Chapter XVIII: Geneva.--Dissension and Severity (1)

(1540.)

At the same time that Calvin’s reputation was rising in other countries, the judgment formed at Geneva of the men who had compelled him to quit the town was daily becoming more unfavorable, and ere long opinion was altogether opposed to them. ‘The time was come,’ says Theodore Beza, ‘when the Lord had determined to have pity on the Church of Geneva.’[823]

[Sidenote: BERNE AND GENEVA.]

When, in 1536, the Bernese had repulsed the troops of Savoy and insured the independence of Geneva, an arrangement was effected between these two states respecting five or six villages belonging to the priory of St. Victor, of which Bonivard had been the last prior. Geneva had claimed the sovereignty, and had conceded to Berne the _rights of ancient custom_ which had belonged to Savoy. The treaty not being sufficiently clear, the Bernese claimed prerogatives which the Genevese disputed with them. Consequently, on March 6, 1539, the council of Geneva sent to Berne Ami de Chapeaurouge, Jean Lullin and Monathon, all three of them opponents of Calvin. The first two had indeed been syndics in 1538, and as such had taken the lead in the banishment of the reformers. They were to settle the matters in dispute, but ‘without infringing on the franchises of the town or on the treaty of 1536.’ These delegates signed at Berne, on March 30, a treaty comprising twenty-one articles, ‘the most part of which,’ says the syndic Gautier, who is moderate in his account, ‘were humiliating to the Genevese, and deprived them of their rights over those territories.’ The first article of the treaty said in fact, ‘To us of Berne the chief lordship, that is to say, _the sovereignty_ over men and goods, is entirely to belong.’ The three Genevese were far less clever as politicians than the Bernese, and we prefer to attribute their error to their inferior diplomatic skill rather than to treason. On their return to Geneva they merely reported to the council ‘that they had done their work well (_avaient bien besogné_), and that the contract entered into would shortly be brought to Berne.’ It was strange that these plenipotentiaries not only should not present the treaty, but still more should not state _viva voce_ what it contained. ‘As they had trifled with the orders which they had received,’ says Gautier, ‘they were afraid of being completely ruined if they gave an exact account of their management, and they hoped by delaying the matter to obliterate the recollections of what might be criminal in their proceedings.’[824] They reckoned among the members of the council many of their kinsfolk and friends. Their word was taken. These three councillors, the signatories of the articles, were consequently called the _Articulants_; and the people, adopting a word almost the same in sound and more familiar to them, called them the _Artichauts_ (Artichokes). This designation was extended to the whole party opposed to Calvin, which was at this time in the ascendency.[825]

About two months later a Bernese _bailli_ (De Thiez) having caused a man belonging to the estates of St. Victor to be put to the torture, the council of Geneva complained of it, and the _bailli_ immediately justified himself by appealing from them to the treaty concluded at Berne. The Genevese magistrates, who were not acquainted with it, sent Monathon to procure it. He brought it back, but it was in German! The document was returned, in order to be translated into French; and when the articles were at last read in the council many murmured, and said that most of those points were contrary to the rights and the prerogatives of the town. The three deputies justified themselves by asserting that this document was not the one which they had signed. This statement was credited. The council declared that it did not accept the paper, and decreed that the three _articulants_ should return to Berne to demand explanations. But in vain did the two councils implore and even command Lullin to go; he declared that he would sooner quit the town than consent to be a delegate to Berne. He had private reasons for not having a mind to this mission. Three other notables were associated with De Chapeaurouge and Monathon. The two _articulants_ represented to the Bernese that they had not heard the articles couched in such terms. But the Bernese replied that it was the genuine treaty, and that they would have the council of Geneva cited before judges charged to investigate the difficulties existing between the two towns, in order to get it condemned to sign and seal the treaty. Lambert, one of the deputies who had accompanied Monathon and De Chapeaurouge to Berne, heard, in a conversation with some people of the town, that at the time of drawing them up, Jean Lullin had consented to the articles in German, and had got them passed by his colleagues without telling them in French what they contained. From this one must infer that Jean Lullin, the only one of the three who knew German, remained responsible. The other two, however, still lay under the imputation, it must be confessed, of incredible thoughtlessness. On April 6 the deputies made their report to the council.

[Sidenote: QUARREL ABOUT THE TREATY.]

The Bernese, sure of their case, continued to enforce their rights of sovereignty, and took pleasure in annoying the Genevese in various ways. They even carried their ill-will to the length of cruelty. Two murderers, subjects of St. Victor, having been condemned by the Genevese magistrates to be beheaded, the Bernese _bailli_ substituted the rack, and sent to Geneva the executioner’s bill to be paid. Discontent with the government party was increasing from day to day. People said that the treaty made at Berne was an act of treason. Was it possible that after having ruined religion by expelling Farel and Calvin, the same party should ruin the state as well, by sacrificing its most precious rights? Some went farther still. Bonnet, a member of the Two Hundred, exclaimed, ‘The council mean to deliver up the town to the lords of Berne.’ For this rash speech he was put in prison.[826] But it served to increase the prevailing irritation. Many members of the Two Hundred, among whom was Claude Bonna, declared to that council that they would never allow the articles drawn up at Berne to receive the seal of the republic. The matter at stake was the maintenance of the honor of Geneva, her pre-eminence and the justice of her cause, perhaps of her very existence. The friends of Calvin declared that the powerful town of Berne should not trample their country under foot. The opposition to the government had become so strong that, in the sitting of August 25, all the members of the Two Hundred cried unanimously, ‘We will not submit to these articles, considering that they are opposed to our liberties, our franchises, and our good customs.’[827]

