Chapter I (5)

The same Narrative relates, that they took out of the Rosario 'a great book full of sea charts and maps, containing an accurate and exact description of all the ports, soundings, rivers, capes, and coasts, of the _South Sea_, and all the navigation usually performed by the Spaniards in that ocean. This book was for its novelty and curiosity presented unto His Majesty on the return of some of the Buccaneers to _England_, and was translated into English by His Majesty's order[28].'

[Sidenote: August.] August the 12th, they anchored at the Island _Plata_, whence they departed on the 16th, bound Southward, intending to return by the _Strait of Magalhanes_ or _Strait le Maire_, to the _West Indies_.

The 28th, they looked in at _Paita_; but finding the place prepared for defence, they stood off from the coast, and pursued their course Southward, without again coming in sight of land, and without the occurrence of any thing remarkable, till they passed the 50th degree of latitude.

[Sidenote: October 12th. By the Western Coast of America, in 50 deg. 50' S.] October the 11th, they were in latitude 49 deg. 54' S, and estimated their distance from the American coast to be 120 leagues. The wind blew strong from the SW, and they stood to the South East. On the morning of the 12th, two hours before day, being in latitude by account 50 deg. 50' S, they suddenly found themselves close to land. The ship was ill prepared for such an event, the fore yard having been lowered to ease her, on account of the strength of the wind. 'The land was high and towering; and here appeared many Islands scattered up and down.' They were so near, and so entangled, that there was no possibility of standing off to sea, and, with such light as they had, they steered, as cautiously as they could, in between some Islands, and along an extensive coast, which, whether it was a larger Island, or part of the Continent, they could not know. [Sidenote: They enter a Gulf.] As the day advanced, the land was seen to be mountainous and craggy, and the tops covered with snow. Sharp says, 'we bore up for a harbour, and steered in Northward about five leagues. On the North side there are plenty of harbours[29].' [Sidenote: Shergall's Harbour.] At 11 in the forenoon they came to an anchor 'in a harbour, in 45 fathoms, within a stone's cast of the shore, where the ship was landlocked, and in smooth water. As the ship went in, one of the crew, named Henry Shergall, fell overboard as he was going into the spritsail top, and was drowned; on which account this was named _Shergall's Harbour_.'

The bottom was rocky where the ship had anchored; a boat was therefore sent to look for better anchorage. They did not however shift their birth that day; and during the night, strong flurries of wind from the hills, joined with the sharpness of the rocks at the bottom, cut their cable in two, and they were obliged to set sail. [Sidenote: Another Harbour.] They ran about a mile to another bay, where they let go another anchor, and moored the ship with a fastening to a tree on shore.

They shot geese, and other wild-fowl. On the shores they found large muscles, cockles like those in _England_, and limpets: here were also penguins, which were shy and not taken without pursuit; 'they padded on the water with their wings very fast, but their bodies were too heavy to be carried by the said wings.'

[Sidenote: 15th.] The first part of the time they lay in this harbour, they had almost continual rain. On the night of the 15th, in a high North wind, the tree to which their cable was fastened gave way, and came up by the root, in consequence of which, the stern of the ship took the ground and damaged the rudder. They secured the ship afresh by fastening the cable to other trees; but were obliged to unhang the rudder to repair.

[Sidenote: 18th.] The 18th was a day of clear weather. The latitude was observed 50 deg. 40' S. The difference of the rise and fall of the tide was seven feet perpendicular: the time of high water is not noted. [Sidenote: The Gulf is named the English Gulf. Duke of York's Islands.] The arm of the sea, or gulf, in which they were, they named the _English Gulf_; and the land forming the harbour, the _Duke of York's Island_; 'more by guess than any thing else; for whether it were an Island or Continent was not discovered,' Ringrose says, 'I am persuaded that the place where we now are, is not so great an Island as some Hydrographers do lay it down, but rather an archipelago of smaller Islands. Our Captain gave to them the name of the _Duke of York's Islands_. Our boat which went Eastward, found several good bays and harbours, with deep water close to the shore; but there lay in them several sunken rocks, as there did also in the harbour where the ship lay. These rocks are less dangerous to shipping, by reason they have weeds lying about them.'

[Sidenote: Sharp's English Gulf, the Brazo de la Concepcion of Sarmiento.] From all the preceding description, it appears, that they were at the South part of the Island named _Madre de Dios_ in the Spanish Atlas, which Island is South of the Channel, or Arm of the Sea, named the _Gulf de la S^{ma} Trinidada_; and that Sharp's _English Gulf_ is the _Brazo de la Concepcion_ of Sarmiento.

Ringrose has drawn a sketch of the _Duke of York's Islands_, and one of the _English Gulf_; but which are not worth copying, as they have neither compass, meridian line, scale, nor soundings. He has given other plan's in the same defective manner, on which account they can be of little use. It is necessary however to remark a difference in the plan which has been printed of the _English Gulf_, from the plan in the manuscript. In the printed copy, the shore of the _Gulf_ is drawn as one continued line, admitting no thoroughfare; whereas, in the manuscript plan, there are clear openings leaving a prospect of channels through.

[Sidenote: Natives.] Towards the end of October, the weather settled fair. Hitherto they had seen no inhabitants; but on the 27th, a party went from the ship in a boat, on an excursion in search of provisions, and unhappily caught sight of a small boat belonging to the natives of the land. [Sidenote: One of them killed by the Buccaneers.] The ship's boat rowed in pursuit, and the natives, a man, a woman, and a boy, finding their boat would be overtaken, all leapt overboard and swam towards shore. This villainous crew of Buccaneers had the barbarity to shoot at them in the water, and they shot the man dead; the woman made her escape to land; the boy, a stout lad about eighteen years of age, was taken, and with the Indian boat, was carried to the ship.

