Chapter XII: +The Decline of Indian Slavery+ (4)

[243] Shea, _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, pp. xxxii, 23; _Jesuit Relations_, lix, p. 121; French, _op. cit._, pt. iv, p. xxxii.

[244] Shea, _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley_, p. lv.

[245] French, _op. cit._, pt. iv, p. li.

[246] _Ibid._, pt. iv, p. 169; pt. i, pp. 71, 72, 74; Margry, _op. cit._, ii, p. 98; Joutel, _Journal of La Salle’s Last Voyage_, p. 118.

[247] French, _op. cit._, series 2, p. 100.

[248] _Ibid._, new series, p. 84; Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 433.

[249] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 21.

[250] _Ibid._, vi, pp. 47, 48.

[251] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, p. 192.

[252] French, _op. cit._, p. 74; Margry, _op. cit._, vi, pp. 282, 370, 37?.

[253] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 407.

[254] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, 1716, vi, p. 355.

[255] _Le Code Noir_, Article IX.

[256] Robinson, _op. cit._, p. 363.

[257] Lescarbot, _op. cit._, i, p. 74.

[258] Margry, _op. cit._, vi. p. 21.

[259] _Ibid._, vi, p. 458.

[260] _Ibid._, vi, p. 417.

[261] As in the case of the Spaniards, not all the Indians who accompanied the French exploring parties were slaves. Many of them were hired. Others were sent by their chiefs. Some went voluntarily.

[262] Le Page du Pratz, _The History of Louisiana_, etc., p. 20.

[263] _Correspondance Générale_, 1678–1706. Tome 2, p. 328. A memoir in the possession of the Louisiana Historical Society.

[264] _The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and Indians of Louisiana on the North Continent of America_, p. 12.

[265] _Archives du Ministre des Colonies_, C. 13. 1707–1712, p. 398.

[266] Pittman, _The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi_, etc., Hodder edition, p. 102; Hamilton, _Colonial Mobile_, p. 67; Monette, _History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the Mississippi_, i, p. 192; Gayarré, _History of Louisiana, French Domination_, i, p. 242; Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, xxvii, p. 55; _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 145; Martin, _History of Louisiana_, i. p. 173.

[267] Guénin, _La Louisiane_, p. 297.

[268] Pittman, _op. cit._, Hodder edition, p. 102.

[269] _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 145.

[270] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, p. 332.

[271] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, iv, 1713–1714, p. 14; _Notes et Documents Historiques de la Louisiane_, p. 29.

[272] Bossu, _op. cit._, p. 114; Margry, _op. cit._, i, p. 112.

[273] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, pp. 378, 379, 454.

[274] Margry. _op. cit._, ii, p. 293. The only instance in which a home government demanded that Indians be sent to Europe to perform actual labor as slaves, exists in the case of the French. On July 31, 1684, Louis XIV ordered de la Barre to send all Iroquois prisoners to France to serve in the galleys, because, said the letters royal, “these savages are strong and robust.” Brodhead, _History of New York_, first edition, ii, p. 476. De la Barre made an expedition against the Iroquois, but was unsuccessful. In 1687, Denonville, the succeeding governor-general, led another expedition against the Iroquois who had been especially arrogant toward the French since the repulse of de la Barre. Before the expedition had set out from Fort Frontenac, another dispatch from the king had arrived. This repeated his former orders to send the Iroquois prisoners to France to serve in the galleys. Denonville obeyed the command. Brodhead, _op. cit._, ii, p. 507. The order was repeated March, 1688, declaring “It is certain that those Indians, who are vigorous and accustomed to hardship, can serve usefully on board his Majesty’s galleys,” Brodhead, _op. cit._, ii, p. 546. Continued difficulties with the Indians led Denonville, among other concessions and attempts at conciliation, to write to France, asking that as many of the Indian galley slaves as survived should be returned to Canada, and suggesting that, to produce as good an effect as possible, they be decently clothed. The request was complied with. Marshall, _Historical Writings relating to the early History of the West_, p. 159; De Brumath, _Bishop Laval_, pp. 214, 215, 216. For a description of the French galleys of the time, see Clément, _Vie de Colbert_, p. 456.

[275] Parkman, _A Half-Century of Conflict_, ii, p. 17.

[276] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 402.

[277] _Arkansas Historical Society Publications_, ii, p. 342.

[278] Hamilton, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 103.

[279] See Hinsdale, _The Old Northwest_, etc., revised edition, p. 347; Monette, _op. cit._, pp. 199–200; _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, 1856, iii, pp. 256 _et seq._

[280] Cramoisy, _Journal de la Guerre du Micissippi contre les Chicachas_, p. 53.

[281] _Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings_, xlvi, p. 141.

[282] Bienville ordered one of the Indian prisoners, who had assisted in the murder of St. Cosmé, to be placed on a wooden horse, and his brains to be beaten out with a club. His scalp was then cut off, and his body thrown into the river.

[283] Parkman, _The Pioneers of France in the New World_, pp. 217, 244.

[284] Lescarbot, _op. cit._, iii, p. 612; Parkman, _The Pioneers of France in the New World_, p. 279; Marshall, _op. cit._, p. 127.

[285] The following records are from a transcript in the library of Tulane University.

1724, Feb. 4, est né un fils d’une esclave Indienne appt—le père est inconnu. (p. 26).

1724, May 2—autre fois esclave de la nation des Panis marié avec Francarte de la nation de Chat—(p. 33).

1728, Sept. 13—ai inhumé dans la cimetière de cette paroisse—le corps de sauvagesse apport à—(p. 280).

1729, Feb. 26—ai baptisé—sauvage appt. à M. Roquet, (p. 371).

1729, June 20—ai baptisé—sauvage appt. à M. Villevalle (p. 389).

1730, Janvier 30—ai inhumé dans la cimetière de cette paroisse avec les ceremonies ordinaires de l’église, le corps de Jean Baptise, sauvage, age de deux ans, appt. à M. de Ste. Cheuse (p. 424).

au fay de quoy j’ai signé, Fr. Hyacueltre.

[286] Tanguay, _A Travers les Registres_, pp. 88, 111, 157 (instances cited).

[287] _Jesuit Relations_, lxx, p. 232.

[288] Dunn, _Indiana_, p. 127. _Parkman Club Papers_, p. 210, gives an account of the marriage of two Indian slaves in 1754. About 1750 half the baptisms and marriages recorded in the church register of Vincennes were “red or Indian slaves,” belonging to the commandant or to the inhabitants. Law, _The General History of Vincennes_, etc., p. 145.

