Chapter I (7)

The 10th, they took a small bark in ballast, from _Guayaquil_. On the 12th, some Indians in a canoe came out of the River _Santa Maria_, purposely to inform them that a large body of English and French Buccaneers were then on their march over the _Isthmus_ from the _North Sea_. This was not all; for on the 15th, one of the small barks which were kept out cruising, fell in with a vessel in which were six Englishmen, who were part of a crew of Buccaneers that had been six months in the _South Sea_, under the command of a William Knight. These six men had been sent in a canoe in chase of a vessel, which they came up with and took; but they had chased out of sight of their own ship, and could not afterwards find her. Davis gave the command of this vessel to Harris, who took possession of her with a crew of his own followers, and he was sent to the River _Santa Maria_ to look for the buccaneers, of whose coming the Indians had given information.

This was the latter part of the dry season in the _Bay of Panama_. Hitherto fresh water had been found in plenty at the _Pearl Islands_; but the springs and rivulets were now dried up. The Buccaneers examined within _Point Garachina_, but found no fresh water. [Sidenote: Port de Pinas. 25th. Taboga Isle.] They searched along the coast Southward, and on the 25th, at a narrow opening in the mainland with two small rocky Islands before it, about seven leagues distant from _Point Garachina_, which Dampier supposed to be _Port de Pinas_, they found a stream of good water which ran into the sea; but the harbour was open to the SW, and a swell set in, which rendered watering there difficult and hazardous: the fleet (for they were nine sail in company) therefore stood for the Island _Taboga_, 'where,' says Dampier, 'we were sure to find a supply.'

[Sidenote: April.] Their boats being sent before the ships, came unexpectedly upon some of the inhabitants of _Panama_ who were loading a canoe with plantains, and took them prisoners. One among these, a Mulatto, had the imprudence to say he was in the fire-ship which had been sent in the night to burn the Buccaneer ships; upon which, the Buccaneers immediately hanged him.

They had chocolate, but no sugar; and all the kettles they possessed, constantly kept boiling, were not sufficient to dress victuals for so many men. Whilst the ships lay at _Taboga_, a detachment was sent to a sugar-work on the mainland, from which they returned with sugar and three coppers.

[Sidenote: More Buccaneers arrive.] On the 11th of April, they went from _Tabogo_ to the _Pearl Islands_, and were there joined by the Flibustiers and Buccaneers of whose coming they had been last apprised, consisting of 264 men, commanded by Frenchmen named Rose, Le Picard, and Des-marais. Le Picard was a veteran who had served under Lolonois and Morgan. In this party came Raveneau de Lussan, whose Journal is said to be the only one kept by any of the French who were in this expedition.

Lussan's Narrative is written with much misplaced gaiety, which comes early into notice, and shews him to have been, even whilst young and unpractised in the occupation of a Buccaneer, of a disposition delighting in cruelty. In the account of his journey overland from the _West Indies_, he relates instances which he witnessed of the great dexterity of the monkeys which inhabited the forests, and among others the following: '_Je ne puis me souvenir sans rire de l'action que je vis faire a un de ces animaux, auquel apres avoir tire plusieurs coups de fusil qui lui emportoient une partie du ventre, en sorte que toutes ses tripes sortoient; je le vis se tenir d'une de ses pates, ou mains si l'on veut, a une branche d'arbre, tandis que de l'autre il ramassoit ses intestins qu'il se refouroit dans ce qui lui restoit de ventre[53]._'

Ambrose Cowley and Raveneau de Lussan are well matched for comparison, alike not only in their dispositions, but in their conceptions, which made them imagine the recital of such actions would be read with delight.

The Buccaneers in the _Bay of Panama_ were now nearly a thousand strong, and they held a consultation whether or not they should attack the city. They had just before learnt from an intercepted packet that the Lima Fleet was at sea, richly charged with treasure; and that it was composed of all the naval force the Spaniards in _Peru_ had been able to collect: it was therefore agreed not to attempt the city at the present, but to wait patiently the arrival of the Spanish fleet, and give it battle. [Sidenote: Chepo.] The only enterprise they undertook on the main-land in the mean time, was against the town of _Chepo_, where they found neither opposition nor plunder.

The small Island _Chepillo_ near the mouth of the river which leads to _Chepo_, Dampier reckoned the most pleasant of all the Islands in the _Bay of Panama_. 'It is low on the North side, and rises by a small ascent towards the South side. The soil is yellow, a kind of clay. The low land is planted with all sorts of delicate fruits.' The Islands in the Bay being occupied by the Buccaneers, caused great scarcity of provision and distress at _Panama_, much of the consumption in that city having usually been supplied from the Islands, which on that account and for their pleasantness were called the Gardens of _Panama_.

In this situation things remained till near the end of May, the Buccaneers in daily expectation of seeing the fleet from _Lima_, of which it is now time to speak.

CHAP. XV.