The Bernese, annoyed and irritated by the constant refusals of Geneva, announced at the beginning of January 1540 that, having an authentic document, they summoned their allies of Geneva to Lausanne, for the 29th of the month, in order that the cause might be decided by judges, two from each town. Geneva, on the 21st, named De la Rive and Gerbel to go to Lausanne with five assistants. On the 25th the general council rejected the treaty, prohibited the deputies from accepting a judicial decision, and ordered them to say to the Bernese that the people _would set fire to the city_ rather than accept the articles. Matters got worse and worse. Berne was inflexible. On the 26th, at nine o’clock in the evening, a Genevese, Béguin, arrived at full speed from Lausanne with important despatches. The general council, assembled on the following day, was greatly excited by them. They caused the three _articulants_ to be arrested, and Béguin was instructed to inform the Bernese. But the latter commanded their judges to proceed, and the Genevese were condemned for contumacy to seal the treaty and to pay the costs. The gravity of the situation was at length understood at Geneva. The very day, January 27, on which the judgment was delivered at Lausanne, the general council, suddenly convoked by the tones of the great bell at one o’clock in the morning, had decreed that the deputies should sit as judges. But when this news arrived sentence was already given. They had dispensed with the Genevese.

[Sidenote: INDIGNATION AT GENEVA.]

Great was the consternation at Geneva. On Sunday, February 1, it was resolved to close all dissension at home by a general reconciliation, in token of which the citizens took each other by the hand. Chapeaurouge, Lullin, and Monathon were set at liberty on giving bail, and Jean Philippe was named captain-general. This internal peace, brought about by the war with which they were menaced from without, was solemnized by a procession of the people to the sound of the drum through the whole town. The ministers urged the appointment of a day of prayer to celebrate and confirm the reconciliation. But this peace was not rooted in the depth of their hearts. ‘Nevertheless,’ says Rozet, ‘people still heard talk of several fights in the town,’ and the son of the captain-general killed a citizen. The more violent men, when they saw the dangers to which the treason or the thoughtlessness of the _articulants_ exposed them, exclaimed, ‘Cut off their heads, pack them all three in one trunk, and send them to Berne.’[828]

‘Meanwhile,’ says a contemporary biographer, ‘the Lord was about to execute his judgments at Geneva in expressly punishing those who while they were syndics had been the cause of driving away Farel and Calvin.’[829] The councillor De Watteville, De Diesbach, and De Graffenried, deputies of Berne, on April 16, declared to the Two Hundred that the Bernese wished nothing so much as to give pleasure to Geneva, and that, without taking advantage of the sentence pronounced at Lausanne, they offered to discuss the affair anew. The general council having been convoked on April 25 to decide the matter, no way was found of coming to an understanding. These interminable disputes with Berne (it took years to settle the question) had aroused the anger of the Genevese against the _articulants_ who were the cause of them. They believed these men to be more culpable than they really were. The assembly was in violent agitation. Groups were formed, and transports of wrath burst forth. ‘Justice! justice on the traitors!’ they cried. They demanded that, before any deliberation, these deputies should be again committed to prison. The three culprits were themselves present in the council. The captain-general, Jean Philippe, going up to them advised them in a whisper to go out instantly and make their escape. The Little Council ordered their immediate incarceration. They had signed the undertaking to appear when called for; but overcome with fright, they disguised themselves and quitted the town in great haste, thus violating the pledge which they had given. When the lieutenant went to their homes to arrest them, they had disappeared. The tidings were at once carried to the general council. ‘Let them be summoned to appear by sound of trumpet,’ said a citizen, ‘and let seals be affixed on their houses.’ ‘Yes! yes!’ cried the people; ‘so be it!’ The assembly of the people being dissolved, a great concourse of citizens surrounded the town hall and demanded justice with loud voices. The public crier, traversing the streets, summoned the three deputies to appear in three hours, in default of which they would be immediately brought to trial. The Bernese having expressed to the council their astonishment that this citation had been made without a word said to them about it; ‘Ah!’ was the reply, ‘if we are slow to execute the decision of the general council, the people will fall on us!’ The general irritation extended at the same time to the pastors who had taken the place of Farel and Calvin. These men were alarmed at it, and, on April 30, presenting themselves before the council, they made a statement of the reproaches which were heaped on them, and requested their discharge. After turning away from the reformers, people were now turning to them again. ‘At this time,’ says Rozet, a poor woman, a foreigner, went about the town crying, What God keeps is well kept.’[830]

The three fugitives having been summoned with sound of trumpet, for three days in succession, and failing to appear, the solicitor-general presented their indictment in seventy-four counts. Thirty-two witnesses made their depositions; and on June 5 De Chapeaurouge, Lullin, and Monathon, were condemned by default to be beheaded, as forgers and rebels, who had been the cause and might again be the cause of great evils to the state. Capital punishment was readily inflicted in the sixteenth century; but the accused had fled, and it was a long way from the sentence to the execution.

[Sidenote: JEAN PHILIPPE.]