The poor lad thus made prisoner had only a small covering of seal skin. 'He was squint-eyed, and his hair was cut short. The _doree_, or boat, in which he and the other Indians were, was built sharp at each end and flat bottomed: in the middle they had a fire burning for dressing victuals, or other use. They had a net to catch penguins, a club like to our bandies, and wooden darts. This young Indian appeared by his actions to be very innocent and foolish. He could open large muscles with his fingers, which our Buccaneers could scarcely manage with their knives. He was very wild, and would eat raw flesh.'

[Sidenote: November.] By the beginning of November the rudder was repaired and hung. Ringrose says, 'we could perceive, now the stormy weather was blown over, much small fry of fish about the ship, whereof before we saw none. The weather began to be warm, or rather hot, and the birds, as thrushes and blackbirds, to sing as sweetly as those in England.'

[Sidenote: Native of Patagonia carried away.] On the 5th of November, they sailed out of the _English Gulf_, taking with them their young Indian prisoner, to whom they gave the name of Orson. As they departed, the natives on some of the lands to the Eastward made great fires. At six in the evening the ship was without the mouth of the _Gulf_: the wind blew fresh from NW, and they stood out SWbW, to keep clear of breakers which lie four leagues without the entrance of the _Gulf_ to the South and SSE. Many reefs and rocks were seen hereabouts, on account of which, they kept close to the wind till they were a good distance clear of the land.

Their navigation from here to the _Atlantic_ was, more than could have been imagined, like the journey of travellers by night in a strange country without a guide. The weather was stormy, and they would not venture to steer in for the _Strait of Magalhanes_, which they had purposed to do for the benefit of the provision which the shores of the _Strait_ afford of fresh water, fish, vegetables, and wood. They ran to the South to go round the _Tierra del Fuego_, having the wind from the NW, which was the most favourable for this navigation; but they frequently lay to, because the weather was thick. [Sidenote: Passage round Cape Horn.] On the 12th, they had not passed the _Tierra del Fuego_. The latitude according to observation that day was 55 deg. 25', and the course they steered was SSE. [Sidenote: 14th. Appearance like Land. Latitude observed, 57 deg. 50' S.] On the 14th, Ringrose says, 'the latitude was observed 57 deg. 50' S, and on this day we could perceive land, from which at noon we were due West.' They steered EbS, and expected that at daylight the next morning they should be close in with the land; but the weather became cloudy with much fall of snow, and nothing more of it was seen. No longitude or meridian distance is noticed, and it must remain doubtful whether what they took for land was floating ice; or their observation for the latitude erroneous, and that they saw the _Isles of Diego Ramirez_.

[Sidenote: Ice Islands.] Three days afterwards, in latitude 58 deg. 30' S, they fell in with Ice Islands, one of which they reckoned to be two leagues in circumference. A strong current set here Southward. They held on their course Eastward so far that when at length they did sail Northward, they saw neither the _Tierra del Fuego_ nor _Staten Island_.

[Sidenote: December.] December the 5th, they divided the plunder which had been reserved, each man's share of which amounted to 328 pieces of eight. Their course was now bent for the _West Indies_.

[Sidenote: 1682. January.] January the 15th, died William Stephens, a seaman, whose death was attributed to his having eaten three manchineal apples six months before, when on the coast of _New Spain_, 'from which time he wasted away till he became a perfect skeleton.'

[Sidenote: Arrive in the West Indies.] January the 28th, 1682, they made the Island of _Barbadoes_, but learnt that the Richmond, a British frigate, was lying in the road. Ringrose and his fellow journalists say, 'we having acted in all our voyage without a commission, dared not be so bold as to put in, lest the said frigate should seize us for pyrateering, and strip us of all we had got in the whole voyage.' They next sailed to _Antigua_; but the Governor at that Island, Colonel Codrington, would not give them leave to enter the harbour, though they endeavoured to soften him by sending a present of jewels to his lady, which, however, were not accepted. Sharp and his crew grew impatient at their uneasy situation, and came to a determination to separate. Some of them landed at _Antigua_; Sharp and others landed at _Nevis_, whence they got passage to _England_. Their ship, which was the Trinidad captured in the _Bay of Panama_, was left to seven men of the company who had lost their money by gaming. The Buccaneer journals say nothing of their Patagonian captive Orson after the ship sailed from his country; and what became of the ship after Sharp quitted her does not appear.

[Sidenote: Bart. Sharp and some of his men tried for Piracy.] Bartholomew Sharp, and a few others, on their arrival in _England_, were apprehended, and a Court of Admiralty was held at the _Marshalsea_ in _Southwark_, where, at the instance of the Spanish Ambassador, they were tried for committing acts of piracy in the _South Sea_; but from the defectiveness of the evidence produced, they escaped conviction. One of the principal charges against them was for taking the Spanish ship Rosario, and killing the Captain and another man belonging to her; 'but it was proved,' says the author of the anonymous Narrative, who was one of the men brought to trial, 'that the Spaniards fired at us first and it was judged that we ought to defend ourselves.' Three Buccaneers of Sharp's crew were also tried at _Jamaica_, one of whom was condemned and hanged, 'who,' the narrator says, 'was wheedled into an open confession: the other two stood it out, and escaped for want of witnesses to prove the fact against them.' Thus terminated what may be called the First Expedition of the Buccaneers in the _South Sea_; the boat excursion by Morgan's men in the _Bay of Panama_ being of too little consequence to be so reckoned. They had now made successful experiment of the route both by sea and land; and the Spaniards in the _South Sea_ had reason to apprehend a speedy renewal of their visits.