_=Edward Davis= Commander. Meeting of the Spanish and Buccaneer
Fleets in the =Bay of Panama=. They separate without fighting.
The Buccaneers sail to the Island =Quibo=. The English and
French separate. Expedition against the City of =Leon=. That
City and =Ria Lexa= burnt. Farther dispersion of the
Buccaneers._

[Sidenote: 1685. May. Bay of Panama.] The Viceroy of _Peru_ judged the Fleet he had collected, to be strong enough to encounter the Buccaneers, and did not fear to trust the treasure to its protection; but he gave directions to the Commander of the Fleet to endeavour to avoid a meeting with them until after the treasure should be safely landed. In pursuance of this plan, the Spanish Admiral, as he drew near the _Bay of Panama_, kept more Westward than the usual course, and fell in with the coast of _Veragua_ to the West of the _Punta Mala_. Afterwards, he entered the _Bay_ with his fleet keeping close to the West shore; and to place the treasure out of danger as soon as possible, he landed it at _Lavelia_, thinking it most probable his fleet would be descried by the enemy before he could reach _Panama_, which must have happened if the weather had not been thick, or if the Buccaneers had kept a sharper look-out by stationing tenders across the entrance of the _Bay_. [Sidenote: The Lima Fleet arrives at Panama.] In consequence of this being neglected, the Spanish fleet arrived and anchored before the city of _Panama_ without having been perceived by them, and immediately on their arrival, the crews of the ships were reinforced with a number of European seamen who had purposely been sent over land from _Porto Bello_. Thus strengthened, and the treasure being placed out of danger, the Spanish Admiral took up his anchors, and stood from the road before _Panama_ towards the middle of the Bay, in quest of the Buccaneers.

[Sidenote: 28th.] May the 28th, the morning was rainy: the Buccaneer fleet was lying at anchor near the Island _Pacheca_, the Northernmost of the _Pearl Islands_. At eleven o'clock in the forenoon, the weather cleared up, when the Spanish fleet appeared in sight about three leagues distant from them to the WNW. The wind was light from the Southward, and they were standing sharp trimmed towards the Buccaneers.

[Sidenote: Meeting of the two Fleets.] Lussan dates this their meeting with the Spanish Fleet, to be on June the 7th. Ten days alteration of the style had taken place in _France_ three years before, and no alteration of style had yet been adopted in _England_.

[Sidenote: Force of the Buccaneer.] The Buccaneer fleet was composed of ten sail of vessels, of different sizes, manned with 960 men, almost all Europeans; but, excepting the Batchelor's Delight and the Cygnet, none of their vessels had cannon. Edward Davis was regarded as the Admiral. His ship mounted 36 guns, and had a crew of 156 men, most of them English; but as he was furnished with a French commission, and _France_ was still at war with _Spain_, he carried aloft a white flag, in which was painted a hand and sword. Swan's ship had 16 guns, with a crew of 140 men, all English, and carried a Saint George's flag at her main-topmast head. The rest of their fleet was well provided with small-arms, and the crews were dexterous in the use of them. Grogniet's ship was the most powerful, except in cannon, her crew consisting of 308 men.

[Sidenote: Force of the Spanish Fleet.] The Spanish fleet numbered fourteen sail, six of which were provided with cannon; six others with musketry only, and two were fitted up as fire-ships. The buccaneer accounts say the Spanish Admiral had 48 guns mounted, and 450 men; the Vice-Admiral 40 guns, and men in proportion; the Rear-Admiral 36 guns, one of the other ships 24, one 18, and one 8 guns; and that the number of men in their fleet was above 2500; but more than one half of them Indians or slaves.

When the two fleets first had sight of each other, Grogniet's ship lay at anchor a mile to leeward of his confederates, on which account he weighed anchor, and stood close upon a wind to the Eastward, intending to turn up to the other ships; but in endeavouring to tack, he missed stays twice, which kept him at a distance all the fore part of the day. From the superiority of the Spaniards in cannon, and of the buccaneer crews in musketry, it was evident that distant fighting was most to the advantage of the Spaniards; and that the Buccaneers had to rest their hopes of success on close fighting and boarding. Davis was fully of this opinion, and at three o'clock in the afternoon, the enemy's fleet being directly to leeward and not far distant, he got his vessels under sail and bore right down upon them, making a signal at the same time to Grogniet to board the Spanish Vice-Admiral, who was some distance separate from the other ships of his fleet.

Here may be contemplated the Buccaneers at the highest pitch of elevation to which they at any time attained. If they obtained the victory, it would give them the sole dominion of the _South Sea_; and Davis, the buccaneer Commander, aimed at no less; but he was ill seconded, and was not possessed of authority to enforce obedience to his commands.

The order given to Grogniet was not put in execution, and when Davis had arrived with his ship within cannon-shot of the Spaniards, Swan shortened sail and lowered his ensign, to signify he was of opinion that it would be best to postpone fighting till the next day. Davis wanting the support of two of the most able ships of his fleet, was obliged to forego his intention, and no act of hostility passed during the afternoon and evening except the exchange of some shot between his own ship and that of the Spanish Vice-Admiral.

When it was dark, the Spanish fleet anchored, and at the same time, the Spanish Admiral took in his light, and ordered a light to be shewn from one of his small vessels, which he sent to leeward. The Buccaneers were deceived by this artifice, believing the light they saw to be that of the Spanish Admiral, and they continued under sail, thinking themselves secure of the weather-gage. [Sidenote: 29th.] At daylight the next morning the Spaniards were seen well collected, whilst the buccaneer vessels were much dispersed. Grogniet and Townley were to windward of the Spaniards; but all the rest, contrary to what they had expected, were to leeward. At sunrise, the Spanish fleet got under sail and bore down towards the leeward buccaneer ships. The Buccaneers thought it not prudent to fight under such disadvantages, and did not wait to receive them. They were near the small Island _Pacheca_, on the South side of which are some Islands yet smaller. Among these Islands, Dampier says, is a narrow channel in one part not forty feet wide. Townley, being pressed by the Spaniards and in danger of being intercepted, pushed for this passage without any previous examination of the depth of water, and got safe through. Davis and Swan, whose ships were the fastest sailing in either fleet, had the credit of affording protection to their flying companions, by waiting to repulse the most advanced of the Spaniards. Dampier, who was in Davis's ship, says, she was pressed upon by the whole Spanish force. 'The Spanish Admiral and the rest of his squadron began to play at us and we at them as fast as we could: yet they kept at distant cannonading. They might have laid us aboard if they would, but they came not within small-arms shot, intending to maul us in pieces with their great guns.' After a circuitous chace and running fight, which lasted till the evening, the Buccaneers, Harris's ship excepted, which had been forced to make off in a different direction, anchored by the Island _Pacheca_, nearly in the same spot whence they had set out in the morning.