The party which was favorable to the three _articulants_ and hostile to the reformers continued to exist in Geneva, and had for its chief a capable man, the captain-general Jean Philippe, who was syndic in 1538, with Jean Lullin and Ami de Chapeaurouge. These three men, with the violent Richardet, had, as we have seen, got Farel and Calvin banished, and after having done much harm to the Church, had not hesitated to involve the state in the most cruel perplexities. Jean Philippe, by his violence, was on the point of still further increasing the troubles of the city. ‘A rich man, and not niggardly,’ says Bonivard, ‘he was very liberal to his comrades, especially those of the sword; and this made him beloved of all. A man of courage for action, he was not prudent in his projects, and he no more hesitated to risk his person than his purse. Imprudent and impudent, hasty to believe, slow to disbelieve, as soon as any hectoring fellow, among those whom he thought fit for the battle, made a report to him, he believed it. And he was hard to be undeceived because he had not capacity for appreciating a sound reason; and this caused him to do many rash things.’ Such was the man who had at his beck the party which, after having been supreme in Geneva, had just received so severe a check. Jean Philippe could not, without annoyance, see the sentence carried out against his colleagues; and he understood that the result of it must be the ruin of his whole party, unless he succeeded in arresting the course of the popular torrent which was now rushing in a direction opposed to them. Discontented and murmuring against those who had obliged Lullin and De Chapeaurouge to take flight, he was a prey to the bitterest apprehensions. After the sentence, Philippe and his adherents ‘banded themselves together,’ says Bonivard, ‘and waited for an opportunity of vengeance and of reinstating _the three_ in their former honors. Their party, in defiance of their opponents, held banquets in the public places. After all this thunder there must needs be rain, hail, and fall of thunderbolts, to clear the sky.’ The storm indeed did not fail to burst forth.

[Sidenote: A RIOT.]

A phenomenon was at this time visible at Geneva which has been produced in almost all nations; the conquerors were divided amongst themselves. The party which in 1538 had banished the reformers was divided into two. The more fiery minds were for pushing their victory to an extreme, the more discreet, on the other hand, slackened their pace and restrained their passions. The impetuous young men of Geneva were irritated at seeing the leaders under whom they had fought condemned to death and fugitives. On the day after their condemnation, Sunday, June 16, many Genevese, according to custom, were assembled on the plain of Plainpalais, situated at the gates of the town, and were practising archery. Some of them meeting Jean Philippe and his friends, shouted at them, ‘Artichokes!’ It will not be forgotten that this was the popular nickname given to the _articulants_. This little word did a great deal of mischief. ‘The tongue,’ says Calvin, ‘carries a man away and sweeps him along like a flood, just as wild unbroken horses whirl along a chariot with such force and swiftness that nothing can stop it.’ This is what now occurred at Geneva. The nickname greatly annoyed the captain-general, and he swore to take vengeance. ‘There are three hundred of us who will one day arise and hamstring so many of these evangelists and Lutherans that it shall be a thing never to be forgotten.’ This saying was attributed to him, but he afterwards denied it. The captain-general, on returning from Plainpalais, went to sup with some of his friends at the hotel _de l’Ange_; while other adherents of his were eating and drinking at his expense at the hotel _du Brochet_. Some of them, after leaving the table, met some citizens of the opposite party on the bridge over the Rhone. ‘Nothing more than hard words passed between them,’ says Bonivard, ‘with the exception of Jean Philippe, who seized a halberd, and, as though he were out of his mind, without distinguishing friend from foe, struck blows right and left, and wounded two or three persons.’ Then this fierce partisan crossed the Rhone to go to St. Gervais, where most of his familiar associates lived. He summoned and got them together, a grave proceeding for a captain-general, and passing the bridge with them, reached the square of La Fusterie. There he found a large body of his adversaries. A conflict began. Jean Philippe struck other blows. ‘With the point of his halberd he wounded one Jean d’Abères in the breast,’ says Bonivard, ‘so seriously that he had to be carried to his house.’ One Jean de Lesclefs gave with his partisan a blow on the head to Ami Perrin, ‘a citizen,’ says Bonivard, ‘who was fond of being splendidly attired and of good living, and who at this time belonged to the party of honest men.’ Claude of Geneva, a friend of Perrin, discharged a pistol at Lesclefs, and the shot entering near the heart killed him. The captain-general, repulsed, withdrew to his own house with his adherents, who kept firing their arquebuses from within. The syndic Philippin, wishing to allay the disturbance, was wounded by these men, and a servant of one of their own number, putting his head out at the window, was also struck. It was very generally believed that the captain-general had formed a conspiracy to upset the government which had just condemned his friends. It is difficult to decide. We may, however, suppose that it was a riot rather than a conspiracy.[831]

At nine o’clock in the evening of the same day the council convoked the Two Hundred, and gave orders to guard the town-gates to prevent the flight of the culprits. The next day, _at five_ in the morning, the Council of the Two Hundred held a sitting, gave orders that the citizens should assemble in arms before the town-house to support their decisions, and commanded the officers of justice to go to the house of the captain-general to arrest him and all who should be with him. But Jean Philippe, well aware that the position of a commander-in-chief of the Genevese militia, who placed himself in open and armed revolt against the government, was a very grave one, had quitted his house, escaped by the roofs, and thus reached the hostelry of the _Tour Perce_, which belonged to a brother of Lullin. As the agents of the council did not find him either at home or elsewhere, proclamation was made in the town with sound of trumpet, that whosoever might know where he was, was to disclose it. The magistrate was informed, it is not known by whom, that the captain-general was concealed in the _Tour Perce_. ‘At once everybody was off thither,’ says Bonivard; ‘then they searched for Philippe from cellar to garret, and he was at last found lying in the stable under the hay.’ They led him immediately to the syndics, who were waiting for him at the door. They had him seized by the guards and taken to the _Evêché_ (a prison). But it was effected with great difficulty, for it was all that the guards with their halberds and the syndics with their bâtons could do to prevent the people from killing him in their hands. ‘Here we may see an instance,’ adds the prisoner of Chillon, ‘of the trust we should place in a people.’[832]

[Sidenote: TRIAL OF JEAN PHILIPPE.]