Carlos Enriquez Clerck, who went from _England_ with Captain Narbrough, was at this time executed at _Lima_, on a charge of holding correspondence with the English of _Jamaica_; which act of severity probably is attributable more to the alarm which prevailed in the Government of _Peru_, than to any guilty practices of Clerck.

CHAP. XI.

_Disputes between the French Government and their West-India
Colonies. =Morgan= becomes Deputy Governor of =Jamaica=. =La
Vera Cruz= surprised by the Flibustiers. Other of their
Enterprises._

[Sidenote: 1680. Proceedings of the Buccaneers in the West Indies. Prohibitions against Piracy by the French Government;] Whilst so many of the English Buccaneers were seeking plunder in the _South Sea_, the French Flibustiers had not been inactive in the _West Indies_, notwithstanding that the French government, after the conclusion of the war with _Spain_, issued orders prohibiting the subjects of _France_ in the _West Indies_ from cruising against the Spaniards. A short time before this order arrived, a cruising commission had been given to Granmont, who had thereupon collected men, and made preparation for an expedition to the _Tierra Firma_; and they did not choose that so much pains should be taken to no purpose. The French settlers generally, were at this time much dissatisfied on account of some regulations imposed upon them by the Company of Farmers, whose privileges and authority extended to fixing the price upon growth, the produce of the soil; and which they exercised upon tobacco, the article then most cultivated by the French in _Hispaniola_, rigorously requiring the planters to deliver it to the Company at the price so prescribed. Many of the inhabitants, ill brooking to live under such a system of robbery, made preparations to withdraw to the English and Dutch settlements; but their discontent on this account was much allayed by the Governor writing a remonstrance to the French Minister, and promising them his influence towards obtaining a suppression of the farming tobacco. Fresh cause of discontent soon occurred, by a monopoly of the French African Slave Trade being put into the hands of a new company, which was named the _Senegal_ Company.

[Sidenote: Disregarded by the French Buccaneers.] Granmont and the Flibustiers engaged with him, went to the coast of _Cumana_, where they did considerable mischief to the Spaniards, with some loss, and little profit, to themselves.

[Sidenote: 1680-1. Sir Henry Morgan, Deputy Governor of Jamaica. His Severity to the Buccaneers.] In the autumn of this same year, the Earl of Carlisle, who was Governor of _Jamaica_, finding the climate did not agree with his constitution, returned to _England_, and left as his Deputy to govern in _Jamaica_, Morgan, the plunderer of _Panama_, but who was now Sir Henry Morgan. This man had found favour with King Charles II. or with his Ministers, had been knighted, and appointed a Commissioner of the Admiralty Court in _Jamaica_. On becoming Deputy Governor, his administration was far from being favourable to his old associates, some of whom suffered the extreme hardship of being tried and hanged under his authority; and one crew of Buccaneers, most of them Englishmen, who fell into his hands, he sent to be delivered up (it may be presumed that he sold them) to the Spaniards at _Carthagena_. Morgan's authority as Governor was terminated the following year, by the arrival of a Governor from _England_[30].

The impositions on planting and commerce in the French settlements, in the same degree that they discouraged cultivation, encouraged cruising, and the Flibustier party so much increased, as to have little danger to apprehend from any Governor's authority. [Sidenote: 1683.] The matter however did not come to issue, for in 1683, war again broke out between _France_ and _Spain_. But before the intelligence arrived in the _West Indies_, 1200 French Flibustiers had assembled under Van Horn (a native of _Ostend_), Granmont, and another noted Flibustier named Laurent de Graaf, to make an expedition against the Spaniards.

[Sidenote: Van Horn, Granmont, and de Graaf, go against La Vera Cruz.] Van Horn had been a notorious pirate, and for a number of years had plundered generally, without shewing partiality or favour to ships of one nation more than to those of another. After amassing great riches, he began to think plain piracy too dangerous an occupation, and determined to reform, which he did by making his peace with the French Governor in _Hispaniola_, and turning Buccaneer or Flibustier, into which fraternity he was admitted on paying entrance.

The expedition which he undertook in conjunction with Granmont and de Graaf, was against _La Vera Cruz_ in the _Gulf of Mexico_, a town which might be considered as the magazine for all the merchandise which passed between _New Spain_ and _Old Spain_, and was defended by a fort, said to be impregnable. The Flibustiers sailed for this place with a fleet of ten ships. They had information that two large Spanish ships, with cargoes of cacao, were expected at _La Vera Cruz_ from the _Caraccas_; and upon this intelligence, they put in practice the following expedient. [Sidenote: They surprise the Town by Stratagem.] They embarked the greater number of their men on board two of their largest ships, which, on arriving near _La Vera Cruz_, put aloft Spanish colours, and ran, with all sail set, directly for the port like ships chased, the rest of the Buccaneer ships appearing at a distance behind, crowding sail after them. The inhabitants of _La Vera Cruz_ believed the two headmost ships to be those which were expected from the _Caraccas_; and, as the Flibustiers had contrived that they should not reach the port till after dark, suffered them to enter without offering them molestation, and to anchor close to the town, which they did without being suspected to be enemies. In the middle of the night, the Flibustiers landed, and surprised the fort, which made them masters of the town. The Spaniards of the garrison, and all the inhabitants who fell into their hands, they shut up in the churches, where they were kept three days, and with so little care for their subsistence that several died from thirst, and some by drinking immoderately when water was at length given to them. With the plunder, and what was obtained for ransom of the town, it is said the Flibustiers carried away a million of piastres, besides a number of slaves and prisoners.

