power, adventurers of any country found no difficulty in the _West Indies_ in procuring commissions to war against the Spaniards; with which commission, and carrying aloft the flag of the nation hostile to _Spain_, they assumed that they were lawful enemies. Such pretensions did them small service if they fell into the hands of the Spaniards; but they were allowed in the ports of neutral nations, which benefited by being made the mart of the Buccaneer prize goods; and the Buccaneers thought themselves well recompensed in having a ready market, and the security of the port.

[Sidenote: 1678. Darien Indians.] The enterprises of the Buccaneers on the _Tierra Firma_ and other parts of the American Continent, brought them into frequent intercourse with the natives of those parts, and produced friendships, and sometimes alliances against the Spaniards, with whom each were alike at constant enmity. But there sometimes happened disagreements between them and the natives. The Buccaneers, if they wanted provisions or assistance from the Indians, had no objection to pay for it when they had the means; nor had the natives objection to supply them on that condition, and occasionally out of pure good will. The Buccaneers nevertheless, did not always refrain from helping themselves, with no other leave than their own. Sometime before Morgan's expedition to _Panama_, they had given the Indians of _Darien_ much offence; but shortly after that expedition, they were reconciled, in consequence of which, the Darien Indians had assisted La Sound. In 1678, they gave assistance to another party of Flibustiers which went against _Cheapo_, under a French Captain named Bournano, and offered to conduct them to a place called _Tocamoro_, where they said the Spaniards had much gold. Bournano did not think his force sufficient to take advantage of their offer, but promised he would come again and be better provided.

[Sidenote: 1679. Porto Bello surprised by the Buccaneers.] In 1679, three Buccaneer vessels (two of them English, and one French) joined in an attempt to plunder _Porto Bello_. They landed 200 men at such a distance from the town, that it occupied them three nights in travelling, for during the day they lay concealed in the woods, before they reached it. Just as they came to the town, they were discovered by a negro, who ran before to give intelligence of their coming; but the Buccaneers were so quickly after him, that they got possession of the town before the inhabitants could take any step for their defence, and, being unacquainted with the strength of the enemy, they all fled. The Buccaneers remained in the town collecting plunder two days and two nights, all the time in apprehension that the Spaniards would; 'pour in the country' upon their small force, or intercept their retreat. They got back however to their ships unmolested, and, on a division of the booty, shared 160 pieces of eight to each man.

CHAP. VIII.

_Meeting of Buccaneers at the =Samballas=, and =Golden Island=.
Party formed by the English Buccaneers to cross the =Isthmus=.
Some account of the Native Inhabitants of the =Mosquito
Shore=._

Immediately after the plundering of _Porto Bello_, a number of Buccaneer vessels, both English and French, on the report which had been made by Captain Bournano, assembled at the _Samballas_, or _Isles of San Blas_, near the coast of _Darien_. One of these vessels was commanded by Bournano. The Indians of _Darien_ received them as friends and allies, but they now disapproved the project of going to _Tocamoro_. The way thither, they said, was mountainous, and through a long tract of uninhabited country, in which it would be difficult to find subsistence; and instead of _Tocamoro_, they advised going against the city of _Panama_. [Sidenote: 1680. Golden Island.] Their representation caused the design upon _Tocamoro_ to be given up. The English Buccaneers were for attacking _Panama_; but the French objected to the length of the march; and on this difference, the English and French separated, the English Buccaneers going to an Island called by them _Golden Island_, which is the most eastern of the _Samballas_, if not more properly to be said to the eastward of all the _Samballas_.

Without the assistance of the French, _Panama_ was too great an undertaking. They were bent, however, on crossing the _Isthmus_; and at the recommendation of their Darien friends, they determined to visit a Spanish town named _Santa Maria_, situated on the banks of a river that ran into the _South Sea_. The Spaniards kept a good garrison at _Santa Maria_, on account of gold which was collected from mountains in its neighbourhood.

The Buccaneers who engaged in this expedition were the crews of seven vessels, of force as in the following list:

Guns Men
A vessel of 8 and 97 commanded by John Coxon.
-- 25 - 107 ---- Peter Harris.
-- 1 - 35 ---- Richard Sawkins.
-- 2 - 40 ---- Bart. Sharp.
-- 0 - 43 ---- Edmond Cook.
-- 0 - 24 ---- Robert Alleston.
-- 0 - 20 ---- ---- Macket.

It was settled that Alleston and Macket, with 35 men, themselves included, should be left to guard the vessels during the absence of those who went on the expedition, which was not expected to be of long continuance. These matters were arranged at _Golden Island_, and agreement made with the Darien Indians to furnish them with subsistence during the march.

William Dampier, a seaman at that time of no celebrity, but of good observation and experience, was among these Buccaneers, and of the party to cross the _Isthmus_; as was Lionel Wafer, since well known for his _Description of the Isthmus of Darien_, who had engaged with them as surgeon.