The witnesses were heard, and Jean Philippe underwent an examination on the criminal acts with which he stood charged. These acts were proved and he confessed them. The whole town was stirred. The people cried aloud for justice and said ‘that they would do execution on the murderers if the tribunals failed to do it. The preachers themselves exhorted to pray and to execute justice.’[833] A scene at once pathetic and terrible occurred to raise still higher the general excitement. Jean d’Abères having sunk under his wounds, ‘his wife caused the body of her husband to be carried on a bench to the front of the town-house, and accompanied it crying incessantly, Justice! justice! justice! weeping and smiting herself.’[834] Her children were round her, weeping and crying out as she did. A dead body, and especially the body of a husband and father, surrounded by those who loved him, has always great power to touch the heart. The solicitor-general presented his bill of indictment. It set forth that Jean Philippe ‘had always been esteemed a seditious man, who had been accustomed to gather round him all the restless spirits; that he had assembled them on the previous Sunday, taking up arms against the city of Geneva; that in order to accomplish his murderous intentions he had placed armed men in his house; that he was a murderer and voluntary homicide, his hands dyed with blood; that out of the fulness of his heart he had uttered these words or the like of them, ‘I will kill so many people that I shall be surfeited.’ The solicitor-general moved in conclusion that the council should execute justice immediately, ‘as shameless and tumultuous proceedings and horrid enterprises, and in the same manner as in cases of high treason.’ Sentence was pronounced by the syndic Etienne de Chapeaurouge, nephew of one of the fugitives. Philippe was condemned ‘to have his head severed from shoulders till the soul was separated from the body.’ The execution took place the same day. De Chapeaurouge, after having pronounced sentence, absented himself from the council, and one or two others likewise withdrew.

Thus, of the four syndics who had decreed the banishment of Farel and Calvin, two had been condemned as forgers and rebels, and a third had just been executed as a mover of sedition and a homicide. There remained the fourth of them, Richardet. He had united force with ridicule, and had said ironically to Calvin when expelling him, ‘The gates of the town are wide enough for you to go out.’ As he had taken part in the sedition of Jean Philippe, he took fright and wished to make his escape. Unwilling to go out by the gates of the town, however wide they were, for fear of being recognized and arrested, ‘he let himself down through a window in the town walls,’ says Rozet, ‘burst (_se creva_) because he was heavy, and did not live long after.’ ‘As he was very fat,’ says Gautier, ‘the rope broke, and the fall caused him a contusion of which he shortly after died.’[835]

It is hardly possible to avoid being struck with the fate of these four men. The Greeks conceived the idea of a goddess, Nemesis, charged with the duty of overthrowing an insolent prosperity and of avenging crimes, who winged her way through the air, encompassed by serpents, provided with torches and inflicting terrible vengeance. ‘We cannot pass over,’ says Rozet, ‘the remarkable judgment of God on the four syndics of the year 1538, who being elected by the people as adversaries of the religion of the reformation sworn to, had banished the ministers and routed their friends. Two years later, in one and the same year, in the month of June, all four of them, at the instigation of the people themselves, came to confusion and ruin by their crimes.’[836] History can hardly furnish a more striking illustration of the truth proclaimed by the great poet, ‘Punishment, though lame, seldom fails to overtake the guilty.’

[Sidenote: THE WAYS OF GOD.]

However, in our opinion, the _articulants_, though chargeable with carelessness and incompetency, were not guilty of treachery. On the other hand, it is not fair to attribute to the friends of Farel and Calvin some odious acts of which they were completely innocent. It has been alleged that on the third day after the execution of Jean Philippe, the most religious persons ‘publicly celebrated their victory by a feast at the town hall.’ Strong evidence would be necessary to establish a fact so adapted to arouse in honorable men aversion and indignation; but not a single document is known in which it is mentioned.[837] We are bound to say, however, that the verdict of contemporaries was more severe than our own. ‘These men,’ says Theodore Beza, ‘having been cast away like vile dregs, the city began to ask again for its Calvin and Farel.’[838] All was in course of preparation for their return to it. Some vacancies having been made in the council by the blows which had just been struck, men were appointed who were friendly to the Reformation, and from that time their party formed the majority. The far-seeing intelligence of Calvin had foretold that the ascendency of his adversaries would be of short duration; and his word was fulfilled.

The ways of God are deep and mysterious. Two years previously the work of the reformer appeared to be brought to a stand in Geneva. His victorious enemies held up their heads in the general council; their power seemed invincible; and the few citizens who dared to declare themselves on the side of the banished ministers found themselves threatened and prosecuted, and were compelled to retire into silence or to flee their country. The reformers were wandering about as exiles in the cantons of Switzerland, not knowing where to seek refuge. But time passed on, and the state of things was altered. The authors of the proscription sank beneath the weight of their faults, and were proscribed in their turn. Geneva was weary of leaders without intelligence, and rejected them. No longer able to face the perils gathering around it, the city will soon recall and receive as liberators the men whom she has driven away as enemies of her freedom. Calvin, on his part, had found in exile not weakness but strength. God had removed him to a vaster scene, where his horizon was widened. His thought had been elevated, his soul strengthened and purified. He had seen Germany, and had played a part, not one of the least, in her great assemblies; he had held communication with Melanchthon, and established a connection between the German Reformation and that of the Swiss cantons and of France. The differences between the two great movements had grown less; the communion of spirit had been strengthened. On both sides a reciprocal influence had been felt. In the next volume we shall see Calvin return to his post a greater and stronger man, more master of himself, no less firm and no less determined, once more to undertake his task and to conduct it to a happy end.