Van Horn shorty after died of a wound received in a quarrel with De Graaf. The ship he had commanded, which mounted fifty guns, was bequeathed by him to Granmont, who a short time before had lost a ship of nearly the same force in a gale of wind.

Some quarrels happened at this time between the French Flibustiers and the English Buccaneers, which are differently related by the English and the French writers. The French account says, that in a Spanish ship captured by the Flibustiers, was found a letter from the Governor of _Jamaica_ addressed to the Governor of the _Havannah_, proposing a union of their force to drive the French from _Hispaniola_. [Sidenote: Story of Granmont and an English Ship.] Also, that an English ship of 30 guns came cruising near _Tortuga_, and when the Governor of _Tortuga_ sent a sloop to demand of the English Captain his business there, the Englishman insolently replied, that the sea was alike free to all, and he had no account to render to any one. For this answer, the Governor sent out a ship to take the English ship, but the Governor's ship was roughly treated, and obliged to retire into port. Granmont had just returned from the _La Vera Cruz_ expedition, and the Governor applied to him, to go with his fifty gun ship to revenge the affront put upon their nation. 'Granmont,' says the Narrator, 'accepted the commission joyfully. Three hundred Flibustiers embarked with him in his ship; he found the Englishman proud of his late victory; he immediately grappled with him and put all the English crew to the sword, saving only the Captain, who he carried prisoner to _Cape Francois_.' On the merit of this service, his disobedience to the royal prohibitory order in attacking _La Vera Cruz_ was to pass with impunity. The English were not yet sufficiently punished; the account proceeds, 'Our Flibustiers would no longer receive them as partakers in their enterprises, and even confiscated the share they were entitled to receive for the _La Vera Cruz_ expedition.' Thus the French account.

If the story of demolishing the English crew is true, the fact is not more absurd than the being vain of such an exploit. If a fifty gun ship will determine to sink a thirty gun ship, the thirty gun ship must in all probability be sunk. The affront given, if it deserves to be called an affront, was not worthy being revenged with a massacre. The story is found only in the French histories, the writers of which it may be suspected were moved to make Granmont deal so unmercifully with the English crew, by the kind of feeling which so generally prevails between nations who are near neighbours. To this it may be attributed that Pere Charlevoix, both a good historian and good critic, has adopted the story; but had it been believed by him, he would have related it in a more rational manner, and not with exultation.

English writers mention a disagreement which happened about this time between Granmont and the English Buccaneers, on account of his taking a sloop belonging to _Jamaica_, and forcing the crew to serve under him; but which crew found opportunity to take advantage of some disorder in his ship, and to escape in the night[31]. This seems to have been the whole fact; for an outrage such as is affirmed by the French writers, could not have been committed and have been boasted of by one side, without incurring reproach from the other.

The French Government was highly offended at the insubordination and unmanageableness of the Flibustiers in _Hispaniola_, and no one was more so than the French King, Louis XIV. Towards reducing them to a more orderly state, instructions were sent to the Governors in the _West Indies_ to be strict in making them observe Port regulations; the principal of which were, that all vessels should register their crew and lading before their departure, and also at their return into port; that they should abstain from cruising in times of peace, and should take out regular commissions in times of war; and that they should pay the dues of the crown, one _item_ of which was a tenth of all prizes and plunder.

[Sidenote: Disputes of the French Governors with the Flibustiers of Saint Domingo.] The number of the French Flibustiers in 1684, was estimated to be 3000. The French Government desired to convert them into settlers. A letter written in that year from the French Minister to the Governor General of the French West-India Islands, has this remarkable expression: 'His Majesty esteems nothing more important than to render these vagabonds good inhabitants of _Saint Domingo_.' Such being the disposition of the French Government, it was an oversight that they did not contribute towards so desirable a purpose by making some abatement in the impositions which oppressed and retarded cultivation, which would have conciliated the Colonists, and have been encouragement to the Flibustiers to become planters. But the Colonists still had to struggle against farming the tobacco, which they had in vain attempted to get commuted for some other burthen, and many cultivators of that plant were reduced to indigence. The greediness of the French chartered companies appears in the _Senegal_ Company making it a subject of complaint, that the Flibustiers sold the negroes they took from the Spaniards to whomsoever they pleased, to the prejudice of the interest of the Company. It was unreasonable to expect the Flibustiers would give up their long accustomed modes of gain, sanctioned as they had hitherto been by the acquiescence and countenance of the French Government, and turn planters, under circumstances discouraging to industry. Their number likewise rendered it necessary to observe mildness and forbearance in the endeavour to reform them; but both the encouragement and the forbearance were neglected; and in consequence of their being made to apprehend rigorous treatment in their own settlements, many removed to the British and Dutch Islands.

The French Flibustiers were unsuccessful at this time in some enterprises they undertook in the _Bay of Campeachy_, where they lost many men: on the other hand, three of their ships, commanded by De Graaf, Michel le Basque, and another Flibustier named Jonque, engaged and took three Spanish ships which were sent purposely against them out of _Carthagena_.

CHAP. XII.