[Sidenote: 30th.] On the 30th, at daylight, the Spanish fleet was seen at anchor three leagues to leeward. The breeze was faint, and both fleets lay quiet till ten o'clock in the forenoon. The wind then freshened a little from the South, and the Spaniards took up their anchors; but instead of making towards the Buccaneers, they sailed away in a disgraceful manner for _Panama_. Whether they sustained any loss in this skirmishing does not appear. The Buccaneer's had only one man killed outright. In Davis's ship, six men were wounded, and half of her rudder was shot away.

[Sidenote: The two Fleets separate.] It might seem to those little acquainted with the management of ships that it could make no material difference whether the Spaniards bore down to engage the Buccaneers, or the Buccaneers bore down to engage the Spaniards; for that in either case when the fleets were closed, the Buccaneers might have tried the event of boarding. But the difference here was, that if the Buccaneers had the weather-gage, it enabled them to close with the enemy in the most speedy manner, which was of much consequence where the disparity in the number of cannon was so great. When the Spaniards had the weather-gage, they would press the approach only near enough to give effect to their cannon, and not near enough for musketry to do them mischief. With this view, they could choose their distance when to stop and bring their broadsides to bear, and leave to the Buccaneers the trouble of making nearer approach, against the wind and a heavy cannonade. Dampier, who has related the transactions of the 28th and 29th very briefly, speaks of the weather-gage here as a decisive advantage. He says, "In the morning (of the 29th) therefore, when we found the enemy had got the weather-gage of us, and were coming upon us with full sail, we ran for it."

On this occasion there is no room for commendation on the valour of either party. The Buccaneers, however, knew, by the Spanish fleet coming to them from _Panama_, that the treasure must have been landed, and therefore they could have had little motive for enterprise. The meeting was faintly sought by both sides, and no battle was fought, except a little cannonading during the retreat of the Buccaneers, which on their side was almost wholly confined to the ship of their Commander. Both Dampier and Lussan acknowledge that Edward Davis brought the whole of the buccaneer fleet off safe from the Spaniards by his courage and good management.

[Sidenote: June.] On June the 1st, the Buccaneers sailed out of the _Bay of Panama_ for the Island _Quibo_. They had to beat up against SW winds, and had much wet weather. In the middle of June, they anchored on the East side of _Quibo_, where they were joined by Harris.

[Sidenote: Keys of Quibo. The Island Quibo.] _Quibo_ and the smaller Islands near it, Dampier calls collectively, the Keys of _Quibo_. They are all woody. Good fresh water was found on the great Island, which would naturally be the case with the wet weather; and here were deer, guanoes, and large black monkeys, whose flesh was esteemed by the Buccaneers to be sweet and wholesome food.

[Sidenote: Rock near the Anchorage.] A shoal which runs out from the SE point of _Quibo_ half a mile into the sea, has been already noticed: a league to the North of this shoal, and a mile distant from the shore, is a rock which appears above water only at the last quarter ebb. Except the shoal, and this rock, there is no other danger; and ships may anchor within a quarter of a mile of the shore, in from six to twelve fathoms clear sand and ooze[54].

They stopped at _Quibo_ to make themselves canoes, the trees there being well suited for the purpose, and some so large that a single trunk hollowed and wrought into shape, would carry forty or fifty men. Whilst this work was performing, a strong party was sent to the main-land against _Pueblo Nuevo_, which town was now entered without opposition; but no plunder was obtained.

[Sidenote: Serpents. The Serpent Berry.] Lussan relates that two of the Buccaneers were killed by serpents at _Quibo_. He says, 'here are serpents whose bite is so venemous that speedy death inevitably ensues, unless the patient can have immediate recourse to a certain fruit, which must be chewed and applied to the part bitten. The tree which bears this fruit grows here, and in other parts of _America_. It resembles the almond-tree in _France_ in height and in its leaves. The fruit is like the sea chestnut (_Chataines de Mer_) but is of a grey colour, rather bitter in taste, and contains in its middle a whitish almond. The whole is to be chewed together before it is applied. It is called (_Graine a Serpent_) the Serpent Berry.'

[Sidenote: July. Disagreements among the Buccaneers.] The dissatisfaction caused by their being foiled in the _Bay of Panama_, broke out in reproaches, and produced great disagreements among the Buccaneers. Many blamed Grogniet for not coming into battle the first day. On the other hand, Lussan blames the behaviour of the English, who, he says, being the greater number, lorded it over the French; that Townley, liking Grogniet's ship better than his own, would have insisted on a change, if the French had not shewn a determination to resist such an imposition. Another cause of complaint against the English was, the indecent and irreverent manner in which they shewed their hatred to the Roman Catholic religion. Lussan says, 'When they entered the Spanish churches, it was their diversion to hack and mutilate every thing with their cutlasses, and to fire their muskets and pistols at the images of the Saints.' [Sidenote: The French separate from the English.] In consequence of these disagreements, 330 of the French joined together under Grogniet, and separated from the English.