[289] This register is now kept in the Mobile cathedral under the care of the Bishop of Mobile. It was presented for examination through the kindness of Father Hacket.

[290] Margry, _op. cit._, iii, p. 66; Godwyn, _The Negro and Indian’s Advocate_, etc., p. 30. When arrangements for an expedition to New Biscay were being made, a memorial on America, February, 1684, called attention to this state of affairs, and urged the king to enforce it in order to attract to the side of the French the numerous negro, Indian and mulatto slaves of that country. Margry, _op. cit._, iii, p. 66.

[291] Fortier, _A History of Louisiana_, i, p. 87.

[292] _Archives Nationales, Colonies_, C. 13, _Louisiane, Correspondance Générale_, 1673–1706, i, p. 168.

[293] French, _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, new series, i, p. 99; Pickett, _History of Alabama_, etc., p. 179.

[294] Martin, _The History of Louisiana from the Earliest Period_, i, p. 173.

[295] Quoted in Fortier, _A History of Louisiana_, i, p. 101.

[296] Margry, _op. cit._, vi, p. 231; _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, ix, p. 12; _Archives du Ministre des Colonies_, C. 13, vi, p. 51.

[297] _The Present State of the Country and Inhabitants, European and Indians of Louisiana on the North Continent of America_, etc., p. 26.

[298] _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 211.

[299] Smith, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections_, 1896–1898, x, p. 3.

[300] Dunn, _Indiana_, p. 126.

[301] _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 145; Hinsdale, _The Old Northwest_, etc., p. 347.

[302] Burton, _Cadillac’s Village, or Detroit under Cadillac_, p. 34.

[303] _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, xvi, p. 295.

[304] _Ibid._, xvi, p. 340.

[305] _Beauharnois et Hocquart au Ministre._ Quoted in Salone, _La Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France_, deuxième édition, p. 353.

[306] _Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’Histoire du Canada_, published by the Montreal Historical Society, pp. 8–9. Records following that time show Pawnee slaves still in existence down to 1827, _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, vii, pp. 158, 177, 179; xi, p. 393; xii, p. 94; _Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections_, 1896–1898, x, p. 3. In the Niagara _Herald_ several advertisements are found relating to Indian slaves. One of August 25, 1802, forbids all persons harboring a runaway Indian slave. So in the _Gazette_ and _Oracle_, early in the nineteenth century, advertisements refer to Indian slaves or “Pawnees.”

[307] Rambaut, _A Sketch of the Constitutional History of Canada_, p. 28.

[308] Smith, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections_, 1896–1898, x, p. 3.

[309] Grignon, _Recollections_, in _Wisconsin Historical Society Collections_, 1856, iii, pp. 256–258, mentions several such instances.

[310] _Report Concerning Canadian Archives_, 1904, pt. ii, p. 211.

[311] _Mémoires et Documents Relatifs à l’Histoire du Canada_, pp. 5–6.

An interesting example of such manumission is recorded in Louisiana in 1770. On April 30th of that year, the Sieur Pierre Clermont appeared before the notary of the Cabildo and declared that he had had for a long time in his service an Indian, Louison, of the nation of the “Sious.” The latter had served him with so much attachment and zeal that he desired to reward him, and believed that the best way to do so was to give him his freedom. As, however, he had an indispensable need for the Indian for three years longer, and feared that he might be prevented by death from liberating him, he stated that it was his wish that in three years Louison be set free and enjoy all the rights of freedom. Louison, in his turn, stated that he thanked the Sieur Clermont, and promised to serve him faithfully for three years. He also agreed to lose all rights given him by his master if he should be ungrateful to him. Fortier, _Old Papers of Colonial Times_, in _Louisiana Historical Society Publications_, i, pt. ii, 1895, p. 17.

[312] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, 1716, vi, p. 355.

[313] _Ibid._, 1721–1722, x, p. 217; _Archives du Ministre des Colonies_, C. 13, vi, p. 368.

[314] Hewat, _An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia_, ii, p. 227.

[315] Wilson, _A New History of the Conquest of Mexico_, p. 34.

[316] Dunn, _Indiana_, p. 126.

[317] Carver, _Travels through the Interior Parts of North America_, etc., p. 348.

[318] Salone, _La Colonisation de la Nouvelle-France_, deuxième édition, p. 353.

[319] In 1793, slavery was abolished in Upper Canada by act of the Provincial Parliament. In Lower Canada, it had practically ceased by 1800, the few remaining slaves being freed by an imperial act in 1834. _Jesuit Relations_, lxix, p. 301. The last public sale of a slave in Canada took place in Montreal in 1797. It has been held, however, that it was the proceeding of the Canadian courts, consistent with the rising public sentiment in England and France against slavery, rather than the actual state of the law, which reached the slave owners’ claims, and finally broke them. Hamilton, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 102.

[320] _Archives Nationales, Colonies_, C. 13, _Louisiane, Correspondance Générale_, i, 1678–1706, p. 514; Gayarré, _History of Louisiana_, i, p. 100.

[321] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, viii, 1717–1720, pp. 73–74.

[322] _Mississippi Provincial Archives, French Domination, Correspondance Générale_, xvii, pp. 303–307.

[323] _Report Concerning Canadian Archives_, 1905, i, p. 117.

[324] John Long’s _Journal_, 1768–1782, in Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, ii, p. 116.

[325] Care should be taken to distinguish between the term “Pawnee” as applied to an Indian tribe, and as used by the French to mean any Indian slave, regardless of the tribe to which he originally belonged.

[326] Parkman, _The Old Régime in Canada_, p. 338.

[327] _Ibid._, p. 388.

[328] Hamilton, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 102.

[329] Fortier, _A History of Louisiana_, i, p. 85; Burke, _An Account of the European Settlements in America_, i, p. 45.

[330] France also had in mind the getting rid of an undesirable class.

[331] Martin, _The History of Louisiana_, i, p. 266.

[332] French, _op. cit._, pt. iii, p. 42. Hamilton, _Slavery in Canada_, in _Transactions of the Canadian Institute_, 1890, i, p. 102.

[333] French, _op. cit._, pt. iii, p. 42.

[334] Rowland, _Encyclopedia of Mississippi History_, ii, p. 673.

[335] Wallace, _History of Louisiana and Illinois_, p. 239.

[336] Rowland, _op. cit._, ii, p. 673.

[337] French, _op. cit._, pt. iii, p. 21.

[338] Stoddard, _History of Louisiana_, p. 36.