_Circumstances which preceded the Second Irruption of the
Buccaneers into the =South Sea=. Buccaneers under =John Cook= sail
from =Virginia=; stop at the =Cape de Verde Islands=; at =Sierra
Leone=. Origin and History of the Report concerning the
supposed Discovery of =Pepys Island=._

The Prohibitions being enforced, determined many, both of the English Buccaneers and of the French Flibustiers, to seek their fortunes in the _South Sea_, where they would be at a distance from the control of any established authority. This determination was not a matter generally concerted. The first example was speedily followed, and a trip to the _South Sea_ in a short time became a prevailing fashion among them. Expeditions were undertaken by different bodies of men unconnected with each other, except when accident, or the similarity of their pursuits, brought them together.

[Sidenote: Circumstances preceding the Second Irruption of the Buccaneers into the South Sea.] Among the Buccaneers in the expedition of 1680 to the _South Sea_, who from dislike to Sharp's command returned across the _Isthmus of Darien_ at the same time with Dampier, was one John Cook, who on arriving again in the _West Indies_, entered on board a vessel commanded by a Dutchman of the name of Yanky, which was fitted up as a privateer, and provided with a French commission to cruise against the Spaniards. Cook, being esteemed a capable seaman, was made Quarter-Master, by which title, in privateers as well as in buccaneer vessels, the officer next in command to the Captain was called. Cook continued Quarter-Master with Yanky till they took a Spanish ship which was thought well adapted for a cruiser. Cook claimed to have the command of this ship, and, according to the usage among privateers in such cases, she was allotted to him, with a crew composed of men who volunteered to sail with him. Dampier was of the number, as were several others who had returned from the _South Sea_; division was made of the prize goods, and Cook entered on his new command.

[Sidenote: 1683.] This arrangement took place at _Isla Vaca_, or _Isle a Vache_, a small Island near the South coast of _Hispaniola_, which was then much resorted to by both privateers and Buccaneers. It happened at this time, that besides Yanky's ship, some French privateers having legal commissions, were lying at _Avache_, and their Commanders did not contentedly behold men without a commission, and who were but Buccaneers, in the possession of a finer ship than any belonging to themselves who cruised under lawful authority. The occasion being so fair, and remembering what Morgan had done in a case something similar, after short counsel, they joined together, and seized the buccaneer ship, goods, and arms, and turned the crew ashore. A fellow-feeling that still existed between the privateers and Buccaneers, and probably a want of hands, induced a Captain Tristian, who commanded one of the privateers, to receive into his ship ten of the Buccaneers to be part of his crew. Among these were Cook, and a Buccaneer afterwards of greater note, named Edward Davis. Tristian sailed to _Petit Guaves_, where the ship had not been long at anchor, before himself and the greatest part of his men went on shore. Cook and his companions thought this also a fair occasion, and accordingly they made themselves masters of the ship. Those of Tristian's men who were on board, they turned ashore, and immediately taking up the anchors, sailed back close in to the _Isle a Vache_, where, before notice of their exploit reached the Governor, they collected and took on board the remainder of their old company, and sailed away. They had scarcely left the _Isle a Vache_, when they met and captured two vessels, one of which was a ship from _France_ laden with wines. Thinking it unsafe to continue longer in the _West Indies_, they directed their course for _Virginia_, where they arrived with their prizes in April 1683.

[Sidenote: August, 1683. Buccaneers under John Cook sail for the South Sea.] In _Virginia_ they disposed of their prize goods, and two vessels, keeping one with which they proposed to make a voyage to the _South Sea_, and which they named the Revenge. She mounted 18 guns, and the number of adventurers who embarked in her, were about seventy, the major part of them old Buccaneers, some of whose names have since been much noted, as William Dampier, Edward Davis, Lionel Wafer, Ambrose Cowley, and John Cook their Captain. August the 23d, 1683, they sailed from the _Chesapeak_.

Dampier and Cowley have both related their piratical adventures, but with some degree of caution, to prevent bringing upon themselves a charge of piracy. Cowley pretended that he was engaged to sail in the Revenge to navigate her, but was kept in ignorance of the design of the voyage, and made to believe they were bound for the _Island Hispaniola_; and that it was not revealed to him till after they got out to sea, that instead of to the _West Indies_, they were bound to the coast of _Guinea_, there to seek for a better ship, in which they might sail to the _Great South Sea_. William Dampier, who always shews respect for truth, would not stoop to dissimulation; but he forbears being circumstantial concerning the outset of this voyage, and the particulars of their proceedings whilst in the _Atlantic_; supplying the chasm in the following general terms; "August the 23d, 1683, we sailed from _Virginia_ under the command of Captain Cook, bound for the _South Seas_. I shall not trouble the reader with an account of every day's run, but hasten to the less known parts of the world."

[Sidenote: Cape de Verde Islands.] Whilst near the coast of _Virginia_ they met a Dutch ship, out of which they took six casks of wine; and other provisions; also two Dutch seamen, who voluntarily entered with them. [Sidenote: September.] Some time in September they anchored at the _Isle of Sal_, where they procured fish and a few goats, but neither fruits nor good fresh water. Only five men lived on the Island, who were all black; but they called themselves Portuguese, and one was styled the Governor. [Sidenote: Ambergris.] These Portuguese exchanged a lump of ambergris, or what was supposed to be ambergris, for old clothes. Dampier says, 'not a man in the ship knew ambergris, but I have since seen it in other places, and am certain this was not the right; it was of a dark colour, like sheep's dung, very soft, but of no smell; and possibly was goat's dung. Some I afterwards saw sold at the _Nicobars_ in the _East Indies_, was of lighter colour, and very hard, neither had that any smell, and I suppose was also a cheat. Mr. Hill, a surgeon, once shewed me a piece of ambergris, and related to me, that one Mr. Benjamin Barker, a man I have been long well acquainted with, and know to be a very sober and credible person, told this Mr. Hill, that being in the _Bay of Honduras_, he found in a sandy bay upon the shore of an Island, a lump of ambergris so large, that when carried to _Jamaica_, it was found to weigh upwards of 100 _lbs._ When he found it, it lay dry above the mark of the sea at high water, and in it were a great multitude of beetles. It was of a dusky colour, towards black, about the hardness of mellow cheese, and of a very fragrant smell. What Mr. Hill shewed me was some of it, which Mr. Barker had given him[32].'