[Sidenote: Knight, a Buccaneer Commander, joins Davis.] Before either of the parties had left _Quibo_, William Knight, a Buccaneer already mentioned, arrived there in a ship manned with 40 Englishmen and 11 Frenchmen. This small crew of Buccaneers had crossed the _Isthmus_ about nine months before; they had been cruising both on the coast of _New Spain_ and on the coast of _Peru_; and the sum of their successes amounted to their being provided with a good vessel and a good stock of provisions. They had latterly been to the Southward, where they learnt that the _Lima_ fleet had sailed against the Buccaneers before _Panama_, which was the first notice they received of other Buccaneers than themselves being in the _South Sea_. On the intelligence, they immediately sailed for the _Bay of Panama_, that they might be present and share in the capture of the Spaniards, which they believed would inevitably be the result of a meeting. On arriving in the _Bay of Panama_, they learnt what really had happened: nevertheless, they proceeded to _Quibo_ in search of their friends. The Frenchmen in Knight's ship left her to join their countrymen: Knight and the rest of the crew, put themselves under the command of Davis.

The ship commanded by Harris, was found to be in a decayed state and untenantable. Another vessel was given to him and his crew; but the whole company were so much crowded for want of ship room, that a number remained constantly in canoes. One of the canoes which they built at _Quibo_ measured 36 feet in length, and between 5 and 6 feet in width.

Davis and the English party, having determined to attack the city of _Leon_ in the province of _Nicaragua_, sent an invitation to the French Buccaneers to rejoin them. The French had only one ship, which was far from sufficient to contain their whole number, and they demanded, as a condition of their uniting again with the English, that another vessel should be given to themselves. The English could ill spare a ship, and would not agree to the proposition; the separation therefore was final. Jean Rose, a Frenchman, with fourteen of his countrymen, in a new canoe they had built for themselves, left Grogniet to try their fortunes under Davis.

In this, and in other separations which subsequently took place among the Buccaneers, it has been thought the most clear and convenient arrangement of narrative, to follow the fortunes of the buccaneer Commander Edward Davis and his adherents, without interruption, to the conclusion of their adventures in the _South Sea_; and afterwards, to resume the proceedings of the other adventurers.

[Sidenote: Proceedings of Edward Davis. August. Expedition against the City of Leon.] On the 20th of July, Davis with eight vessels and 640 men, departed from the Island _Quibo_ for _Ria Lexa_, sailing through the channel between _Quibo_ and the main-land, and along the coast of the latter, which was low and overgrown with thick woods, and appeared thin of inhabitants. August the 9th, at eight in the morning, the ships being then so far out in the offing that they could not be descried from the shore, Davis with 520 men went away in 31 canoes for the harbour of _Ria Lexa_. They set out with fair weather; but at two in the afternoon, a tornado came from the land, with thunder, lightning, and rain, and with such violent gusts of wind that the canoes were all obliged to put right before it, to avoid being overwhelmed by the billows. Dampier remarks generally of the hot latitudes, as Lussan does of the _Pacific Ocean_, that the sea there is soon raised by the wind, and when the wind abates is soon down again. _Up Wind Up Sea, Down Wind Down Sea_, is proverbial between the tropics among seamen. The fierceness of the tornado continued about half an hour, after which the wind gradually abated, and the canoes again made towards the land. At seven in the evening it was calm, and the sea quite smooth. During the night, the Buccaneers, having the direction of a Spanish pilot, entered a narrow creek which led towards _Leon_; but the pilot could not undertake to proceed up till daylight, lest he should mistake, there being several creeks communicating with each other.

[Sidenote: Leon.] The city of _Leon_ bordered on the Lake of _Nicaragua_, and was reckoned twenty miles within the sea coast. They went only a part of this distance by the river, when Davis, leaving sixty men to guard the canoes, landed with the rest and marched towards the city, two miles short of which they passed through an Indian town. _Leon_ had a cathedral and three other churches. It was not fortified, and the Spaniards, though they drew up their force in the Great Square or Parade, did not think themselves strong enough to defend the place. About three in the afternoon, the Buccaneers entered, and the Spaniards retired.

All the Buccaneers who landed did not arrive at _Leon_ that same day. According to their ability for the march, Davis had disposed his men into divisions. The foremost was composed of all the most active, who marched without delay for the town, the other divisions following as speedily as they were able. The rear division being of course composed of the worst travellers, some of them could not keep pace even with their own division. They all came in afterwards except two, one of whom was killed, and the other taken prisoner. The man killed was a stout grey-headed old man of the name of Swan, aged about 84 years, who had served under Cromwell, and had ever since made privateering or buccaneering his occupation. This veteran would not be dissuaded from going on the enterprise against _Leon_; but his strength failed in the march; and after being left in the road, he was found by the Spaniards, who endeavoured to make him their prisoner; but he refused to surrender, and fired his musket amongst them, having in reserve a pistol still charged; on which he was shot dead.

The houses in _Leon_ were large, built of stone, but not high, with gardens about them. 'Some have recommended _Leon_ as the most pleasant place in all _America_; and for health and pleasure it does surpass most places. The country round is of a sandy soil, which soon drinks up the rains to which these parts are much subject[55].'

[Sidenote: Leon burnt by the Buccaneers.] The Buccaneers being masters of the city, the Governor sent a flag of truce to treat for its ransom. They demanded 300,000 dollars, and as much provision as would subsist 1000 men four months: also that the Buccaneer taken prisoner should be exchanged. These demands it is probable the Spaniards never intended to comply with; however they prolonged the negociation, till the Buccaneers suspected it was for the purpose of collecting force. Therefore, on the 14th, they set fire to the city, and returned to the coast. The town of _Ria Lexa_ underwent a similar fate, contrary to the intention of the Buccaneer Commander.