END OF THE SIXTH VOLUME.

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] ‘Tanta sanctitatis opinione apud omnes vixerant, ut ... cellæ in templa commutarentur.’--Buchanan, _Rer. Scot. Hist._, lib. iv. 35 Rex.

[2] ‘Nullus est Papa.’ (Walter Bower, lib. xv. c. 20.) Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. 498.

[3] ‘Paulus Crawar, in sacris litteris et in allegatione Bibliæ promptus et exercitatus.’--_Scoti-Chronicon_, vol. ii. p. 495.

[4] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. 6.

[5] ‘Sacerdotem domi habebat, qui ipsi et familiæ Novum Testamentum lingua vernacula prælegebat.’--(_Regi Scotorum Jacobo V._, Alexander Alesius.) There is no paging.

[6] ‘Terroribus monachorum non nihil perturbatus.’--(_Regi Scotorum Jacobo V._, Alexander Alesius.)

[7] ‘Ut rex, etiam surgens, complexus sit mulierem.’--_Ibid._

[8]

For once the eagle England being in prey,
To her unguarded nest the weasel Scot
Comes sneaking, and so sucks her princely eggs.
--Shakespeare, _Hen. V._, Act i. sc. 2.

[9] ‘Hepburnus, Gavini ministris pulsis, arcem valido præsidio communit.’--Buchanan, lib. xiii, 106 Rex.

[10] Buchanan, _Ibid._ Spotswood, _Hist. of the Church of Scotland_. London, 1677, pp. 61, 62.

[11] Knox, Buchanan, Fox, Spotswood, McCrie.

[12] Alesius relates this story in his ‘Epistola dedicatoria _Comment. in Johannem_.’ Bayle, in the article _Alesius_, says, ‘Il avait été préservé de la mort, par miracle, dans sa jeunesse.’

[13] ‘Hamiltonium familia regium quoque sanguinem attingente, natus.’--_Bezæ Icones_. This is the opinion of Pinkerton, McCrie, and other authors. Others suppose that Sir Patrick Hamilton (of Kincavil) was a natural son of Lord Hamilton. But in a charter of April 1498 he is called _brother-german_ of James Lord Hamilton, eldest son of his father, which seems plainly to mean that he was not half-brother by the father’s side; and in a charter of January 1513 he is distinguished from another Hamilton, a _natural_ son of the same lord. This last circumstance doubtless gave rise to a _qui pro quo_.

[14] Pitscottie, _Hist. of Scotland_. Leland’s _Collectanea_. Lorimer, _Patrick Hamilton_.

[15] The inscription sought and found in the _Acta rectoria_ of the University of Paris by Professor Rosseeuw Saint-Hilaire, at the request of Professor Lorimer, proves that Hamilton studied at Paris.

[16] ‘My great-grandfather, gudeschir, and father have served your Lordship’s predecessors, and some of them have dyed under their standartis’.--John Knox, _Hist. of the Reformation_, edited by D. Laing, ii. p. 323.

[17] Not to the university of St. Andrews, as was formerly supposed. ‘The name occurs ... in the year 1522.... He was seventeen years of age.’--M’Crie, _Life of Knox_, Note B.

[18] ‘Velut seditionis fax, volitaret armatus.’--Buchanan.

[19]

‘.... At tu, beata Gallia,
Salve, bonarum blanda nutrix artium,’ &c.
--Buchanani _Poemata_. Adventus in Galliam.

[20] ‘Potes hunc tyrannum occidere.’--Major, _Sentent._, fol. 139.

[21] ‘Reges legitimos ab initio creavimus, leges et nobis et illis æquas imposuimus.’--_De Jure Regni apud Scotos_, p. 24.

[22] ‘Juvenis ingenio summo et eruditione singulari.’--Buchanan, _Scot. Hist._, p. 494.

[23] Margaret to Henry VIII.--_State Papers_, iv. p. 17.

[24] _State Papers_, pp. 51, 52, 70, 71.--‘Albany embarked probably on May 31.’--_Ibid._, p. 77.

[25] _Acta parl. Scot._, vol. ii. p. 255.--_State Papers_, vol. iv. p. 387.

[26] ‘The young king cannot by himself rede an English letter.’--_State Papers_, iv. p. 368.

[27] ‘They are at all times of contrary opinion.’--_Ibid._, iv. p. 362.

[28] ‘May destroy the king, my son, and me.’--_Ibid._, iv. pp. 81, 169, 188, 227, 237.

[29] ‘We may have your supplications direct for us unto His Holyness.’--Margaret to Wolsey, _State Papers_, iv. p. 452.

[30] _State Papers_, iv. pp. 457-458.--Scott, _Hist. of Scotland_, i. ch. xxv.--Lindsay, _Chronicles_.

[31] ‘I went suddenly thitherward, thinking that I would cause to make a good fire of them.’--MS. Cotton, Galba B., vi. fol. 4.

[32] _State Papers_, iv. p. 561.

[33] ‘Most part to the town of St. Andrews.’--Cotton, MS. Calig. ii. 77.

[34] ‘Disputing, holding, and maintaining divers heresies of Martin Luther.’--Sentence Pronounced against Hamilton. Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560.