[Sidenote: Account of the Mosquito Indians.] In this party of Buccaneers were also some native Americans, of a small tribe called Mosquito Indians, who inhabited the sea coast on each side of _Cape Gracias a Dios_, one way towards the river _San Juan de Nicaragua_, the other towards the _Gulf of Honduras_, which is called the _Mosquito Shore_. If Europeans had any plea in justification of their hostility against the Spaniards in the _West Indies_, much more had the native Americans. The Mosquito Indians, moreover, had long been, and were at the time of these occurrences, in an extraordinary degree attached to the English, insomuch that voluntarily of their own choice they acknowledged the King of _Great Britain_ for their sovereign. They were an extremely ingenious people, and were greatly esteemed by the European seamen in the _West Indies_, on account of their great expertness in the use of the harpoon, and in taking turtle. The following character of them is given by Dampier: 'These Mosquito Indians,' he says; 'are tall, well made, strong, and nimble of foot; long visaged, lank black hair, look stern, and are of a dark copper complexion. They are but a small nation or family. They are very ingenious in throwing the lance, or harpoon. They have extraordinary good eyes, and will descry a sail at sea, farther than we. For these things, they are esteemed and coveted by all privateers; for one or two of them in a ship, will sometimes maintain a hundred men. When they come among privateers, they learn the use of guns, and prove very good marksmen. They behave themselves bold in fight, and are never seen to flinch, or hang back; for they think that the white men with whom they are, always know better than they do, when it is best to fight; and be the disadvantage never so great, they do not give back while any of their party stand. These Mosquito men are in general very kind to the English, of whom they receive a great deal of respect, both on board their ships, and on shore, either in _Jamaica_, or elsewhere. We always humour them, letting them go any where as they will, and return to their country in any vessel bound that way, if they please. They will have the management of themselves in their striking fish, and will go in their own little canoe, nor will they then let any white man come in their canoe; all which we allow them. For should we cross them, though they should see shoals of fish, or turtle, or the like, they will purposely strike their harpoons and turtle-irons aside, or so glance them as to kill nothing. They acknowledge the King of England for their sovereign, learn our language, and take the Governor of _Jamaica_ to be one of the greatest princes in the world. While they are among the English, they wear good cloaths, and take delight to go neat and tight; but when they return to their own country, they put by all their cloaths, and go after their own country fashion.'

In Dampier's time, it was the custom among the Mosquito Indians, when their Chief died, for his successor to obtain a commission, appointing him Chief, from the Governor of _Jamaica_; and till he received his commission he was not acknowledged in form by his countrymen[15].

How would Dampier have been grieved, if he could have foreseen that this simple and honest people, whilst their attachment to the English had suffered no diminution, would be delivered by the British Government into the hands of the Spaniards; which, from all experience of what had happened, was delivering them to certain destruction.

Before this unhappy transaction took place, and after the time Dampier wrote, the British Government took actual possession of the Mosquito Country, by erecting a fort, and stationing there a garrison of British troops. British merchants settled among the Mosquito natives, and magistrates were appointed with authority to administer justice. Mosquito men were taken into British pay to serve as soldiers, of which the following story is related in Long's History of _Jamaica_; 'In the year 1738, the Government of _Jamaica_ took into their pay two hundred Mosquito Indians, to assist in the suppression of the Maroons or Wild Negroes. During a march on this service, one of their white conductors shot a wild hog. The Mosquito men told him, that was not the way to surprise the negroes, but to put them on their guard; and if he wanted provisions, they would kill the game equally well with their arrows. They effected considerable service on this occasion, and were well rewarded for their good conduct; and when a pacification took place with the Maroons, they were sent well satisfied to their own country.'

In the year 1770, there resided in the _Mosquito Country_ of British settlers, between two and three hundred whites, as many of mixed blood, and 900 slaves. On the breaking out of the war between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_, in 1779, when the Spaniards drove the British logwood cutters from their settlements in the _Bay of Honduras_, the Mosquito men armed and assisted the British troops of the line in the recovery of the logwood settlements. They behaved on that occasion, and on others in which they served against the Spaniards, with their accustomed fidelity. An English officer, who was in the _West Indies_ during that war, has given a description of the Mosquito men, which exactly agrees with what Dampier has said; and all that is related of them whilst with the Buccaneers, gives the most favourable impression of their dispositions and character. It was natural to the Spaniards to be eagerly desirous to get the Mosquito Country and people into their power; but it was not natural that such a proposition should be listened to by the British. Nevertheless, the matter did so happen.

