Chapter VI: Calvin at the Synod of Berne

(SEPTEMBER, 1537.)

This was not the only triumph which Calvin achieved, nor the only synod of Berne in which he took part. Keen debates were at that time going on in the evangelical Churches of Switzerland. They had gradually arisen after the disaster of Cappel in 1531. In the canton of Soleure the Reformation had indeed been crushed by the intervention of the Catholics, although the majority in the country and a minority in the town were Protestants. But other cantons had remained faithful to the Reform. In Bullinger, Zurich had found a worthy successor to Zwingli; and Oswald Myconius happily filled the place of the amiable Œcolampadius at Basel. Berne, not satisfied with having adopted the Reformation herself, eagerly promoted its establishment everywhere. The great question which was then under discussion was this--Should the Swiss Churches unite themselves with the Lutheran Churches or not? Bucer, at Strasburg, warmly advocated the union; and the magistrates, above all those of Berne, were not at all opposed to it. They had political skill enough to perceive that the Church of the Reformation, then so formidably threatened, had need to combine its whole forces. The pastors of Berne, Haller, Megander, and Kolb, were desirous of extending a friendly hand to Luther; but those free Swiss, disciples and friends of Zwingli, disliked the equivocal formulæ of Bucer. The Zuricher Megander, in particular, a learned professor and an eloquent preacher, but of rash character, violent and somewhat domineering, designated by his opponents the _ape of Zwingli_,[528] had set himself the task of maintaining at Berne the theology of the Zurich reformer. As Haller and Kolb were then enfeebled by age and ill-health, Megander exercised a powerful influence over the country pastors; and the magistrates themselves, aware of his abilities, committed to his hands the most important affairs. The Zurichers had drawn up a confession on the Lord’s supper in conformity with Bucer’s wishes. Basel, St. Gall, and Schaffhausen had approved it; but Megander induced his colleagues to reject it. The French diplomatists also, who were anxious to obtain the assistance of the Swiss and German Protestants against Charles V., said--‘All the Swiss towns agree with Luther except these Bernese blockheads, who walk backwards like crabs, and stick obstinately to an opinion which they cannot possibly defend.’[529]

[Sidenote: THE ZWINGLIANS AT BERNE.]

The Bernese magistrates, however, were not willing to break with their allies. The war against Savoy, which they had undertaken in 1536, for the defence of Geneva and the occupation of the Pays de Vaud, had convinced them of the need of their support. Consequently, they sent delegates to the four colloquies which were held that same year at Basel, to take into consideration the agreement with the doctors of Wittenberg. But the council, so far from breaking with Megander, put him at the head of these theologians. So the confession which was prepared at the first of these colloquies, in January 1536 (the second conference of Basel and the first of Switzerland,) when speaking of eating the body and drinking the blood of Christ, added that this took place only in a spiritual sense. This displeased Bucer. The Zwinglians, in turn, called him ‘a doubled-faced man,’ and said that this pretended peacemaker brought division into the Helvetic Churches. It was to no purpose that his defence was undertaken by Myconius, who, since 1532, had presided as overseer of the Church at Basel, and the learned professor Grynæus. The Zwinglian party would not hear a word about an agreement with the _Strasburg trimmer_. Various circumstances occurred to bring about a change in this state of things. The Swiss and the Bernese themselves were touched by the beautiful letter which Luther had written to the burgomaster of Basel, in which he spoke approvingly of the confession drawn up in that city. The aged Kolb, pastor of Berne, had died at the end of 1535; and on February 25, 1536, Haller also had passed into the unseen world. A great change then took place in Berne. Kunz, a man of a very different spirit from Zwingli and Haller, became pastor in the place of Kolb. Having studied at Wittenberg, he was a passionate admirer of Luther and of his doctrine. Of ardent temperament, Kunz longed to promote the triumph of his master’s doctrine, and so much the more as he was his inferior in respect to the living faith of the Gospel. Sebastian Meyer, a former Franciscan, who from the beginning of his ministry had been remarkable for the violence of his discourses, and who was a friend of Bucer, had taken the place of Haller. The council had probably been influenced in the election of these men by the Strasburg doctors, with whose projects the members were more and more pleased. Thus it seemed likely that in Berne the Lutheran party would succeed the Zwinglian. The new pastors, however, did not immediately set up their claim; they rather applied themselves to the preparation of men’s minds, and their conquests were very numerous, especially among politicians. But Megander, the inflexible Zwinglian, still kept the upper hand; and it was he who spoke in the name of Berne in the Swiss assemblies. Bucer, doubtless, had him in mind when he complained to Luther ‘of those untractable heads which are found in Switzerland, which for every trifle make so much ado.’[530]

[Sidenote: A PATCHED-UP PEACE.]