[Sidenote: The Flamingo.] There were wild-fowl at _Sal_; and Flamingos, of which, and their manner of building their nests, Dampier has given a description. The flesh of the Flamingo is lean and black, yet good meat, 'tasting neither fishy nor any way unsavory. A dish of Flamingos' tongues is fit for a Prince's table: they are large, and have a knob of fat at the root which is an excellent bit. When many of them stand together, at a distance they appear like a brick wall; for their feathers are of the colour of new red brick, and, except when feeding, they commonly stand upright, exactly in a row close by each other.'

[Sidenote: Cape de Verde Islands.] From the Isle of _Sal_ they went to other of the _Cape de Verde Islands_. At _St. Nicholas_ they watered the ship by digging wells, and at _Mayo_ they procured some provisions. They afterwards sailed to the Island _St. Jago_, but a Dutch ship was lying at anchor in _Port Praya_, which fired her guns at them as soon as they came within reach of shot, and the Buccaneers thought it prudent to stand out again to sea.

[Sidenote: November. Coast of Guinea.] They next sailed to the coast of _Guinea_, which they made in the beginning of November, near _Sierra Leone_. A large ship was at anchor in the road, which proved to be a Dane. On sight of her, and all the time they were standing into the road, all the Buccaneer crew, except a few men to manage the sails, kept under deck; which gave their ship the appearance of being a weakly manned merchant-vessel. When they drew near the Danish ship, which they did with intention to board her, the Buccaneer Commander, to prevent suspicion, gave direction in a loud voice to the steersman to put the helm one way; and, according to the plan preconcerted, the steersman put it the contrary, so that their vessel seemed to fall on board the Dane through mistake. By this stratagem, they surprised, and, with the loss of five men, became masters of a ship mounting 36 guns, which was victualled and stored for a long voyage. This achievement is related circumstantially in Cowley's manuscript Journal[33]; but in his published account he only says, 'near Cape _Sierra Leone_, we alighted on a new ship of 40 guns, which we boarded and carried her away.'

[Sidenote: Sherborough River.] They went with their prize to a river South of the _Sierra Leone_, called the _Sherborough_, to which they were safely piloted through channels among shoals, by one of the crew who had been there before. At the River _Sherborough_ there was then an English factory, but distant from where they anchored. Near them was a large town inhabited by negroes, who traded freely, selling them rice, fowls, plantains, sugar-canes, palm-wine, and honey. The town was skreened from shipping by a grove of trees.

The Buccaneers embarked here all in their new ship, and named her the Batchelor's Delight. Their old ship they burnt, 'that she might tell no tales,' and set their prisoners on shore, to shift as well as they could for themselves.

They sailed from the coast of Guinea in the middle of November, directing their course across the _Atlantic_ towards the _Strait of Magalhanes_. [Sidenote: January, 1684.] On January the 28th, 1684, they had sight of the Northernmost of the Islands discovered by Captain John Davis in 1592, (since, among other appellations, called the _Sebald de Weert Islands_.) From the circumstance of their falling in with this land, originated the extraordinary report of an Island being discovered in the _Southern Atlantic Ocean_ in lat. 47 deg. S, and by Cowley named _Pepys Island_; which was long believed to exist, and has been sought after by navigators of different European nations, even within our own time. The following are the particulars which caused so great a deception.

[Sidenote: History of the Report of a Discovery named Pepys Island.] Cowley says, in his manuscript Journal, 'January 1683: This month we were in latitude 47 deg. 40', where we espied an Island bearing West of us, and bore away for it, but being too late we lay by all night. The Island seemed very pleasant to the eye, with many woods. I may say the whole Island was woods, there being a rock above water to the Eastward of it with innumerable fowls. I sailed along that Island to the Southward, and about the SW side of the Island there seemed to me to be a good place for ships to ride. The wind blew fresh, and they would not put the boat out. Sailing a little further, having 26 and 27 fathoms water, we came to a place where we saw the weeds ride, and found only seven fathoms water and all rocky ground, therefore we put the ship about: but the harbour seemed a good place for ships to ride in. There seemed to me harbour for 500 sail of shipping, the going in but narrow, and the North side of the entrance shallow that I could see: but I think there is water enough on the South side. I would have had them stand upon a wind all night; but they told me they did not come out to go upon discovery. We saw likewise another Island by this, which made me to think them the _Sibble D'wards_[34].'

The latitude given by Cowley is to be attributed to his ignorance, and to this part of his narrative being composed from memory, which he acknowledges, though it is not so stated in the printed Narrative. His describing the land to be covered with wood, is sufficiently accounted for by the appearance it makes at a distance, which in the same manner has deceived other voyagers. Pernety, in his Introduction to M. de Bougainville's Voyage to the _Malouines_ (by which name the French Voyagers have chosen to call _John Davis's Islands_) says, 'As to wood, we were deceived by appearances in running along the coast of the _Malouines_: we thought we saw some, but on landing, these appearances were discovered to be only tall bulrushes with large flat leaves, such as are called corn flags[35].'