When notice was received in the _West Indies_, that a negociation was on foot for the delivery of the _Mosquito Shore_ to _Spain_, the Council at _Jamaica_ drew up a Report and Remonstrance against it; in which was stated, that 'the number of the Mosquito Indians, so justly remarkable for their fixed hereditary hatred to the Spaniards, and attachment to us, were from seven to ten thousand.' Afterwards, in continuation, the Memorial says, 'We beg leave to state the nature of His Majesty's territorial right, perceiving with alarm, from papers submitted to our inspection, that endeavours have been made to create doubts as to His Majesty's just claims to the sovereignty of this valuable and delightful country. The native Indians of this country have never submitted to the Spanish Government. The Spaniards never had any settlement amongst them. During the course of 150 years they have maintained a strict and uninterrupted alliance with the subjects of _Great Britain_. They made a free and formal cession of the dominion of their country to His Majesty's predecessors, acknowledging the King of _Great Britain_ for their sovereign, long before the American Treaty concluded at _Madrid_ in 1670; and consequently, by the eighth Article of that Treaty, our right was declared[16].' In one Memorial and Remonstrance which was presented to the British Ministry on the final ratification (in 1786) of the Treaty, it is complained, that thereby his Majesty had given up to the King of _Spain_ 'the Indian people, and country of the _Mosquito Shore_, which formed the most secure West-Indian Province possessed by _Great Britain_, and which we held by the most pure and perfect title of sovereignty.' Much of this is digression; but the subject unavoidably came into notice, and could not be hastily quitted.

Some mercantile arrangement, said to be advantageous to _Great Britain_, but which has been disputed, was the publicly assigned motive to this act. It has been conjectured that a desire to shew civility to the Prime Minister of _Spain_ was the real motive. Only blindness or want of information could give either of these considerations such fatal influence.

The making over, or transferring, inhabited territory from the dominion and jurisdiction of one state to that of another, has been practised not always with regard for propriety. It has been done sometimes unavoidably, sometimes justly, and sometimes inexecusably. Unavoidably, when a weaker state is necessitated to submit to the exactions of a stronger. Justly, when the inhabitants of the territory it is proposed to transfer, are consulted, and give their consent. Also it may be reckoned just to exercise the power of transferring a conquered territory, the inhabitants of which have not been received and adopted as fellow subjects with the subjects of the state under whose power it had fallen.

The inhabitants of a territory who with their lands are transferred to the dominion of a new state without their inclinations being consulted, are placed in the condition of a conquered people.

The connexion of the Mosquito people with _Great Britain_ was formed in friendship, and was on each side a voluntary engagement. That it was an engagement, should be no question. In equity and honour, whoever permits it to be believed that he has entered into an engagement, thereby becomes engaged. The Mosquito people were known to believe, and had been allowed to continue in the belief, that they were permanently united to the British. The Governors of _Jamaica_ giving commissions for the instalment of their chief, the building a fort, and placing a garrison in the country, shew both acceptance of their submission and exercise of sovereignty.

Vattel has described this case. He says, 'When a nation has not sufficient strength of itself, and is not in a condition to resist its enemies, it may lawfully submit to a more powerful nation on certain conditions upon which they shall come to an agreement; and the pact or treaty of submission will be afterwards the measure and rule of the rights of each. For that which submits, resigning a right it possessed, and conveying it to another, has an absolute power to make this conveyance upon what conditions it pleases; and the other, by accepting the submission on this footing, engages to observe religiously all the clauses in the treaty.

When a nation has placed itself under the protection of another that is more powerful, or has submitted to it with a view of protection; if this last does not effectually grant its protection when wanted, it is manifest that by failing in its engagements it loses the rights it had acquired.'

The rights lost or relinquished by _Great Britain_ might possibly be of small import to her; but the loss of our protection was of infinite consequence to the Mosquito people. Advantages supposed or real gained to _Great Britain_, is not to be pleaded in excuse or palliation for withdrawing her protection; for that would seem to imply that an engagement is more or less binding according to the greater or less interest there may be in observing it. But if there had been no engagement, the length and steadiness of their attachment to _Great Britain_ would have entitled them to her protection, and the nature of the case rendered the obligation sacred; for be it repeated, that experience had shewn the delivering them up to the dominion of the Spaniards, was delivering them to certain slavery and death. These considerations possibly might not occur, for there seems to have been a want of information on the subject in the British Ministry, and also a want of attention to the remonstrances made. The Mosquito Country, and the native inhabitants, the best affected and most constant of all the friends the British ever had, were abandoned in the summer of 1787, to the Spaniards, the known exterminators of millions of the native Americans, and who were moreover incensed against the Mosquito men, for the part they had always taken with the British, by whom they were thus forsaken. The British settlers in that country found it necessary, to withdraw as speedily as they had opportunity, with their effects.

If the business had been fully understood, and the safety of _Great Britain_ had depended upon abandoning the Mosquito people to their merciless enemies, it would have been thought disgraceful by the nation to have done it; but the national interest being trivial, and the public in general being uninformed in the matter, the transaction took place without attracting much notice. A motion, however, was made in the British House of Lords, 'that the terms of the Convention with _Spain_, signed in July 1786, did not meet the favourable opinion of this House;' and the noble Mover objected to that part of the Convention which related to the surrender of the British possessions on the _Mosquito Shore_, that it was a humiliation, and derogating from the rights of _Great Britain_. The first Article of the Treaty of 1786 says, 'His Britannic Majesty's subjects, and the other Colonists, who have hitherto enjoyed the protection of _England_, shall evacuate the Country of the Mosquitos, as well as the Continent in general, and the Islands adjacent, without exception, situated beyond the line hereafter described, as what ought to be the extent of territory granted by his Catholic Majesty to the English.'