The new pastors of Berne, encouraged by their friends abroad, threw off the restraint which they had at first imposed on their speech. Sebastian Meyer, in particular, giving way to his natural disposition, thoroughly headlong and incautious, taught publicly that in the supper the body of Christ is truly eaten and his blood truly drunk, but took care to add, _by faith_. Kunz supported him. The conflict thus began. Megander and Erasmus Ritter started up to oppose this doctrine; and Meyer did not hesitate to say in the colloquies that the doctrine of the supper had never been rightly taught in the canton of Berne. The Bernese council convoked a synod, at which three hundred ministers of the German and French cantons of Switzerland were present. Meyer, together with Kunz, vividly depicted the evils which would be involved in a rejection of the agreement. Erasmus Ritter, with Megander, replied that an agreement was certainly very much to be desired, but that the truth must not be sacrificed to it. The Zwinglian party had the best of it. They agreed to stand by the second confession of Basel, and to avoid the use of terms which gave origin to the disputes; such as, _corporal_, _real_, _natural_, _supernatural_, _invisible_, _carnal_, _miraculous_, _inexpressible presence_. But this patched-up peace was of short duration. The secret correspondence between Bucer and Luther having been published, the Zwinglians were scandalized, people’s minds were thrown into agitation, and the edifice of concord, which they had toiled to rear, threatened to crumble away. Bucer then applied to the council of Berne, and requested it to convoke a synod at which he might be allowed to vindicate himself. ‘This whole business of the supper,’ said he, ‘is a mere dispute about words, but it is of the utmost importance to put an end to it; and I appeal to the justice of the Bernese magistrates, who cannot allow a man, whoever he may be, to be condemned before he is heard.’ Another synod was consequently convoked at Berne, for the month of September.[531]

Everybody was aware of the importance of this assembly. Bucer and Capito arrived in the city, provided with a letter of introduction from the magistrates of Strasburg, and accompanied by two theologians from Basel, Myconius and Grynæus, who though sincerely adhering to the reformed party, earnestly desired the union. Almost at the same time, three ministers from the French cantons, who had been specially invited, entered Berne; they were Calvin, Farel, and Viret. Those who knew that at Geneva they allowed neither unleavened bread nor baptismal fonts, nor the feasts and rites to which the Lutherans were strongly attached, could entertain no doubt that these bold champions would take the side of the Zwinglians. The pastors of the canton of Berne were represented only by delegates of classes. The government, fearing lest the spirit of discord should mar the meeting, requested Bucer and Capito to confine themselves to their own justification, and not to meddle with other matters. They were not even permitted to preach, except on condition that they did not introduce disputed topics in the pulpit. The assembly met at the Town Hall, in the presence of the two councils of the republic, and under the presidency of the mayor (_Schultheiss_) de Watteville. After the customary formalities, this magistrate invited the Strasburgers to begin. ‘Union in matters which concern the glory of God and the benefit of the Church,’ said Bucer, ‘is already established in a great number of kingdoms, duchies, and principalities; and the churches of the Swiss confederation form almost the only exception, it is thus that Satan opposes the kingdom of God. Yes, it is to Satan that are owing those suspicions which are prevalent respecting the agreement which we are striving to bring about. We demand that passion should be silenced, and that God should be regarded rather than men. You have lent one ear to calumny, lend the other now to the voice of truth. If you condemn us, you will condemn many other Churches, and particularly that Church whose representatives met at Smalcalde, and which includes within its pale many learned and pious men.’ Bucer next, desirous of clearing himself from the reproaches which had been addressed to him, pointed out that Zwingli and Luther had set out from two different points of view; Zwingli striving to keep as far away as possible from the Roman dogma of transubstantiation, and Luther endeavoring to maintain that there is nevertheless some kind of real presence in the bread. In making afterwards his own confession of faith, he said, ‘No, the bread and the wine are not mere signs; the presence of Christ by faith is not a mere logical presence, not imaginary, such as that which I have when I say, for instance, that I now see my wife at Strasburg.[532] Faith requires something higher than that. When I say with you, Christ is present in a celestial manner, and with Luther, Christ is present in an essential manner, I express fundamentally one and the same faith.’ On the following day, Capito coming to the support of his colleague, preached a sermon in which he endeavored to show that Zwingli and Œcolampadius were in agreement with Luther. They were so on the essential point of seeking and finding in the supper a true communion with the Saviour.

[Sidenote: BUCER’S VIEWS.]

Megander had been charged with the duty of speaking on behalf of the synod. Brevity and moderation had been recommended, lest any imprudent word should give rise to a dispute. For him this task was not an easy one. In fact, the next day he attacked Bucer and Capito with some vehemence, upbraiding them for being with Luther rather than with the Swiss, and with having, in other places, signed _certain acts_ which the Swiss could not sign. ‘I have,’ said he, in drawing to a close, ‘some letters in which Bucer is spoken of. However, I think better of him than those letters, and I should be pleased if we could agree with him.’ Unhappily, they were far enough from such agreement. The discussion grew warm. ‘You teach children in your catechism,’ said Bucer, ‘to receive a sign in the supper, without reminding them of the thing signified.’ ‘How then,’ exclaimed some of the Bernese ministers, ‘can you pretend that we hold the same faith?’ ‘Let Bucer speak,’ said Megander; ‘we will reply to him in the afternoon.’ But, in that afternoon sitting, Bucer began anew to discourse to the Swiss about the sacrament. ‘Enough of these homilies,’ said Megander, impatiently. ‘You shut our mouths,’ said Bucer. ‘Let all those,’ said Megander, ‘who have anything to say speak freely.’ But not one of the Bernese pastors rose.