[35] _Certain articles preached by him_ (_ibid._) It is clear that these articles were preached as early as 1527, before Hamilton had quitted Scotland. The sentence states: ‘Faithful inquisition being made in _Lent last past_.’ It is of Lent _last past_ that it speaks. Now the sentence was of the last February. The Lent of 1528 was hardly begun. Besides, the sentence states that Hamilton, after having preached, _passed forth of the realm to other parts_; which decides the question.

[36] Luther, _Ep. to the Galatians_.

[37] _See_ ‘The Sentence against P. Hamilton.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560.

[38] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560.

[39] ‘Unicus et pietatis et literarum vindex.’--Registers of the University of Marburg, A. D. 1527.

[40] ‘Ad instaurandas liberales disciplinas.’--_Ibid._

[41] ‘Conference and familiarity.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 558.

[42] _Paradoxa Lamberti_, in Schultetus, _Annales Evangel_.

[43] ‘Cautelæ impiæ.’--Baum, _Lambert d’Avignon_, p. 152.

[44] ‘P. Hamilton, of the county of Linlithgow (in which Kincavil is situated), a Scotchman, Master of Arts of Paris.’ The three names may still be seen in the registers under the numbers 37, 38, 39.

[45] ‘Ex illustrissima Hamiltonum familia, quæ ex summis regni Scotiæ et regi sanguine proximius juncta est.’ Baum, _Lambert d’Avignon_, p. 152.

[46] ‘Prorsus arbitrarer me extinctum iri.’--Luther, _Epp._ iv. p. 187.

[47] ‘Ut non deserat peccatorem suum.’--_Ibid._

[48] ‘Viel ein _aerger_ Buch wider das Papsthum.’--Statement of Jonas.

[49] ‘Hans Luft jam nono die ægrotat.’--Luther, _Epp._ iv. p. 189.

[50] ‘Fere expiravit inter brachia mea heri.’--Luther, _Epp._ iv. p. 189.

[51] ‘In domo mea cœpit esse hospital.’--_Ibid._

[52] ‘Verbum Dei pure tradidi.’--_Ibid._

[53] ‘Me hoc illi consulente.’--Lamberti dedicatio, _Exegeseos in Apocalypsim_.

[54] Patrick’s _Places_.--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 566.

[55] _Ibid._, and Knox, _Hist. of Ref._, i. p. 25.

[56] ‘Axiomata doctissime asseruit.’--Lambert, Dedication, _Exeges Apocal._

[57] Fryth, _To the Reader_. Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 563.

[58] Notes on Patrick’s _Places_. Fox, _Ibid._ p. 572.

[59] _Ibid._ p. 573.

[60] ‘Plerique sacerdotum, _novitatis_ nomine offensi, contenderunt Novum Testamentum _nuper a Martino Luthero_ fuisse scriptum.’--Buchanan, _Hist._, lib. xv. p. 534.

[61] Patrick’s _Places_, in Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 565.

[62] ‘To testify the truth, he sought all means.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 563.

[63] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, ed. Wodrow, p. 15.

[64] ‘Whereunto many gave ear.’--Spotswood’s _Hist._, p. 62.

[65] ‘All sorts of people.’--_Ibid._

[66] ‘He spared not to show the errors crept into Christian religion,’ &c.--_Ibid._

[67] ‘To the south of the house of Kincavil, in the _craig quarter_.’--Charter of 3 Sept. 1507.--Lorimer’s _Hamilton_.

[68] ‘A great following he had.’--Spotswood’s _Hist._, p. 62.

[69] See Fox, _Acts and Monuments_, iv. pp. 570, 571.

[70] ‘Man soll’s dem Papst zuwider thun,’ &c.--Luther’s _Tischreden_, c. 43.

[71] ‘Paulo ante mortem duxit nobilem virginem uxorem.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._ 1554.

[72] The only author who has mentioned it before us is Professor Lorimer, in his _Memoirs_, 1857.

[73] ‘A conjured enemy to Christ Jesus.’--Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. p. 15.

[74] Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 12.

[75] ‘Prædixit etiam se brevi moriturum, cum adhuc apud suos esset.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[76] Alesius.

[77] _On the Law and the Gospel._ Fox, _Acts_, iv. pp. 575, 576.

[78] ‘Bona opera non faciunt bonum hominem, sed homo bonus facit bona opera.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[79] Bayle, _Dict. crit._; art. ‘Alesius.’

[80] ‘Lutheri assertiones refutans, cum applausu theologorum.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[81] ‘Doctrinæ sententiarum.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[82] ‘Verum præter expectationem meam evenit, ut ex ipsius colloquio meam errorem agnoscerem.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[83] ‘Eorum qui Thomae Aquinatis sectam imitantur inter eruditiores habitus.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv. an. 1527.

[84] ‘Erat enim in eo placida natura.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[85] Knox, Alesius, Spotswood, Scots’ _Worthies_.

[86] ‘Docuit et disputavit palam in Academia, plus minus mensem.’--Alesius, in _Psalm._

[87] ‘Metu cognatorum ejus.’--Lambert, _Apocal._

[88] ‘Adhortante rege ipso.’--Lesley, _De Rebus Gestis_, &c. p. 421.

[89] ‘They travailled with the king, that he should pass in pilgrimage to St. Duthac.’--Knox, _Reform._, i. p. 16.

[90] The fact of this journey has been disputed in spite of the testimonies of Knox, Spotswood, and others. But a letter of Angus to Wolsey, of March 30, 1528, states that the king was at that time in the _north country_, in the extreme parts of his realm. This evidence is decisive.

[91] ‘Cum frater Patricii duxisset exercitum.’--Lambert, _Liber Psalm._

[92] ‘Ventis fuit impeditus.’--_Ibid._

[93] ‘Aliquot millia conscripserunt equitum.’--_Ibid._ The number is doubtless exaggerated.