[339] Martin, _History of Louisiana_, i, p. 266. For an instance of one hundred and seventy-five negroes brought in one vessel to Louisiana in 1721, see Margry, _op. cit._, v, p. 583.

[340] See Fortier, _op. cit._, i, pp. 87–94.

[341] _Jesuit Relations_, lxvii, p. 281.

[342] Albach, _Annals of the West_, p. 88; _Illinois Historical Society Publications_, xi, 1906, p. 49.

[343] Breese, _Early History of Illinois_, p. 194.

[344] _Illinois Historical Society Publications_, xi, 1906, p. 49.

[345] Doyle, _English Colonies in America, The Puritan Colonies_, ii, p. 506.

[346] _I. e._, until after the Pequot and King Philip Wars.

[347] Freeman, _The History of Cape Cod_, p. 72.

[348] _Connecticut Colonial Records_, 1715, p. 516.

[349] Coffin, _A Sketch of the History of Newbury_, etc., p. 337; _Essex Institute Historical Collections_, vii, p. 73; _Connecticut Colonial Records_, 1711, p. 233.

[350] Hawks, _History of North Carolina_, etc., second edition, ii, p. 577.

[351] _Bancroft Papers Relating to Carolina_, in New York City Public Library, MSS. vol. i, 1662–1769; Rivers, _A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of the Proprietary Government_, etc., p. 232; _South Carolina Historical Society Collections_, ii, p. 217; Thomas, _The Indians of North America_, etc., p. 95; Schaper, _Sectionalism in South Carolina_, p. 263.

[352] Logan, _A History of the Upper Country of South Carolina_, i, p. 189.

[353] Rivers, _A Sketch of the History of South Carolina to the Close of Proprietary Government_, etc., p. 231.

[354] _Public Records of South Carolina_, 1711–1716, vi, p. 276; _British Public Record Office_, Am. N. I., vol. 620.

[355] Hewat, _An Historical Account of the Rise of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia_, i, p. 309.

[356] Glenn, _A Description of South Carolina_, etc., p. 81; _Charleston Year Book_, 1883, p. 407. (A quotation from a pamphlet entitled, “The Importance of the British Plantations in America to this Kingdom,” London, 1731).

[357] Dalcho, _An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina_, p. 287; Humphreys, _An Historical Account of the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, etc., edition of 1730, pp. 103–105.

As the result of the intermingling of negroes and Indians, which came about when the coast tribes dwindled and the small number of remaining members moved inland, associated and intermarried with the negroes until they finally lost their identity and were classed with that race, a considerable portion of the blood of the southern negroes is unquestionably Indian. _Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, 1897–1898, p. 233. It was these mixed bloods, as well as the pure blood Indians, to which the statutes referred by the terms “Indian slaves” and “mustee,” or “mestee,” slaves. Occasional mention is made in the colonial newspapers of slaves of the mixed red and black races. _American Weekly Mercury_, October 24, 1734. The opinion has even been advanced that, in certain of the colonies, there never were any pure blood Indian slaves. Mr. W. B. Melius of Albany, New York, asserts; “I do not believe the pure Indian was sold as a slave (in New York), I believe the Indian who was the slave was not without mixture.” _New York State Library Bulletin, History_, No. 4, May, 1900. One instance of the mixture of the Indians and negroes in New York is found in a complaint made in 1717, that negro slaves ran away, and were secreted by the Minisink with whose women they intermarried. _Ibid._, No. 4, May, 1900.

[358] _Colonial Records of the State of Georgia_, vi, p. 259, mentions an Indian slave in 1749.

[359] Howe, _Historical Collections of Virginia_, etc., p. 134.

[360] Winthrop, _Journal History of New England_, i, p. 225, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_.

[361] See Chapter V.

[362] “It seems probable that there were no Indian slaves in Plymouth before the division of land in 1623.” _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_, series 4, iii, p. 114.

[363] _Boston News Letter_ and other newspapers.

[364] Ellis, _The History of Roxbury Town_, p. 136.

[365] Felt, _The History of Ipswich_, pp. 306, 320; _Boston Weekly Mercury_, October 2, 1735.

[366] Wilson, _Where American Independence Began_, p. 154.

[367] Corey, _The History of Malden_, p. 416.

[368] _Ibid._

[369] Chase, _The History of Haverhill_, pp. 239, 248.

[370] Earle, _Customs and Fashions in Old New England_, p. 84.

[371] Doyle, _English Colonies in America, The Puritan Colonies_, ii, p. 68. In 1708, Governor Dudley made a report on slaves and the slave trade to the Board of Trade, in which he stated that there were 400 negro slaves in Massachusetts. No mention was made of Indians. _Historical Magazine_, x, p. 52.

[372] _American Antiquarian Society Proceedings_, 1885–1887, new series, iv, p. 216.

[373] _American Statistical Association Collections_, i, pp. 208–214; _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_, series 1, iv, p. 199.

[374] Livermore, _A History of Block Island_, etc., p. 60.

[375] _New England Courant_, June 17, 1723—A Spanish Indian runaway from Newport; _Boston Gazette_, October 28, 1728—An Indian runaway slave from Warwick, Rhode Island.

[376] Channing, _The Narragansett Planters_, p. 10, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, iv.

[377] _Ibid._, p. 10.

[378] _Colonial Records of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations_, viii, p. 359.

[379] Bradford, _History of Plymouth Plantation_, p. 342, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_.

[380] See pp. 130–131, 150.

[381] Caulkins, _History of New London_, pp. 330, 335, mentions Indian slaves in 1711 and 1735; An Indian woman slave lived in Westbury until her death in 1774. Steiner, _History of Slavery in Connecticut_, p. 21, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, xi.

[382] Steiner, _op. cit._, p. 12, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, xi.

[383] Sanborn, _New Hampshire, an Epitome of Popular Government_, p. 137.

[384] Sanborn, _op. cit._, p. 151, states that in 1720, hardly an Indian remained in New Hampshire, except, perhaps, an enslaved captive.

[385] The _Boston Postboy_, May 2, 1743, advertises a runaway Indian slave from Portsmouth, New Hampshire. The same paper, July 25, 1743, advertises another runaway Indian slave from New Castle, in the same colony.