[Sidenote: Ria Lexa. Town of Ria Lexa burnt.] _Ria Lexa_ is unwholesomely situated in a plain among creeks and swamps, 'and is never free from a noisome smell.' The soil is a strong yellow clay; in the neighbourhood of the town were many sugar-works and beef-farms; pitch, tar, and cordage were made here; with all which commodities the inhabitants carried on a good trade. The Buccaneers supplied themselves with as much as they wanted of these articles, besides which, they received at _Ria Lexa_ 150 head of cattle from a Spanish gentleman, who had been released upon his parole, and promise of making such payment for his ransom; their own man who had been made prisoner was redeemed in exchange for a Spanish lady, and they found in the town 500 packs of flour; which circumstances might have put the Buccaneers in good temper and have induced them to spare the town; 'but,' says Dampier, 'some of our destructive crew, I know not by whose order, set fire to the houses, and we marched away and left them burning.'

[Sidenote: Farther Separation of the Buccaneers.] After the _Leon_ expedition, no object of enterprise occurred to them of sufficient magnitude to induce or to enable them to keep together in such large force. Dispersed in small bodies, they expected a better chance of procuring both subsistence and plunder. By general consent therefore, the confederacy which had been preserved of the English Buccaneers was relinquished, and they formed into new parties according to their several inclinations. Swan proposed to cruise along the coast of _New Spain_, and NW-ward, as far as to the entrance of the _Gulf of California_, and thence to take his departure for the _East Indies_. Townley and his followers agreed to try their fortunes with Swan as long as he remained on the coast of New _Spain_; after which they proposed to return to the _Isthmus_. In the course of settling these arrangements, William Dampier, being desirous of going to the _East Indies_, took leave of his commander, Edward Davis, and embarked with Swan. Of these, an account will be given hereafter.

CHAP. XVI.

_Buccaneers under =Edward Davis=. At =Amapalla= Bay; =Cocos=
Island; The =Galapagos= Islands; Coast of =Peru=. Peruvian
Wine. =Knight= quits the =South Sea=. Bezoar Stones. Marine
productions on Mountains. =Vermejo.= =Davis= joins the French
Buccaneers at =Guayaquil=. Long Sea Engagement._

[Sidenote: 1685. August.] With Davis there remained the vessels of Knight and Harris, with a tender, making in all four sail. August the 27th, they sailed from the harbour of _Ria Lexa_, and as they departed Swan saluted them with fifteen guns, to which Davis returned eleven.

[Sidenote: Proceedings of the Buccaneers under Edw. Davis. Amapalla Bay.] A sickness had broken out among Davis's people, which was attributed to the unwholesomeness of the air, or the bad water, at _Ria Lexa_. After leaving the place, the disorder increased, on which account Davis sailed to the _Bay of Amapalla_, where on his arrival he built huts on one of the Islands in the Bay for the accommodation of his sick men, and landed them. Above 130 of the Buccaneers were ill with a spotted fever, and several died.

Lionel Wafer was surgeon with Davis, and has given a brief account of his proceedings. Wafer, with some others, went on shore to the main land on the South side of _Amapalla Bay_, to seek for provisions. They walked to a beef farm which was about three miles from their landing. [Sidenote: A hot River.] In the way they crossed a hot river in an open savannah, or plain, which they forded with some difficulty on account of its heat. This river issued from under a hill which was not a volcano, though along the coast there were several. 'I had the curiosity,' says Wafer, 'to wade up the stream as far as I had daylight to guide me. The water was clear and shallow, but the steams were like those of a boiling pot, and my hair was wet with them. The river reeked without the hill a great way. Some of our men who had the itch, bathed themselves here, and growing well soon after, their cure was imputed to the sulphureousness or other virtue of this water.' Here were many wolves, who approached so near and so boldly to some who had straggled from the rest of their party, as to give them great alarm, and they did not dare to fire, lest the noise of their guns should bring more wolves about them.

[Sidenote: Cocos Island.] Davis remained some weeks at _Amapalla Bay_, and departed thence for the Peruvian coast, with the crews of his ships recovered. In their way Southward they made _Cocos Island_, and anchored in the harbour at the NE part, where they supplied themselves with excellent fresh water and cocoa-nuts. Wafer has given the description following: 'The middle of _Cocos Island_ is a steep hill, surrounded with a plain declining to the sea. This plain is thick set with cocoa-nut trees: but what contributes greatly to the pleasure of the place is, that a great many springs of clear and sweet water rising to the top of the hill, are there gathered as in a deep large bason or pond, and the water having no channel, it overflows the verge of its bason in several places, and runs trickling down in pleasant streams. In some places of its overflowing, the rocky side of the hill being more than perpendicular, and hanging over the plain beneath, the water pours down in a cataract, so as to leave a dry space under the spout, and form a kind of arch of water. The freshness which the falling water gives the air in this hot climate makes this a delightful place. [Sidenote: Effect of Excess in drinking the Milk of the Cocoa-nut.] We did not spare the cocoa-nuts. One day, some of our men being minded to make themselves merry, went ashore and cut down a great many cocoa-nut trees; from which they gathered the fruit, and drew about twenty gallons of the milk. They then sat down and drank healths to the King and Queen, and drank an excessive quantity; yet it did not end in drunkenness: but this liquor so chilled and benumbed their nerves that they could neither go nor stand. Nor could they return on board without the help of those who had not been partakers of the frolick, nor did they recover under four or five days' time[56].'