[94] ‘Very early in the morning.’--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 559. The last of February.--Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. 18 and 511. Pridie Cal. Martii.--Lambert, _in Johan. Apocal. in Dedicat._

[95] Spotswood, _Hist. of the Church of Scotland_, p. 63.

[96] Spotswood, _Hist. of the Church of Scotland_, p. 63.

[97] M’Crie, _Life of Melville_, i. note D, p. 416.

[98] ‘Cum ii qui missi erant sub noctem ab episcopis hospitium ejus obsidissent.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[99] ‘Processit ille obvius eis et petit quem quærerent.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[100] ‘Orans ut discedere permitteret suos.’--_Ibid._

[101] The author, during a visit which he paid to St. Andrews in 1845, studied on the spot the places here referred to, having as his guide to the beautiful antiquities of St. Andrews the historian of the Scottish Church, Dr. Hetherington.

[102] ‘Affui ego, spectator tragediæ.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[103] ‘After the manner of other courtiers in all kinds of licentious riotousness.’--Knox, _Hist._, i. App. p. 505.

[104] It is in reference to this verse (Ps. xxxvii. 3) that Alesius, in his _Comm. des Psaumes_, narrates the trial of Hamilton.

[105] ‘Jusserunt episcopi et theologi ut ei conviciaretur et vocaret eum hereticum.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[106] Pitscottie, _Hist. of Scotland_, pp. 133, 134.

[107] ‘Mi frater, non ita sentis in animo.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[108] ‘Hoc dicto ita conscientiam illius percutit.’--_Ibid._

[109] ‘Domum rediens, inciderit in phrenesin.’--_Ibid._ Buchanan adds, lib. xiv. ad an. 1527, ‘Nunquam ex eo die compos mentis fuit.’

[110] The sentence is given at full length in Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 560.

[111] ‘Conclusus inter aliquot millia armatorum.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[112] ‘Cum ipse adhuc in mensa sederet, jubet vocari præfectum et quærit utrum omnia parata sint.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[113] ‘Apprehensa ejus dextera, properat ad locum supplicii.’--_Ibid._

[114] ‘Christi cruce cunctis vitæ commodis anteposita.’--Bezæ _Icones_.

[115] ‘Viso palo, ad quam alligandus erat, aperit caput, suscipiensque in cœlum, orat.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[116] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, p. 17. Spotswood, p. 63.

[117] Pittscottie, Lorimer.

[118] Pittscottie, Lorimer.

[119] ‘Tu, si vera doces, infer digitum huc, ubi totus ardeo.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[120] Knox, _Hist._, i. p. 18.

[121] ‘Insania conflictatus mortem obiit.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv. an. 1527.--‘Ut in phrenesin inciderit, et non longe post mortuus sit.’ Alesius, _Lib. Psalm._

[122] The learned Mr. David Laing found a note of this in the Records of the Treasury.--See his appendix to Knox’s _Hist. of the Ref._, i. p. 515.

[123] ‘Commendat matrem amicis.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[124] ‘Cum jam scissus per medium ignita catena ferrea.’--_Ibid._

[125] ‘Erexit tres digitos, aliis duobus combustis.’--Alesius, _Liber Psalm._

[126] ‘In igne, ab hora xii. usque ad vi., vespere, sedit ustulatus magisquam combustus.’--_Ibid._

[127] ‘Alesii responsio ad Cochlæum.’

[128] Théodore Beza, _Icones_.

[129] These verses relating to Hamilton occur in a poem, _De Coronis Martyrum in Scotia_, written by John Jonston, the manuscript of which is preserved in the Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh. [Note by Translator.]

[130] ‘Tunc incandescerunt,’ etc.--Alesius, _Regi Scot._

[131] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. p. 36.

[132] Letters from the doctors of Louvain to the doctors of Scotland.--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 561. Knox, _Hist._, i. 512.

[133] ‘An epistil to the nobil lords of Scotland.’--Knox, _Hist._, i. App. 3, p. 544.

[134] _Ibid._ p. 503.

[135] _State Papers_, iv p. 499.

[136] ‘A sacris libris arcetur.’--Alesius, _Regi contra Cochlæum_.

[137] ‘Vim religionis, inspectis fontibus, cognoscant.’--_Ibid._

[138] Bayle, _Dict. crit._; art. ‘Alesius.’

[139] ‘Stringit ferrum in me, meque confodisset, nisi duo canonici, eum vi retrahentes, ferrum a meo corpore avertissent.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. Cochlæum_.

[140] ‘Ita ut collapsus, aliquamdiu jacerem exanimis.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. Cochlæum_.

[141] ‘Nisi locus fuisset infectus pestilentia.’--_Ibid._

[142] ‘Ego in latrinam quamdam inducor.’--_Ibid._

[143] ‘Post vigesimum diem extrahit me squalentem ex latrina illa.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. Cochlæum_.

[144] ‘Lavari et nitide vestiri.’--_Ibid._

[145] ‘Jubet me ab ara avelli et in latrinam rapi.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. Cochlæum_.

[146] ‘Certum exitium impendere, nisi fuga mihi consulam.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. Cochl._

[147] ‘Maximo dolore afficiebar cum cogitarem mihi e patria discedendum esse.’--_Ibid._

[148] ‘Patria qua nihil dulcius est bene institutis naturis.’--_Ibid._

[149] ‘Ecclesia, cuilibet pio, verius est patria, quam ille locus qui nascentem excepit.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. Cochlæum_.