[386] “In theory, at least, the Hollander considered the Indian a man like himself, with analogous rights to life, liberty and possessions.” Consequently, “Indians were not enslaved in New Netherland.” Van Rensselaer, _History of the City of New York in the Seventeenth Century_, i, p. 63. These statements are rather difficult to prove. Holding Indians as slaves who had been enslaved elsewhere and then brought into the colony, and making slaves in the colony and then sending them out of it, were practices that unquestionably existed, even if on a small scale. The declaration of the governor and council of New York in 1680 that “all Indians here have always been, and are, free, and not slave, except such as have been formerly brought from the Bay and Foreign Ports,” (Brodhead, _History of the State of New York_, first edition, ii, p. 331), shows the presence of some Indian slaves in the Dutch colony.

The records of New Netherland contain accounts of manumission in that colony of slaves called Spaniards and bearing Spanish names. Whether these individuals were Spanish Indians, or negroes from the Spanish Islands, is not specified in the records. One such person received his freedom in 1645, by payment of 300 carolus guilders. O’Callaghan, _Calendar of Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, New York_, pt. i, p. 45. Another received his freedom in 1646, in return for his long and faithful services. O’Callaghan, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 105. Two others, slaves in the Company’s service, were freed in 1664. O’Callaghan, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 264. Still others, belonging presumably to individual owners, received freedom in this same year. O’Callaghan, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 269.

Two incidents of enslavement of Indians in New Netherland are noteworthy, even if the individuals concerned were subsequently sent out of the colony. The first instance occurred in 1644, in connection with the Indian troubles of that time. At the close of the difficulties, some of the Indian prisoners were sent by Governor Kieft to the Bermudas “as a present to the English governor.” Still others were given to the “oldest and most experienced soldiers,” who, at that time, were allowed to go to Holland. Brodhead, _History of the State of New York_, revised edition, i, p. 396; _New York Colonial Documents_, i, p. 215; Van Rensselaer, _op. cit._, i, p. 235. The second instance was connected with the Esopus Indians. On May 25, 1660, a resolution was taken in the council to transport to Curaçao all but two or three of the lately acquired Esopus Indians, “to be employed there, or at Buenaire, with the negroes in the Company’s service.” Brodhead, _op. cit._, revised edition, i, p. 676; O’Callaghan, _Calendar of Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State in Albany_, pt. i, p. 295. On June 29th, Stuyvesant issued an order, and arranged for their passage. O’Callaghan, _op. cit_., pt. i, p. 214. O’Callaghan, _History of New Netherland_, etc., ii, p. 420, gives the number transported as eleven. Schoonmaker, _The History of Kingston_, p. 16, states it as twenty. Those retained in the colony on this occasion were not enslaved, but were to be punished “as might be thought proper or as necessity might demand.” Schoonmaker, _op. cit._, p. 16. The relations with the Iroquois had prevented any serious Indian wars in the colony, and because of this relation Stuyvesant’s act was considered highly impolitic. His course, which was perhaps patterned after the action of the English following the Pequot War, he sought to justify in his declaration that “their enlargement would have a tendency to create disaffection toward our nation. Our barbarian neighbors would glory, as if they had inspired us with terror.” Schoonmaker, _op. cit._, p. 16. In 1661 these Indians were recalled from slavery. O’Callaghan, _Calendar of Historical Manuscripts_, etc., pt. i, p. 295.

[387] Van Rensselaer, _History of the City of New York in the Seventeenth Century_, i, p. 193.

[388] Brodhead, _History of the State of New York_, revised edition, i, p. 193.

[389] _Records of the Towns of North and South Hempstead, Long Island_, ii, p. 60.

[390] Northrup, _Slavery in New York_, in _New York State Library Bulletin, History_. No. 4, May, 1900, p. 305.

[391] _Ibid._ Note that April 27, 1699, Bellomont reported to the Lords of Trade: “They have no other servants in this country but negroes.”

[392] O’Callaghan, _Calendar of Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, New York_, pt. ii, p. 314.

[393] _New York Historical Society Collections_, 1892, i, p. 413.

[394] _New York Colonial Documents_, v, p. 433.

[395] Scharf, _History of Westchester County_, etc., ii, p. 667.

[396] _Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York_, iv, p. 2357; Dix, _History of the Parish of Trinity Church in the City of New York_, i, p. 203.

[397] _New York Colonial Documents_, vi, p. 546.

[398] O’Callaghan, _Documentary History of New York_, ii, p. 984; _Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections_, xxx, p. 596.

[399] _New York Gazette_, July 23, 1733 (a runaway Indian slave from Flushing); March 3, 1734 (a runaway Indian slave from Westchester); February 13, 1739 (a runaway slave from New York City). _New York Weekly Mercury_, October 27, November 3, and November 10, 1740 (a runaway Indian slave from New York); August 16, 1756 (a runaway Indian slave from Long Island); May 30 and June 13, 1757 (a runaway Indian slave from “the mines near Second River”); June 12, June 19, June 26, July 3, 1758 (a runaway Indian slave from Newcastle, Westchester County).

[400] The Delaware Indians had been conquered by the Iroquois, and so humbled that they were glad to accept the friendship of the Quakers and live in peace. Parkman, _The Conspiracy of Pontiac_, etc., sixth edition, i, p. 82.

[401] _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 20, 1737, October 5, 1738, March 16, 1731. _The American Daily Mercury_, March 24, 1720; May 24, 1726; August 28, 1729; July 30, 1730; August 16, 1733; July 8, 1771, _The Pennsylvania Journal_, June 18, 1726.

[402] Scharf, _History of Delaware_, i, p. 180; Smith, _History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania_, p. 219.

[403] Martin, _Chester and its Vicinity_, p. 189.

[404] Smith, _History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania_, p. 335; Martin, _Chester and its Vicinity_, p. 189; Futhey and Cope, _History of Chester County, Pennsylvania_, etc., p. 424. The registration was made in accordance with the terms of the act of 1780, which provided for the registration of all negro and mulatto slaves and servants for life.

[405] _Report of the Friends’ Yearly Meeting of Pennsylvania and the Jersies, from the 19th to the 24th of the 7th month, 1719_, p. 211.

[406] Lee, _New Jersey as a Colony and as a State_, i, p. 199.

[407] Cornelius Van Vorst had a slave known as “Half Indian Jack,” who died at Harsimus, February 2, 1831, at the age of 102 years. Winfield, _History of the County of Hudson, New Jersey_, p. 434.

_The New York Gazette_, June 24, July 8, July 15, July 29, August 12, and August 26, advertises a runaway Indian slave, and a second slave, half Indian and half negro, from Monmouth County, New Jersey. _The American Weekly Mercury_, October 24, October 31, and November 7, 1734, advertises a runaway slave, half Indian and half negro, from Perth Amboy, New Jersey.