A good understanding seemed impossible. The leaders on both sides were angry and provoked each other. The vessel of concord, built by the careful toil of the pastors of Strasburg, was violently tossed and was going to founder in the Helvetic waters. Disagreeing in doctrine, said one of those who were present on this occasion, there was nothing between them but debate, a deadly plague in a Church. Where were they to find the last plank, the desperate resource for escape from shipwreck? They must founder, or be saved as if by miracle. A young man, of only eight-and-twenty, but known for his love of the Holy Scriptures and his slight respect for tradition, was sorrowfully contemplating these discussions. It was John Calvin, he who called the discussions ‘a deadly plague’ for the Church. His convictions were free and spontaneous. They did not proceed, as with others, from a desire for compromise, but from a perception of what is the essence of the faith. He would not at any price have sought some expedient for the union of minds by a sacrifice of truth. But he knew by experience the power of the Holy Spirit; and he was the man called to stand between the two armies, to get the sword returned to its sheath, and to found unity and peace.

[Sidenote: INTERVENTION OF CALVIN.]

We almost hesitate to report his words, because they will be difficult to comprehend. He spoke, for the faithful, of a complete union with Christ, even with his flesh and his blood, and nevertheless of a union which is effected only by the Spirit. Calvin’s speech was of so much importance that we cannot think of suppressing it. Vulgar minds insist on comprehending everything as they do the working of a steam-engine; but the greatest minds have acknowledged the reality of the incomprehensible. Descartes said that ‘in order to attain a true idea of the infinite, it is not in any sense to be comprehended, inasmuch as incomprehensibility itself is contained in the formal definition of the infinite.’ ‘Infinity is everywhere, and consequently incomprehensibility likewise,’ said Nicole.[533] The Christian however comprehends to a certain extent the mystery which we are now considering, and above all he experiences its reality. ‘If, as the Scriptures clearly testify,’ said Calvin at the synod of Berne (1537), ‘the flesh of Christ is meat indeed, and his blood is drink indeed, it follows that if we seek life in Christ, we must be thereby veritably fed. The spiritual life which Christ gives us consists not only in his making us alive by his Spirit, but in his rendering us, by the power of his Spirit, partakers of his life-giving flesh, and by means of this participation, nourishing us for eternal life.[534] Therefore, when we speak of the communion which the faithful have with Christ, we teach that they receive the communication of his body and his blood, no less than that of his Spirit, so that they possess Christ wholly.

‘It is true that our Lord has gone up on high, and that his local presence has thus been withdrawn from us. But this fact does not invalidate our assertion, and that local presence is by no means necessary here. So long as we are pilgrims on the earth, we are not contained in the same place with him. But there is no obstacle to the efficacy of the Spirit; he can collect and unite elements existing in far separated places. The Spirit is the means by which we are partakers of Christ. That Spirit nourishes us with the flesh and the blood of the Lord, and thus quickens us for immortality. Christ offers this communion under the symbols of bread and wine to all those who celebrate the supper aright and in accordance with his institution.’

Such was Calvin’s speech. ‘I embrace as orthodox,’ said Bucer, ‘this view of our excellent brothers Calvin, Farel, and Viret. I never held that Christ was locally present in the holy supper.[535] He has a real finite body, and that body remains in the celestial glory. But in raising us by faith to heaven, the bread which we eat and the cup which we drink are for us the communication of his body and his blood.’

Calvin wrote down his view. Bucer appended to it the words last reported. Capito signed them. Bucer even succeeded, by dint of moderation and kindliness, in _taming_ Kunz; and the latter showed in this instance some goodwill. ‘But,’ said Calvin at a later time, ‘that single moment was soon past, and he became worse than himself.’ The synod acknowledged the Strasburgers as justified, as faithful, as Christians, and their confession of faith as not in any respect contrary to the Helvetic confessions. Megander was invited to modify his catechism to a small extent so far as it treated of the doctrine of the supper, and this he agreed to do. The deputies of the pastors of the canton went to the hostelry where Bucer and Capito lodged, and requested their co-operation in putting an end to the difficulties which existed between the ministers of the city. The council itself exhorted these pastors to concord and peace. Such was the force of the speech of a single man, that at the moment when the waves were in stormiest agitation, there was suddenly a great calm.

God was in the midst of us, said one of the attendants. The divine power had employed the speech of the reformer to appease the tumult and establish agreement and unity.[536]