[150] ‘Cum lacrymantes inter nos vale dixissemus.’--_Ibid._

[151] Comment. on _Acts_, xx. 37.

[152] ‘Media jam nocte in densissimis tenebris solus iter aggredior.’--Comment. on _Acts_, xx. 37.

[153] ‘Acerbissimum patriam et cognatos deserere.’--_Ibid._

[154] ‘Fiducia Christi sustentabar.’--_Ibid._

[155] ‘Equites missi a meo præposito.’--_Ibid._

[156] ‘Me quidem homo germanus admodum excepit, meque sibi adjunxit’--Comment. on _Acts_, xx. 37. The word _germanus_ in this passage doubtless means _German_, and not _kinsman_, as some have supposed.

[157] ‘Oleum misericordiæ, nisi in vase fiduciæ ponis.’--Comment. on _Acts_, xx. 37.

[158] Alesius, _De Traditionibus Apostolicis_, in dedicatione.

[159] ‘Pervagatus sum quamdam Galliæ oram.’--Alesius, _Regi adv. Episcop._

[160] ‘The sore imprisonment of the erle of Argyll, the little exstymation of the erle of Murray and the Lord Maxwell,’ etc.--Northumberland to Henry VIII., _State Papers_, iv. p. 598.

[161] ‘The erle Bothwell in the night and other three.’--_State Papers_, iv. p. 597.

[162] ‘To crown your Grace in the town of Edinburgh within bref tyme.’--_State Papers_, iv. p. 574, Sept. 29, 1531.

[163] ‘That we may lawfully write ourself _prince of England_ and Duke of York.’--_State Papers_, iv. p. 599.

[164] ‘Of an audacious and bold spirit.’--Spotswood, p. 63.

[165] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, pp. 45, 46.

[166] ‘This carnal prince who altogether was given unto the filthy lusts of the flesh.’--Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, p. 48.

[167] _Ibid._ pp. 48-52.

[168] _Calderwood_, i.

[169] MS., Advocates’ Library.--Pitcairn’s _Crim. Trials_, i. p. 161.

[170] ‘Mores regi posse sine sacris libris?’ (_Alesii Epistola contra Decretum quoddam Episcoporum in Scotia._) This letter bears no name either of its publisher or of the place where it was printed. There is at the end only Anno MDXXXIII.

[171] ‘Ut populus paulatim induat ethnicas persuasiones.’--_Alesii Epistola contra Decretum quoddam Episcoporum in Scotia._

[172] This treatise, in the form of a letter, is entitled, _An expediat laicis legere Novi Testamenti libros lingua vernacula?_--Ex Dresda. Id. Junii 1533.

[173] _State Papers_, iv. pp. 608-611.

[174] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579.

[175] Anderson, _Bible Annals_, ii. p. 443, note.

[176] ‘To the intent that all the people of Forfar might see the fire,’ etc.--Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579.

[177] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579.

[178] Knox, _Hist. of the Ref._, i. p. 59. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 20.

[179] ‘On hearing them he became of a sudden as one enraptured or inspired.’--Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 20.

[180] ‘He threw himself on his knees, extended his hands.’ etc.--Scots’ _Worthies_.

[181] Spotswood, p. 66.

[182] Fox, _Acts_, iv. p. 579. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 16.

[183] _State Papers_, v. pp. 1-6. These instructions, which have no date, belong to the second half of the year 1534, and they are corrected by the hand of Cromwell, by whom they were also probably drawn up. [The instructions extend over five printed quarto pages.--_Translator._]

[184] ‘King Henry VIII. to King James V.’--_State Papers_, v. p. 7.

[185] ‘Audience he himself only.’ Letter from Margaret to Henry VIII. and to Cromwell.--_Ibid._ pp. 10-12.

[186] _State Papers_, p. 14. Otterburn’s Letters to Cromwell. See also the note taken from the _Diurnall_.

[187] _State Papers_, v. p. 52, p. 19.

[188] _State Papers_, v. pp. 18-20.

[189] Calderwood’s _Hist._ Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 21.

[190] _Ibid._

[191] These and other details were communicated by Andrew to the minister John Davidson, who inserted them in his _History of the Scottish Martyrs_.--Scots’ _Worthies_.

[192] ‘Stoutly.’ Fox’s _Acts_, v. p. 622.

[193] [Or _portass_, a _portable_ breviary, or small prayer-book.--_Translator._]

[194] Fox’s _Acts_. Scots’ _Worthies_, p. 22.

[195] Letter from Angus to Sir G. Douglas.

[196] _State Papers_, v. p. 38.

[197] See the Letter from the Queen-mother to Henry VIII.--_State Papers._

[198] Howard and Barlow to Henry VIII.--_State Papers_, pp. 46, 48.

[199] _Unpublished Letters of Margaret of Angoulême_, p. 349.

[200] Sutchyll’s Letters to the Lord Admiral.--_State Papers_, v. p. 59.

[201] ‘Sub amitæ reginæ Navarræ disciplina educata.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv. ad an. 1537. See also _Unpublished Letters of the Queen of Navarre_, p. 77.

[202]

Regia eram conjux, et regia filia, neptis
Regia, spe et votis regia mater eram ... etc.
Buchanan, _Opera_, p. 81.

[203] ‘Rex, id quod evenit, de exitu uxoris veritus, in illam oculos conjecerat.’--Buchanan, lib. xiv.

[204] Kirkton, _True History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 7.

[205] ‘The great part of the sermon was in extolling of the Richess of Rome authority.’--_State Papers_, v. p. 154.