[408] The Yoamaco Indians of that section had been so preyed upon by the “Susquahannocks” that they had abandoned their country. Oldmixon, _The British Empire in America_, etc., i, p. 189.

[409] Lawson, _A New Voyage to Carolina_, etc., p. 194, states that the Indians of the Carolina country refused to sell their children, though they would sell anything else they possessed for wampum. For precedents when the English sold white captives in war, see Trowbridge, _A History of Ancient Maritime Interests in New Haven_, p. 47; Lecky, _A History of England in the Eighteenth Century_, ii, p. 189.

[410] Quoted in Bannister, _British Colonization and Colored Tribes_, pp. 49–54.

[411] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, vi, p. 214.

[412] _The Narrative of Bacon’s Rebellion_, in Winder Papers, Virginia State Library, reprinted in _Virginia Magazine of History_, iv, 1896–1897, p. 140, tells of forty-five Indian captives taken. “The plunder and captives estimated noe lesse than 6 or 700, the goodes being three horse loades.”

[413] _Calendar of State Papers_, colonial series, x, p. 165. Later all but five were restored to the queen by Ingram, one of Bacon’s officers.

[414] Rivers, _A Sketch of the History of South Carolina_, etc., p. 106.

[415] Hewat, _op. cit._, i, p. 78; Grahame, _The History of the United States_, etc., ii, p. 113.

[416] Rivers, _op. cit._, p. 200.

[417] Religious hatred and race hatred, as well as the desire for personal gain, dictated Moore’s action. Note that the constant enmity of the Spanish and English Indians, and their raids upon each other, gave him excellent opportunity to accomplish his purpose.

[418] Hewat, _op. cit._, i, p. 157.

[419] _Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, p. 233.

[420] _Public Records of South Carolina_, v, 1700–1710, p. 196; _British Public Record Office_, vol. 620.

[421] Fairbanks, _History of Florida from its Discovery_, etc., p. 179.

[422] Fairbanks, _op. cit._, p. 189; Fairbanks, _The History and Antiquities of the City of St. Augustine_, etc., p. 139.

[423] Hodge, _op. cit._, pt. i, p. 875; pt. ii, p. 600.

[424] _Records of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts._

[425] A few Indians were captured before this, and a few more were imported, like other slaves. Bassett, _Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina_, p. 72, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, xiv.

[426] _North Carolina Colonial Records_, i, p. 815.

[427] McCrady, _The History of South Carolina under Proprietary Government_, p. 499.

[428] _North Carolina Colonial Records_, i, p. 826.

[429] _Ibid._, i, p. 875.

[430] _Ibid._, ii, p. iv.

[431] _Ibid._, i, p. 826.

[432] _Ibid._, ii, p. 30; McCrady, _op. cit._, p. 526; _South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine_, ix, 1908, pp. 33, 39, 41.

[433] McCrady, _op. cit._, p. 566; Rivers, _A Sketch of the History of South Carolina_, etc., p. 254; _South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine_, viii, 1908, pp. 28–54.

[434] Bassett, _op. cit._, p. 73, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, xiv.

[435] These Indians had never forgotten the seizure of twenty-seven of their number by Thomas Hunt who had been in Smith’s expedition of 1614, and were, in consequence, always antagonistic to the whites. As the result of their depredations, the Connecticut general court, May 1, 1637, declared an offensive war against them. See copy of the court record in Orr, _History of the Pequot War_, etc., p. ix. Mason records that one cause of not pursuing the Indians farther was the Sabbath coming on. Mason, _A Brief Narrative of the Pequot War_, in Orr, _op. cit._, p. 34.

[436] _Ibid._, p. 39.

[437] Winthrop, _Journal History of New England_, i, p. 225, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_; Hubbard, _A Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England_, p. 42. They were carried into the harbor and drowned. Mather, _Magnalia_,, edition of 1820, ii, p. 483.

It has been stated that Massachusetts made no effort to retain the captive male Pequot as slaves because of the admonition given in Leviticus, xxiv, 44, that the heathen of the land in which the Israelitish people dwelt were not to be enslaved, but only those “that were round about them”—the Ammonites, Moabites, Edomites, and Syrians, whose utter extermination had not been expressly decreed. _Historical Magazine_, x, p. 49.

[438] Winthrop, _Journal_, i, p. 225, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_; Bradford, _History of Plymouth Plantation_, p. 342, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_. Winthrop states the number of captives as eighty. This is evidently an error, for the sum of those whom he mentions as disposed of is eighty-three. Mason, _op. cit._, in Orr, _op. cit._, p. 39, gives the number of captives as one hundred and eighty.

A division of the Indian captives among the allies would tend to draw them nearer to the English. It was for this reason, and because the Indians enslaved at the first division of captives persisted in running away, that all the Indians of the second division were not enslaved. The Indians distributed among the friendly Indians did not become their slaves. In the case of the Narraganset, Roger Williams informed Governor Winthrop, June, 1637, that they did not desire to use the Pequot as slaves, but preferred to treat them kindly, and grant them houses and lands. _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_, series 4, vi, p. 195.

[439] Winthrop, _Journal_, i, p. 225, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_.

[440] Steiner, _History of Slavery in Connecticut_, p. 9, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, xi.

[441] Morton, _op. cit._, 104; _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_, series 4, iii, p. 360. In the Swamp Fight the Indians were attacked by the combined forces of Massachusetts and Connecticut. Hence the division of the captives between the two colonies.

[442] Winthrop, _Journal_, i, p. 260, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_; Bradford, _op. cit._, p. 342, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_.

[443] Winthrop, _Journal_, i, p. 225, in _Original Narratives of Early American History_.

[444] _Calendar of State Papers_, colonial series, i, 1574–1660, p. 278.

[445] _Ibid._, i, p. 296.

[446] Freeman, _Civilisation and Barbarism_, p. 64, declares that the enslaving of Indians had become a mania with speculators.

[447] Williamson, _The History of the State of Maine_, etc., i, p. 531; Drake, _The Book of the Indians_, ninth edition, bk. iii, p. 40.

[448] Drake’s Note in Hubbard, _A Narrative of the Indian Wars in New England_, etc., ii, p. 94.

[449] Bodge, _Soldiers in King Philip’s War_, p. 209.

[450] _Plymouth Colony Records_, v, p. 173.

[451] _Ibid._, v, p. 174.

[452] Felt, _The Ecclesiastical History of New England_, ii, p. 576.