The Editor of Cowley's Journal, William Hack, might possibly believe from the latitude mentioned by Cowley, that the land seen by him was a new discovery. To give it a less doubtful appearance, he dropped the 40 minutes of latitude, and also Cowley's conjecture that the land was the _Sebald de Weerts_; and with this falsification of the Journal, he took occasion to compliment the Honourable Mr. Pepys, who was then Secretary of the Admiralty, by putting his name to the land, giving as Cowley's words, 'In the latitude of 47 deg., we saw land, the same being an Island not before known. I gave it the name of _Pepys Island_.' Hack embellished this account with a drawing of _Pepys Island_, in which is introduced an _Admiralty Bay_, and _Secretary's Point_.

The account which Dampier has given of their falling in with this land, would have cleared up the whole matter, but for a circumstance which is far more extraordinary than any yet mentioned, which is, that it long escaped notice, and seems never to have been generally understood, that Dampier and Cowley were at this time in the same ship, and their voyage thus far the same.

Dampier says, 'January the 28th (1683-4) we made the _Sebald de Weerts_. They are three rocky barren Islands without any tree, only some bushes growing on them. The two Northernmost lie in 51 deg. S, the other in 51 deg. 20' S. We could not come near the two Northern Islands, but we came close by the Southern; but we could not obtain soundings till within two cables' length of the shore, and there found the bottom to be foul rocky ground[36].' In consequence of the inattention, or oversight, in not perceiving that Dampier and Cowley were speaking of the same land, Hack's ingenious adulation of the Secretary of the Admiralty flourished a full century undetected; a _Pepys Island_ being all the time admitted in the charts.

[Sidenote: Shoals of small red Lobsters.] Near these Islands the variation was observed 23 deg. 10' Easterly. They passed through great shoals of small red lobsters, 'no bigger than the top of a man's little finger, yet all their claws, both great and small, were like a lobster. I never saw,' says Dampier, 'any of this sort of fish naturally red, except here.'

The winds blew hard from the Westward, and they could not fetch the _Strait of Magalhanes_. [Sidenote: February.] On February the 6th, they were at the entrance of _Strait le Maire_, when it fell calm, and a strong tide set out of the _Strait_ Northward, which made a short irregular sea, as in a race, or place where two tides meet, and broke over the waist of the ship, 'which was tossed about like an egg-shell.' [Sidenote: They sail by the East end of Staten Island; and enter the South Sea.] A breeze springing up from the WNW, they bore away Eastward, and passed round the East end of _Staten Island_; after which they saw no other land till they came into the _South Sea_. They had much rain, and took advantage of it to fill 23 casks with fresh water.

[Sidenote: March.] March the 17th, they were in latitude 36 deg. S, standing for the _Island Juan Fernandez_. Variation 8 deg. East.

CHAP. XIII.

_Buccaneers under =John Cook= arrive at =Juan Fernandez=.
Account of =William=, a Mosquito Indian, who had lived there
three years. They sail to the =Galapagos Islands=; thence to
the Coast of =New Spain=. =John Cook= dies. =Edward Davis=
chosen Commander._

[Sidenote: 1684. March 19th.] Continuing their course for _Juan Fernandez_, on the 19th in the morning, a strange ship was seen to the Southward, standing after them under all her sail. The Buccaneers were in hopes she would prove to be a Spaniard, and brought to, to wait her coming up. The people on board the strange vessel entertained similar expectations, for they also were English, and were come to the _South Sea_ to pick up what they could. This ship was named the Nicholas; her Commander John Eaton; she fitted out in the River _Thames_ under pretence of a trading, but in reality with the intention of making a piratical voyage.

[Sidenote: Joined by the Nicholas of London, John Eaton Commander.] The two ships soon joined, and on its being found that they had come on the same errand to the _South Sea_, Cook and Eaton and their men agreed to keep company together.

It was learnt from Eaton that another English ship, named the Cygnet, commanded by a Captain Swan, had sailed from _London_ for the _South Sea_; but fitted out by reputable merchants, and provided with a cargo for a trading voyage, having a licence from the Duke of York, then Lord High Admiral of _England_. The Cygnet and the Nicholas had met at the entrance of the _Strait of Magalhanes_, and they entered the _South Sea_ in company, but had since been separated by bad weather.

[Sidenote: March 22d.] March the 22d, the Batchelor's Delight and the Nicholas came in sight of the Island _Juan Fernandez_.

[Sidenote: At Juan Fernandez. William the Mosquito Indian.] The reader may remember that when the Buccaneers under Watling were at _Juan Fernandez_ in January 1681, the appearance of three Spanish ships made them quit the Island in great haste, and they left behind a Mosquito Indian named William, who was in the woods hunting for goats. Several of the Buccaneers who were then with Watling were now with Cook, and, eager to discover if any traces could be found which would enable them to conjecture what was become of their former companion, but with small hope of finding him still here, as soon as they were near enough for a boat to be sent from the ship, they hastened to the shore. Dampier was in this first boat, as was also a Mosquito Indian named Robin; and as they drew near the land, they had the satisfaction to see William at the sea-side waiting to receive them. Dampier has given the following affecting account of their meeting: 'Robin, his countryman, was the first who leaped ashore from the boats, and running to his brother _Moskito_ man, threw himself flat on his face at his feet, who helping him up and embracing him, fell flat with his face on the ground at Robin's feet, and was by him taken up also. We stood with pleasure to behold the surprise, tenderness, and solemnity of this interview, which was exceedingly affectionate on both sides: and when their ceremonies were over, we also that stood gazing at them, drew near, each of us embracing him we had found here, who was overjoyed to see so many of his old friends, come hither as he thought purposely to fetch him. He was named Will, as the other was Robin; which names were given them by the English, for they have no names among themselves, and they take it as a favour to be named by us, and will complain if we do not appoint them some name when they are with us.'