Here Peter Harris broke off consortship, and departed for the _East Indies_. The tender sailed at the same time, probably following the same route.

[Sidenote: At the Galapagos Islands.] Davis and Knight continued to associate, and sailed together from _Cocos Island_ to the _Galapagos_. At one of these Islands they found fresh water; the buccaneer Journals do not specify which Island, nor any thing that can be depended upon as certain of its situation. Wafer only says, 'From _Cocos_ we came to one of the _Galapagos Islands_. At this Island there was but one watering-place, and there we careened our ship.' Dampier was not with them at this time; but in describing the _Galapagos_ Isles, he makes the following mention of Davis's careening place. 'Part of what I say of these Islands I had from Captain Davis, who was there afterwards, and careened his ship at neither of the Islands that we were at in 1684, but went to other Islands more to the Westward, which he found to be good habitable Islands, having a deep fat soil capable of producing any thing that grows in those climates: they are well watered, and have plenty of good timber. Captain Harris came hither likewise, and found some Islands that had plenty of mammee-trees, and pretty large rivers. They have good anchoring in many places, so that take the _Galapagos Islands by and large_, they are extraordinary good places for ships in distress to seek relief at[57].'

Wafer has not given the date of this visit, which was the second made by Davis to the _Galapagos_; but as he stopped several weeks in the _Gulf of Amapalla_ for the recovery of his sick, and afterwards made some stay at _Cocos Island_, it must have been late in the year, if not after the end, when he arrived at the _Galapagos_, and it is probable, during, or immediately after, a rainy season.

The account published by Wafer, excepting what relates to the _Isthmus_ of _Darien_, consists of short notices set down from recollection, and occupying in the whole not above fifty duodecimo pages. He mentions a tree at the Island of the _Galapagos_ where they careened, like a pear-tree, 'low and not shrubby, very sweet in smell, and full of very sweet gum.'

Davis and Knight took on board their ships 500 packs or sacks of flour from the stores which had formerly been deposited at the _Galapagos_. The birds had devoured some, in consequence of the bags having been left exposed.

[Sidenote: 1686. On the Coast of Peru.] From the _Galapagos_, they sailed to the coast of _Peru_, and cruised in company till near the end of 1686. They captured many vessels, which they released after plundering; and attacked several towns along the coast. They had sharp engagements with the Spaniards at _Guasco_, and at _Pisco_, the particulars of which are not related; but they plundered both the towns. [Sidenote: Peruvian Wine like Madeira.] They landed also at _La Nasca_, a small port on the coast of _Peru_ in latitude about 15 deg. S, at which place they furnished themselves with a stock of wine. Wafer says, 'This is a rich strong wine, in taste much like Madeira. It is brought down out of the country to be shipped for _Lima_ and _Panama_. Sometimes it is kept here many years stopped up in jars, of about eight gallons each: the jars were under no shelter, but exposed to the scorching sun, being placed along the bay and between the rocks, every merchant having his own wine marked.' It could not well have been placed more conveniently for the Buccaneers.

They landed at _Coquimbo_, which Wafer describes 'a large town with nine churches.' What they did there is not said. Wafer mentions a small river that emptied itself in a bay, three miles from the town, in which, up the country, the Spaniards get gold. 'The sands of the river by the sea, and round the whole Bay, are all bespangled with particles of gold; insomuch that in travelling along the sandy bays, our people were covered with a fine gold-dust, but too fine for any profit, for it would be an endless work to pick it up.'

Statistical accounts of the Viceroyalty of _Peru_, which during a succession of years were printed annually at the end of the _Lima_ Almanack, notice the towns of _Santa Maria de la Perilla_, _Guasca_, _Santiago de Miraflores_, _Canete_, _Pisco_, _Huara_, and _Guayaquil_, being sacked and in part destroyed by pirates, in the years 1685, 1686, and 1687.

[Sidenote: At Juan Fernandez.] Davis and Knight having made much booty (Lussan says so much that the share of each man amounted to 5000 pieces of eight), they went to the Island _Juan Fernandez_ to refit, intending to sail thence for the _West Indies_: but before they had recruited and prepared the ships for the voyage round the South of _America_, Fortune made a new distribution of their plunder. Many lost all their money at play, and they could not endure, after so much peril, to quit the _South Sea_ empty handed, but resolved to revisit the coast of _Peru_. [Sidenote: Knight quits the South Sea.] The more fortunate party embarked with Knight for the _West Indies_.

[Sidenote: Davis returns to the Coast of Peru.] The luckless residue, consisting of sixty Englishmen, and twenty Frenchmen, with Edward Davis at their head, remained with the Batchelor's Delight to begin their work afresh. They sailed from _Juan Fernandez_ for the American coast, which they made as far South as the Island _Mocha_. By traffic with the inhabitants, they procured among other provisions, a number of the Llama or Peruvian sheep. [Sidenote: Bezoar Stones.] Wafer relates, that out of the stomach of one of these sheep he took thirteen Bezoar stones of several forms, 'some resembling coral, some round, and all green when first taken out; but by long keeping they turned of an ash colour.'