[453] Baylies, _Historical Memoir of New Plymouth_, ii, pt. iii, pp. 47–48; Church, _The History of King Philip’s War_, Dexter edition, p. 147.

[454] Baylies, _op. cit._, ii, pt. iii, p. 75.

[455] Hough, _A Narrative of the Causes which led to Philip’s Indian War of 1675–1676_, pp. 188–189.

[456] _Plymouth Colony Records_, v, p. 173; ix, p. 401.

[457] Hough, _op. cit._, p. 25; Felt, _Annals of Salem_, second edition, i, p. 507.

[458] _New England Historical and Genealogical Register_, viii, pp. 270–272.

[459] Hutchinson, _The History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay_, etc., i, p. 306.

[460] Ellis and Morris, _King Philip’s War_, p. 287.

[461] Drake’s Note in Hubbard, _op. cit._, ii, p. 94. These Indians did not sell well abroad, for doubtless former experience had proved their race to be unsatisfactory as slaves. In one instance, when no immediate market could be found, a number of them were left in the slave market of Algiers from which, by the efforts of John Eliot, they were enabled to return to America in 1683. _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_, series 1, ii, p. 183. Of this incident Cotton Mather said: “Moreover, ’tis a prophecy in Deut. 28: 68, ‘The Lord shall bring thee into Egypt again with ships, by the way whereof I spake unto thee. Thou shalt see it no more again; and there ye shall be sold unto your enemies for bondmen and bondwomen, and no man shall buy you.’ These did our Eliot imagine were sent to be sold in the coasts lying not very far from the coasts of Egypt, on the Mediterranean Sea, and scarce any chapman would offer to take them off.” _Magnalia_, bk. iii, pt. 3.

[462] Baylies, _op. cit._, ii, pt. iii, p. 190.

[463] For a discussion of the treatment of Philip’s wife and son, see _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_, series 4, viii, p. 689. For the opinions of the two eminent divines to whom the matter of their disposal was referred before colonial action was taken, see Baylies, _op. cit._, ii, pt. iii, p. 190.

[464] _Plymouth Colony Records_, vi, p. 15. _The Boston Book of Possessions_, p. 145 (quoted in Corey, _The History of Malden_, p. 48), contains a proclamation issued by Governor Leverett, September 23, 1675, relating to the sale of seven male Indians to two colonists who were to transport and sell them anywhere they wished.

[465] Shurtleff, _Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England_, v, p. 136.

[466] Gookin, _History of the Christian Indians_, in _American Antiquarian Society Proceedings_, 1836, ii, p. 449.

[467] _Plymouth Colony Records_, v, p. 244.

[468] Shurtleff, _op. cit._, v, p. 136; _Plymouth Colony Records_, v, pp. 207, 223; vi, p. 15. The Plymouth general court required that the magistrates who disposed of such Indian children according to the order of the court, should sign “indentures for such as are so disposed, to prevent further differences.” _Plymouth Colony Records_, vi, p. 15.

[469] In 1676, as well as several years before and after, the government of Rhode Island was in the hands of the Quakers. Staples, _Annals of Providence_, p. 169. No organized effort against the system of slavery in general was made in Rhode Island until that of the Quakers, 1717. Weeden, _Early Rhode Island_, p. 188.

[470] _Rhode Island Historical Society Collections_, v, p. 170; _Rhode Island Historical Society Publications_, new series, i, p. 234. This same town meeting freed certain Indians and gave them the rights of inhabitants, and sentenced others to be shot for crime. _Early Records of Providence_, viii, p. 12. These Indian captives were carried to the port in a vessel belonging to Providence Williams, son of Roger Williams. Staples, _op. cit._, p. 172.

[471] Roger Williams was a member of this committee.

[472] _Rhode Island Historical Society Publications_, i, pp. 236–238; Arnold, _History of Rhode Island_, i, p. 425. For examples of indentures or bills of sale, and receipts returned to the committee, see _Early Records of the Town of Portsmouth_, pp. 430–433; vol. 01087 of the _Town Records of Providence_. See _Report of Record Commissioners on Providence Town Records_.

[473] Richman, _Rhode Island, its Making and its Meaning_, ii, p. 192; _Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England_, ii, p. 549.

[474] Orcutt, _The History of the old Town of Derby, Connecticut_, p. lvii.

[475] _Connecticut Colonial Records_, ii, p. 308.

[476] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, viii, p. 165.

[477] _Ibid._, viii, p. 165.

[478] Hening, _The Statutes at Large_, etc., ii, pp. 346, 404.

[479] Foote, _Sketches of Virginia, Historical and Biographical_, first edition, p. 18.

[480] Hening, _op. cit._, ii, pp. 404, 440; _Virginia Magazine of History_, ii, p. 173. This law is almost a literal transcript of Bacon’s law.

[481] Ballagh, _A History of Slavery in Virginia_, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, extra volume xxiv, pp. 35, 50; Hening, _op. cit._, ii, pp. 346, 404.

[482] Hening, _op. cit._, iv, p. 10.

[483] _Ibid._, i, p. 259.

[484] _Ibid._, i, p. 459.

[485] Indians held in captivity before 1670 were not slaves but servants. See Chapter ix.

[486] Before that time, the Indians had given little or no trouble, and the colony had never passed a militia act.

[487] Every seventh man was to be pressed into service. William Fuller was appointed to command.

[488] Allen, _A Calendar of Maryland State Papers_, i, p. 54. This appears to have been the only attempt made by Maryland to enslave Indian war captives.

[489] _North Carolina Colonial Records_, i, p. 900; ii, p. iv.

[490] _Ibid._, ii, p. 305.

[491] _Ibid._, ii, pp. iv, 52; Williamson, _History of North Carolina_, i, p. 289.

[492] _North Carolina Colonial Records_, ii, p. 45.

[493] Rivers, _op. cit._, p. 132.

[494] Lands were also given as reward for valor, but they were not acceptable for the people had no laborers to work them. Hewat, _op. cit._, i, p. 78.

[495] Hewat, _op. cit._, i, p. 74.

[496] Blackstone, _Commentaries on the Laws of England_, Lewis edition, 1898, i, p. 108.

[497] _The Statutes at Large of South Carolina_, ii, pp. 189, 212.

[498] _Ibid._, ii, p. 212.

[499] In 1703, Sir Nathaniel Johnson succeeded Moore as governor.

[500] In a letter to the governor of South Carolina, May 1, 1704, Moore states that he has taken all the people of three towns, and the greatest part of four more, and that he has with him thirteen hundred free Apalachee Indians and one hundred slaves. Carroll, _op. cit._, ii, pp. 574–576.