William had lived in solitude on _Juan Fernandez_ above three years. The Spaniards knew of his being on the Island, and Spanish ships had stopped there, the people belonging to which had made keen search after him; but he kept himself concealed, and they could never discover his retreat. At the time Watling sailed from the Island, he had a musket, a knife, a small horn of powder, and a few shot. 'When his ammunition was expended, he contrived by notching his knife, to saw the barrel of his gun into small pieces, wherewith he made harpoons, lances, hooks, and a long knife, heating the pieces of iron first in the fire, and then hammering them out as he pleased with stones. This may seem strange to those not acquainted with the sagacity of the Indians; but it is no more than what the Moskito men were accustomed to in their own country.' He had worn out the clothes with which he landed, and was not otherwise clad than with a skin about his waist. He made fishing lines of the skins of seals cut into thongs. 'He had built himself a hut, half a mile from the sea-shore, which he lined with goats' skins, and slept on his couch or _barbecu_ of sticks raised about two feet from the ground, and spread with goats' skins.' He saw the two ships commanded by Cook and Eaton the day before they anchored, and from their manoeuvring believing them to be English, he killed three goats, which he drest with vegetables; thus preparing a treat for his friends on their landing; and there has seldom been a more fair and joyful occasion for festivity.

[Sidenote: Stocked with Goats by its Discoverer.] Dampier reckoned two bays in _Juan Fernandez_ proper for ships to anchor in; 'both at the East end, and in each there is a rivulet of good fresh water.' He mentions (it may be supposed on the authority of Spanish information) that this Island was stocked with goats by Juan Fernandez, its discoverer, who, in a second voyage to it, landed three or four of these animals, and they quickly multiplied. Also, that Juan Fernandez had formed a plan of settling here, if he could have obtained a patent or royal grant of the Island; which was refused him[37].

The Buccaneers found here a good supply of provisions in goats, wild vegetables, seals, sea-lions, and fish. Dampier says, 'the seals at _Juan Fernandez_ are as big as calves, and have a fine thick short fur, the like I have not taken notice of any where but in these seas. The teeth of the sea-lion are the bigness of a man's thumb: in Captain Sharp's time, some of the Buccaneers made dice of them. Both the sea-lion and the seal eat fish, which I believe is their common food.'

[Sidenote: Coast of Peru.] April the 8th, the Batchelor's Delight and Nicholas sailed from _Juan Fernandez_ for the American coast, which they made in latitude 24 deg. S, and sailed Northward, keeping sight of the land, but at a good distance. [Sidenote: May.] On May the 3d, in latitude 9 deg. 40' S, they took a Spanish ship laden with timber.

[Sidenote: Appearance of the Andes.] Dampier remarks that 'from the latitude of 24 deg. S to 17 deg., and from 14 deg. to 10 deg. S, the land within the coast is of a prodigious height. It lies generally in ridges parallel to the shore, one within another, each surpassing the other in height, those inland being the highest. They always appear blue when seen from sea, and are seldom obscured by clouds or fogs. These mountains far surpass the _Peak of Teneriffe_, or the land of _Santa Martha_.'

[Sidenote: Islands Lobos de la Mar.] On the 9th, they anchored at the Islands _Lobos de la Mar_. 'This _Lobos_ consists of two little Islands each about a mile round, of indifferent height, with a channel between fit only for boats. Several rocks lie on the North side of the Islands. There is a small cove, or sandy bay, sheltered from the winds, at the West end of the Easternmost Island, where ships may careen. There is good riding between the Easternmost Island and the rocks, in 10, 12, or 14 fathoms; for the wind is commonly at S, or SSE, and the Easternmost Island lying East and West, shelters that road. Both the Islands are barren, without fresh water, tree, shrub, grass, or herb; but sea-fowls, seals, and sea-lions were here in multitudes[38].'

On a review of their strength, they mustered in the two ships 108 men fit for service, besides their sick. They remained at the _Lobos de la Mar_ Isles till the 17th, when three vessels coming in sight, they took up their anchors and gave chace. They captured all the three, which were laden with provisions, principally flour, and bound for _Panama_. They learnt from the prisoners that the English ship Cygnet had been at _Baldivia_, and that the Viceroy on information of strange ships having entered the _South Sea_, had ordered treasure which had been shipped for _Panama_ to be re-landed. [Sidenote: They sail to the Galapagos Islands.] The Buccaneers, finding they were expected on the coast, determined to go with their prizes first to the _Galapagos Islands_, and afterwards to the coast of _New Spain_.

They arrived in sight of the _Galapagos_ on the 31st; but were not enough to the Southward to fetch the Southern Islands, the wind being from SbE, which Dampier remarks is the common trade-wind in this part of the _Pacific_. Many instances occur in _South Sea_ navigations which shew the disadvantage of not keeping well to the South in going to the _Galapagos_.

[Sidenote: Duke of Norfolk's Island.] The two ships anchored near the North East part of one of the Easternmost Islands, in 16 fathoms, the bottom white hard sand, a mile distant from the shore.