[Sidenote: Marine Productions found on Mountains.] In latitude 26 deg. S, wanting fresh water, they made search for the River _Copiapo_. They landed and ascended the hills in hopes of discovering it. According to Wafer's computation they went eight miles within the coast, ascending mountain beyond mountain till they were a full mile in perpendicular height above the level of the sea. They found the ground there covered with sand and sea-shells, 'which,' says Wafer, 'I the more wondered at, because there were no shell-fish, nor could I ever find any shells, on any part of the sea-coast hereabouts, though I have looked for them in many places.' They did not discover the river they were in search of; but shortly afterwards, they landed at _Arica_, which they plundered; and at the River _Ylo_, where they took in fresh water. At _Arica_ was a house full of Jesuits' bark. [Sidenote: Vermejo.] Wafer relates, 'We also put ashore at _Vermejo_, in 10 deg. S latitude. I was one of those who landed to see for water. We marched about four miles up a sandy bay, which we found covered with the bodies of men, women, and children. These bodies to appearance, seemed as if they had not been above a week dead; but if touched, they proved dry and light as a sponge or piece of cork. We were told by an old Spanish Indian whom we met, that in his father's time, the soil there, which now yielded nothing, was well cultivated and fruitful: that the city of _Wormia_ had been so numerously inhabited with Indians, that they could have handed a fish from hand to hand until it had come to the Inca's hand. But that when the Spaniards came and laid siege to their city, the Indians, rather than yield to their mercy, dug holes in the sand and buried themselves alive. The men as they now lie, have by them their broken bows; and the women their spinning-wheels and distaffs with cotton yarn upon them. Of these dead bodies I brought on board a boy of about ten years of age with an intent to bring him to _England_; but was frustrated of my purpose by the sailors, who had a foolish conceit that the compass would not traverse right whilst there was a dead body on board, so they threw him overboard to my great vexation[58].'

[Sidenote: April.] Near this part of the coast of _Peru_, in April 1687, Davis had a severe action with a Spanish frigate, named the Katalina, in which the drunkenness of his crew gave opportunity to the Spanish Commander, who had made a stout defence, to run his ship ashore upon the coast. They fell in with many other Spanish vessels, which, after plundering, they dismissed.

Shortly after the engagement with the Spanish frigate Katalina, Davis made a descent at _Payta_, to seek refreshments for his wounded men, and surprised there a courier with dispatches from the Spanish Commander at _Guayaquil_ to the Viceroy at _Lima_, by which he learnt that a large body of English and French Buccaneers had attacked, and were then in possession of, the town of _Guayaquil_. [Sidenote: May.] The Governor had been taken prisoner by the Buccaneers, and the Deputy or next in authority, made pressing instances for speedy succour, in his letter to the Viceroy, which, according to Lussan, contained the following passage: '_The time has expired some days which was appointed for the ransom of our prisoners. I amuse the enemy with the hopes of some thousands of pieces of eight, and they have sent me the heads of four of our prisoners: but if they send me fifty, I should esteem it less prejudicial than our suffering these ruffians to live. If your Excellency will hasten the armament to our assistance, here will be a fair opportunity to rid ourselves of them._'

[Sidenote: Davis joins other Buccaneers at Guayaquil.] Upon this news, and the farther intelligence that Spanish ships of war had been dispatched from _Callao_ to the relief of _Guayaquil_, Davis sailed for that place, and, on May the 14th, arrived in the _Bay of Guayaquil_, where he found many of his old confederates; for these were the French Buccaneers who had separated from him under Grogniet, and the English who had gone with Townley. Those two leaders had been overtaken by the perils of their vocation, and were no more. But whilst in their mortal career, and after their separation from Davis, though they had at one time been adverse almost to hostility against each other, they had met, been reconciled, and had associated together. Townley died first, of a wound he received in battle, and was succeeded in the command of the English by a Buccaneer named George Hout or Hutt. At the attack of _Guayaquil_, Grogniet was mortally wounded; and Le Picard was chosen by the French to succeed him in the command. _Guayaquil_ was taken on the 20th of April; the plunder and a number of prisoners had been conveyed by the Buccaneers to their ships, which were at anchor by the Island _Puna_, when their unwearied good fortune brought Davis to join them.

The taking of _Guayaquil_ by the Buccaneers under Grogniet and Hutt will be more circumstantially noticed in the sequel, with other proceedings of the same crews. When Davis joined them, they were waiting with hopes, nearly worn out, of obtaining a large ransom which had been promised them for the town of _Guayaquil_, and for their prisoners.

[Sidenote: Near the Island Puna.] The information Davis had received made him deem it prudent, instead of going to anchor at _Puna_, to remain with his ship on the look-out in the offing; he therefore sent a prize-vessel into the road to acquaint the Buccaneers there of his being near at hand, and that the Spaniards were to be expected shortly.

The captors of _Guayaquil_ continued many days after this to wait for ransom. They had some hundreds of prisoners, for whose sakes the Spaniards sent daily to the Buccaneers large supplies of provisions, of which the prisoners could expect to receive only the surplus after the Buccaneers should be satisfied. At length, the Spaniards sent 42,000 pieces of eight, the most part in gold, and eighty packages of flour. The sum was far short of the first agreement, and the Buccaneers at _Puna_, to make suitable return, released only a part of the prisoners, reserving for a subsequent settlement those of the most consideration.

[Sidenote: 26th. Meeting between Spanish Ships of War and the Buccaneers.] On the 26th, they quitted the road of _Puna_, and joined Davis. In the evening of the same day, two large Spanish ships came in sight. Davis's ship mounted 36 guns; and her crew, which had been much diminished by different engagements, was immediately reinforced with 80 men from Le Picard's party. Besides Davis's ship, the Buccaneers had only a small ship and a _barca-longa_ fit to come into action. Their prize vessels which could do no service, were sent for security into shallow water.