[501] _The Statutes at Large of South Carolina_, ii, pp. 322, 325.

[502] _Ibid._, ii, p. 637.

[503] Martin, _The Public Acts of the General Assembly of North Carolina_, etc., edition of 1804, p. 135. If such an Indian should be killed, the captor was to secure £10 from the public treasury. This amount was probably less than the regular price of such slaves, for if the amount were equal to the full value, the captor would have been tempted to kill the captive, and thus avoid the trouble of keeping him. Bassett, _Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina_, p. 73, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, xiv.

[504] _North Carolina Colonial Records_, xiii, pp. 204–205, contains a letter of President Lowndes of South Carolina to Governor Caswell of North Carolina, August 6, 1778, concerning the adjustment of this matter. As late as 1776 Cherokee prisoners of war were sold to the highest bidder in South Carolina, _Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, p. 223; Basset, _op. cit._, p. 73, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, xiv.

[505] Hoadly, _Records of the Colony or Jurisdiction of New Haven, from May, 1653, to the Union_, etc., p. 177.

[506] _Plymouth Colony Records_, ix, p. 4.

[507] _Ibid._, ix, p. 35.

[508] _Plymouth Colony Records_, v, p. 173.

[509] _Ibid._, v, p. 174.

[510] _Ibid._, v, p. 173; ix, p. 401.

[511] _Ibid._, xi, p. 242.

[512] Shurtleff, _op. cit._, v, p. 115.

[513] Baylies, _op. cit._, ii, pt. iii, p. 75.

[514] Hough, _op. cit._, pp. 188–189. It is to be noted that none of the Indians transported were allowed to return to the colonies. This same court, on rumors of Indians landing near the coast of Rhode Island, forbade the landing of any Indian on the shores of Rhode Island or Narragansett Bay. Hough, _op. cit._, p. 189.

[515] See Sylvester, _op. cit._, ii, p. 457, for expedients adopted by Massachusetts to obtain money to defend the frontiers. Yet the number killed and sold, along with those who escaped, practically destroyed the warring Indians. According to the Massachusetts Records of 1676–1677 a day was set apart for public thanksgiving, because, among other things of moment, “there now scarce remains a name or family of them (the Indians) but are either slain, captivated or fled.”

[516] Both Plymouth and Massachusetts, by encouraging, as a part of the war policy, the capture of Indians alive, through legalizing such capture or granting a specified reward for each captive, unintentionally increased the number of Indian captives that could be sold. In a declaration issued by the New England commissioners at the beginning of the war, it was declared “lawful for any person, whether English or Indian, that shall find any Indians traveling or skulking in any of the towns or roads (within specified limits), to command them under their guard and examination, or to kill them as they may or can.” To this direction was added: “The council hereby declaring, that it will be most acceptable to them that none be killed or wounded that are willing to surrender themselves into custody.” Halkett, _Historical Notes respecting the Indians of North America_, p. 135.

In the eastern campaign Massachusetts offered twenty shillings bounty for every Indian scalp, and forty shillings for every prisoner. The individual towns sometimes took similar action. For instance, the people of Monhegan publicly offered a bounty of £5 for every Indian that should be brought in. In 1694, Massachusetts decreed that volunteers were to have for every Indian, great or small, which they should kill or bring in prisoner, £50, as well as all plunder. Soldiers under pay were to receive, over and above pay, £10. In 1695, £25 was decreed as the reward for any Indian woman or young person under fourteen years of age. _Acts and Resolves_, i, pp. 176, 211, 292.

[517] _Historical Magazine_, x, p. 188.

[518] Douglas, _A Summary, Historical and Political_, etc., i, p. 557.

[519] _Acts and Resolves_, viii, p. 45.

[520] _Ibid._, i, 530.

[521] Church, _op. cit._, Dexter edition, i, p. 189. For the successful expedition of Church in which he captured 126 Indians, see Sylvester, _Indian Wars of New England_, ii, p. 326.

[522] This last phrase related to a decree of the Plymouth Council of War, in turn confirmed by the Court, July 23, 1676. Hough, _op. cit._, pp. 187–189. The bill of sale of one of the Indian women to Adam Right of Duxbury bears the signature of Church. Weeden, _Early Rhode Island, a Social History of the People_, p. 178.

[523] Gookin, _op. cit._, in _American Antiquarian Society Collections_, ii, 1836, p. 449. One of the arguments used by the warring Indians to persuade the Praying Indians to join with them, was that the English proposed to destroy all the Praying Indians, or sell them out of the country as slaves. _Ibid._, pp. 462, 476. The feeling against the Praying Indians was so strong that a council in Boston, August 30, 1675, disbanded them, and distributed them among five of their own villages. Gookin, _op. cit._, in _American Antiquarian Society Collections_, ii, 1836, p. 450. Most of the Indians were sent to Deer Island. Some of them were transported before harvests were gathered, and the government neglected to provide them with sufficient food, clothes and shelter. _Ibid._, ii, 1836, p. 433 _et seq._

[524] Belknap, _The History of New Hampshire_, i, p. 245.

[525] Sumner, _A History of East Boston_, etc., p. 197.

[526] Gookin, _op. cit._, in _American Antiquarian Society Collections_, 1836, ii, p. 449.

[527] Some of the Praying Indians fought on the English side. It was reported among the Indians that these Christian Indians never shot at their Indian opponents, but into the tops of trees, and that they sold to Phipp’s agents the ammunition provided them. _Massachusetts Historical Society Collections_, series 5, i, p. 106.

[528] It is estimated that there were probably between 30,000 and 40,000 white inhabitants in the United Colonies at the time of King Philip’s War, and that of these, 6,000 to 8,000 were able to bear arms. Mather, _A Brief History of the War with the Indians of New England_, p. xxix. No estimate of the number of Praying Indians at the time of the war seems available. Palfrey, _A Compendious History of New England from the Discovery by Europeans_, etc., ii, p. 124, states their number, when at the highest, as 4,000. In 1685, Mr. Hinckley, governor of Plymouth, estimated them at 1,439, not counting children under twelve years of age. Hutchinson, _The History of the Colony of Massachusetts_, i, p. 349.

[529] _Plymouth Colony Records_, v, pp. 173–174; xii, p. 242; Baylies, _op. cit._, ii, pt. iii, p. 188.

[530] Church, _op. cit._, Dexter edition, i, p. 182, mentions the sale of an old Indian named “Conscience” to a native of Swanzey. Perhaps an exception was made in the case of this Indian, because of age. Another exception appears to have been made by the Plymouth Court, September 1, 1676, when Sergeant Rogers was allowed to keep his Indian man at his own house, provided he should produce the said Indian on demand of the court. Hough, _op. cit._, p. 186. Still another exception was made by the Plymouth Court at the same session granting Church the right to “some five or six Indians,” who, if their behavior was satisfactory, might remain in the colony and not be sold to foreign parts unless any of them should be proved to have murdered any of the English. One Indian named “Crossman” was especially mentioned, as he had been accused of murdering Mr. Hezekiah Willet. _Plymouth Colony Records_, xi, p. 242; Baylies, _op. cit._, ii, pt. iii, p. 188.

[531] Pamphlet published in Cambridge in 1677, now in possession of the Boston Athenaeum. The full text is as follows:

“At a court held at Boston in New England, the 29th of March, 1677. The council being informed that certain strange Indians, who have been in Hostility against us, or have lived amongst such, are brought into this Jurisdiction, and bought by several persons, which causeth much trouble and fear to the Inhabitants where they reside, and may be of dangerous consequence, not only to the Towns where they live, but to the whole Jurisdiction, if not timely prevented:

“It is therefore Ordered that what person soever within this Jurisdiction shall hereafter buy or keep above ten days after the publication hereof, any such Indian, man or woman already bought, above the age of twelve years, without allowance from authority, shall besides the forfeit of such Indian or Indians, pay the fine of five pounds to the Treasurer of the Country, and the Constables of the several towns are ordered forthwith to publish this Order in their Precincts.

By the Council, Edward Rawson, Secr.”

[532] _Plymouth Colony Records_, v, p. 253.

[533] _Ibid._, ix, p. 71.

[534] Sylvester, _op. cit._, ii, p. 259; _Plymouth Colony Records_, v, p. 173. This action was opposed by Church, but without result.

[535] Sylvester, _op. cit._, ii, p. 259; _Plymouth Colony Records_, v, p. 174. Church, _op. cit._, Dexter edition, i, p. 46.

[536] Belknap, _The History of New Hampshire_, i, pp. 143, 245; _New Hampshire Provincial Papers_, i, p. 357; Williamson, _The History of the State of Maine_, i, p. 539; Sylvester, _op. cit._, ii, pp. 339–340; Shurtleff, _op. cit._, v, p. 115. Hubbard and Mather barely mention this affair. Hubbard, _op. cit._, pt. ii, p. 28; Mather, _Magnalia_, bk. 7, ch. 6. Williamson states that the propriety of the event was a “subject which divided the whole community; some applauded, some doubted, some censured, but the government approved.”

[537] Ellis and Morris, _King Philip’s War_, p. 287; Baylies, _op. cit._, ii, pt. iii, p. 190. In at least one instance, provision against their being sold as slaves was made by the Indians in the terms of their surrender. When the squaw-sachem, Awanthonks, deserted the cause of Philip and allied herself with the English, she obtained a promise from the Plymouth government “that the life of every man, woman and child shall be spared, and none shall ever be sold as slaves, or transported from their native soil.” Hough, _op. cit._, p. 20; Drake, _The Book of the Indians_, ninth edition, p. 252; Freeman, _Civilization and Barbarism_, p. 129.

[538] Shurtleff, _op. cit._, v, p. 136; _Plymouth Colony Records_, v, pp. 207, 223.

[539] _Connecticut Colonial Records_, ii, 1665–1677, pp. 297–298. Indians convicted of having murdered any of the English were to be put to death, as in Massachusetts and Plymouth.

[540] _Connecticut Colonial Records_, ii, 1665–1677, pp. 481–482. At this meeting the council granted liberty to ten Indians who had been captured in a swamp where they had hidden.

[541] _Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England_, i, p. 243; Richman, _Rhode Island, its Making and its Meaning_, ii, p. 192.

[542] _Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations_, ii, p. 534.

[543] “Because it is said they were left as hostages to the English force of the United Colonies.” Hough, _op. cit._, p. 186.

[544] Action was taken in accordance with the powers granted in the charter “to exercise the law martial in such cases as occasions shall necessarily require, and upon just cause, to invade and destroy the native Indians and other enemies of the said colony.” Hough, _op. cit._, p. 173 _et seq._

[545] _Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations_, ii, pp. 549–551.

[546] _Early Records of the Town of Portsmouth_, p. 188. Rhode Island was accustomed to sell both whites and Indians into temporary servitude as punishment for crime. The Indians here mentioned were probably examples of such cases. See _Rhode Island Tracts_, No. 18, p. 131. The towns appears to have reversed its policy later. See Weeden, _Early Rhode Island_, etc., p. 178.

It was politic for the colonial governments to oppose the enslavement of Indians who were friendly to the English or in alliance with them. Two such instances are recorded in connection with North Carolina. In 1713, at the request of the governor of New York, the Seneca Indians sent an Indian to the Tuscarora to caution them against going to war with the English. The South Carolina Indians captured this Indian and held him as a slave. The council decided to buy him and send him back to his own nation. _North Carolina Colonial Records_, ii, pp. 1–2. In the same year the council ordered that a colonist who had sold a friendly Indian as a slave should be held for trial. _Ibid._, ii, p. 55.

During the intercolonial wars the French Indians were accustomed to take both their white and red captives to Canada, where the latter became slaves. As a part of their protective, diplomatic and military policy, the English sought to regain the freedom of these Indians, and thus retain the friendship of the Six Nations. In 1688, Governor Dongan demanded of the French agents that certain New York Indians who had been sent from Canada to France, be returned to the English consul at Paris or to the authorities in London, so that they might be brought home and be given their freedom. _New York Colonial Documents_, iii, p. 526. The French authorities agreed, and the Indians were brought back. _Ibid._, iii, pp. 621, 732, 733. In 1748, Governor Shirley sought to obtain the freedom of a Rhode Island Indian who had been sold as a slave in Canada, and on another occasion sent fourteen French prisoners to South Carolina to redeem certain members of the Six Nations who were held there. _Ibid._, vi, p. 448. Throughout the French and Indian struggle the governors of New York insisted that the members of the Six Nations, when captured in war, should be treated exactly as other English subjects, or, in other words, that they should not be enslaved.

[547] _Hakluyt Society Publications_, vii, p. 23; Beazley, _John and Sebastian Cabot_, p. 118.

[548] Beazley, _op. cit._, p. 118.