[Sidenote: A Sea Engagement of seven days.] On the morning of the 27th, the Buccaneers and Spaniards were both without the Island _S^{ta} Clara_. The Spaniards were the farthest out at sea, and had the sea-breeze first, with which they bore down till about noon, when being just within the reach of cannon-shot, they hauled upon a wind, and began a distant cannonade, which was continued till evening: the two parties then drew off to about a league asunder, and anchored for the night. On the morning of the 28th, they took up their anchors, and the day was spent in distant firing, and in endeavours to gain or to keep the wind of each other. The same kind of manoeuvring and distant firing was put in practice on each succeeding day, till the evening of the 2d of June, which completed the seventh day of this obstinate engagement. The Spanish Commander, being then satisfied that he had fought long enough, and hopeless of prevailing on the enemy to yield, withdrew in the night. [Sidenote: June. The Spaniards retire.] On the morning of the 3d, the Buccaneers were surprised, and not displeased, at finding no enemy in sight.

During all this fighting, the Buccaneers indulged their vanity by keeping the Governor of _Guayaquil_, and other prisoners of distinction, upon deck, to witness the superiority of their management over that of the Spaniards. It was not indeed a post of much danger, for in the whole seven days battle, not one Buccaneer was killed, and only two or three were wounded.

It may be some apology for the Spanish Commander, that in consequence of Davis's junction with the captors of _Guayaquil_, he found a much greater force to contend with than he had been taught to expect. Fortune had been peculiarly unfavourable to the Spaniards on this occasion. Three ships of force had been equipped and sent in company against the Buccaneers at _Guayaquil_. One of them, the Katalina, by accident was separated from the others, and fell in with Davis, by whom she was driven on the coast, where she stranded. The Spanish armament thus weakened one-third, on arriving in the _Bay of Guayaquil_, found the buccaneer force there increased, by this same Davis, in a proportion greater than their own had been diminished. [Sidenote: At the Island De la Plata.] Davis and Le Picard left the choice of distance to the Spaniards in this meeting, not considering it their business to come to serious battle unless forced. They had reason to be satisfied with having defended themselves and their plunder; and after the enemy disappeared, finding the coast clear, they sailed to the Island _De la Plata_, where they stopped to repair damages, and to hold council.

They all now inclined homewards. The booty they had made, if it fell short of the expectations of some, was sufficient to make them eager to be where they could use or expend it; but they were not alike provided with the means of returning to the _North Sea_. Davis had a stout ship, and he proposed to go the Southern passage by the _Strait of Magalhanes_, or round _Cape Horne_. No other of the vessels in the possession of the Buccaneers was strong enough for such a voyage. All the French therefore, and many of the English Buccaneers, bent their thoughts on returning overland, an undertaking that would inevitably be attended with much difficulty, encumbered as they were with their plunder, and the Darien Indians having become hostile to them.

Almost all the Frenchmen in Davis's ship, left her to join their countrymen, and many of the English from their party embarked with Davis. All thoughts of farther negociation with the Spaniards for the ransom of prisoners, were relinquished. Le Picard had given notice on quitting the _Bay of Guayaquil_, that payment would be expected for the release of the remaining prisoners, and that the Buccaneers would wait for it at _Cape Santa Elena_; but they had passed that _Cape_, and it was apprehended that if they returned thither, instead of receiving ransom, they might find the Spanish ships of war, come to renew the attack on them under other Commanders. On the 10th, they landed their prisoners on the Continent.

[Sidenote: Division of Plunder.] The next day they shared the plunder taken at _Guayaquil_. The jewels and ornaments could not well be divided, nor could their value be estimated to general satisfaction: neither could they agree upon a standard proportion between the value of gold and silver. Every man was desirous to receive for his share such parts of the spoil as were most portable, and this was more especially of importance to those who intended to march overland. The value of gold was so much enhanced that an ounce of gold was received in lieu of eighty dollars, and a Spanish pistole went for fifteen dollars; but these instances probably took place in settling their gaming accounts. In the division of the plunder these difficulties were obviated by a very ingenious and unobjectionable mode of distribution. The silver was first divided: the other articles were then put up to auction, and bid for in pieces of eight; and when all were so disposed of, a second division was made of the silver produced by the sale.

Davis and his company were not present at the taking of _Guayaquil_, but the services they had rendered, had saved both the plunder and the plunderers, and gave them a fair claim to share. Neither Wafer nor Lussan speak to this point, from which it may be inferred that every thing relating to the division was settled among them amicably, and that Davis and his men had no reason to be dissatisfied. Lussan gives a loose statement of the sum total and of the single shares. 'Notwithstanding that these things were sold so dearly, we shared for the taking of _Guayaquil_ only 400 pieces of eight to each man, which would make in the whole about fifteen hundred thousand _livres_.' The number of Buccaneers with Grogniet and Hutt immediately previous to the attack of _Guayaquil_, was 304. Davis's crew at the time he separated from Knight, consisted of eighty men. He had afterwards lost men in several encounters, and it is probable the whole number present at the sharing of the plunder of _Guayaquil_ was short of three hundred and fifty. Allowing the extra shares to officers to have been 150, making the whole number of shares 500, the amount of the plunder will fall short of Lussan's estimate.

[Sidenote: They separate to return home by different Routes.] On the 12th, the two parties finally took leave of each other and separated, bound by different routes for the _Atlantic_.

CHAP. XVII.

_=Edward Davis=; his Third visit to the =Galapagos=. One of
those Islands, named =Santa Maria de l'Aguada= by the
Spaniards, a Careening Place of the Buccaneers. Sailing thence
Southward they discover Land. Question, whether Edward Davis's
Discovery is the Land which was afterwards named =Easter
Island=? =Davis= and his Crew arrive in the =West Indies=._