Chapter M: L. Stearns Governor Commissioner Hot Springs (2)

"If anything like a concerted appeal to the country had been sustained by its leading Democratic press, the renomination and reelection of the old ticket would have resulted by an overwhelming vote. Nor is it too late now to amend the omission, notwithstanding the supervening complication of the late New York elections. Putting the latter upon a salient issue of _principle_ and _faith_: whether, indeed, the organization and voice of the Democratic party in that State shall prevail, or whether a predatory faction of bolters shall be allowed to dominate both. Such an appeal ought and, I think, would meet with an approving response from true and tried Democrats.

"The bolters failing to retrace their steps, what else is left but for a strong and emphatic demonstration to be made declaratory of the above issues. Pardon my boldness. I deem it advisable, nay, necessary, for you to lead the way in a speech or paper couched in such form and terms as you may consider appropriate, and as will be effective to ring throughout the land. A leader who is demonstrative will always find followers.

"Very respectfully,
"Your obt. sert.,
"JOHN A. MCCLERNAND."

JOHN BIGELOW TO G. PITMAN SMITH

"58 E. 34TH ST., NEW YORK, _March 10, 1880_.

"HON. G. PITMAN SMITH.

"DEAR SIR,--Mr. Tilden has shown me your favor to him of the 25th ult., and desires me to thank you for its friendly counsel. In complying with his wishes, I will take the liberty of adding a few words on my own account for which I trust my cordial sympathy with the manifest objects of your communication will be a sufficient apology.

"There is no one in this country, I suppose, who can suffer more from a popular misunderstanding of his motives than Mr. Tilden, but circumstances constrain him, no less now than heretofore, to leave the vindication of his conduct as the leader of his party in the last Presidential contest to its good sense and its love of justice. There has been no time when he could participate in any public discussion of the methods finally adopted for counting the electoral vote, without appearing to criticise the conduct of statesmen standing high in the confidence of the Democratic party and whose patriotism is above suspicion. That alone would be a sufficient reason with him for maintaining silence, and for declining to make of what might seem to some a personal grievance a provocation of unprofitable party dissension.

"But in my judgment he had another and a better reason. He knew that whenever, if ever, it should become necessary for the people of the United States to pass judgment upon his conduct during and subsequent to the canvass of 1876 they could not fail to acquit him of any responsibility for its final result.

"The logic of nations is far more rigorous than that of the individuals composing it, and it would be doing the understanding of the American people great injustice to suppose they cannot see that there was no time when Mr. Tilden could have taken any step towards seizing the Presidency with any color of right or with any prospect of success. There were just two contingencies, and only two, in which it would have been lawful and obligatory on Mr. Tilden to take the oath as President of the United States.

"The first one would have been presented if Congress had performed its constitutional duty: had counted the electoral votes, and declared Mr. Tilden the chosen of the electoral colleges. The duty of verifying the electoral votes is given by the Constitution to the two Houses of Congress and to them only; it has always been exercised by them at the choice of every previous President from the foundation of the government. It was known to all who came in contact with Mr. Tilden--for he was unreserved in the expression of his opinion upon that subject--that in his view this power and duty of Congress was lodged nowhere else.

"The two Houses of Congress, however, did not see fit to exercise that power nor to discharge that duty, and as a consequence this contingency in which it would have been proper for Mr. Tilden to take the official oath never presented itself. Before the time fixed by law for counting the electoral votes, Congress passed the electoral bill by which they practically abdicated in favor of a tribunal unknown to and, in my judgment, unknowable by the Constitution, and enacted that the electoral commission should in the first instance make the count, and that its count should stand unless overruled by the concurrent action of the two Houses. This electoral tribunal counted Mr. Tilden out, and counted in a man who was not elected. Congress did not overrule their count, in consequence of which the false count stood as law under the act of Congress.

"The only other contingency in which it would have been obligatory, or even lawful, for Mr. Tilden to have taken the oath of office was in case of a failure in the choice of President by the electoral colleges, the House of Representatives had itself proceeded to make the election, voting by States in the manner prescribed by the Constitution and pursued in the election of John Q. Adams.

"This contingency, like the first, never presented itself, and, both failing, any attempt on the part of Mr. Tilden to seize the Presidency by violence would have been not statesmanship, but simply brigandage.

"Courage is too common a virtue among Americans for any one to make a boast of it, and the lack of courage too rare to explain the conduct of any body of representative men. At the same time, there is no doubt that if there was any place where a special display of heroism could have prevented the defeat of the popular choice and installed the elect of the people in the Presidential chair, that place was the floor of Congress. I suppose I say nothing which any Democratic member of that Congress will be disposed to dispute when I state that it was the fear that the Senate would lead a resistance to the rightful judgment of the House, and that President Grant would sustain this revolutionary policy with the army and navy, and with the militia of the great States in which the Republicans had possession of the State governments, that deterred the House of Representatives from the assertion of its rights, and induced its vote for and acquiescence in the electoral commission.

"But without speculating upon the causes or motives for such vote and acquiescence the facts are beyond dispute. The House of Representatives did not elect Mr. Tilden in the manner prescribed by the Constitution or in any other. On the other hand, it did concur with the Senate in anticipating and preventing the contingency in which it might have had to act, and in providing beforehand an expedient which incapacitated it for supplying a failure of an election by the colleges. It adopted the electoral law, and went through all the forms of the electoral scheme. True, it afterwards rebuked itself by passing a declaratory resolution condemning the electoral commission, and asserting that Mr. Tilden had been the choice of the people. But the Constitution had not provided that a man should or could take office as President on a declaratory resolution of the House of Representatives. If that resolution could have had full effect to abrogate the electoral law which the House had assisted to enact, it would still have furnished Mr. Tilden with no warrant of authority for taking the oath of office. Had Mr. Tilden been declared President-elect by either of the constitutional methods, no one who knows him can doubt that he would have taken the oath and the office or sealed the people's choice with his blood, as he was in duty bound to do.

"I do not weary you with the recapitulation of these facts, because I suppose any of them new to you. On the contrary, they are all now matters of history. It is because they are of public notoriety, and because they point so directly to the one and inevitable conclusion that Mr. Tilden's responsibility in the late canvass terminated at the ballot-box, that I recall them here to justify in your eyes his silence upon the subject referred to in your letter, and his perfect faith in the good sense and justice of his countrymen.

"I need hardly say that in what I have here written in explanation of Mr. Tilden's attitude before the country I have written as his friend, not for him.

"Very truly yours,
"JOHN BIGELOW."

TILDEN TO JOHN A. McCLERNAND

"_Confidential._

"GRAMERCY PARK, NEW YORK, _March 16, 1880_.

"MY DEAR GENERAL,--I thoroughly appreciate the motives which prompted your note of the 27th of January, and it is not from any want of consideration for your suggestions that I have not sooner acknowledged it. I thank you cordially for your friendly counsels. I agree with you entirely as to the danger to the elective system of government liable to result from the subversion of the popular will as manifested in the election of 1876.

"I also concur with you in the opinion that the dissension which exerted a temporary power in this State in 1879 cannot be continued or repeated with success in 1880.

"I regret the narrow limits to which a letter confines the interchange of sentiments between us, but I need hardly assure you that I shall always be happy to hear from you, and that your counsel, whenever you are disposed to favor me with it, will not be wasted upon me.

"With high esteem, I remain,
"Very truly yours,
"(Signed) S. J. TILDEN.

"_Hon. John A. McClernand, Springfield, Illinois._"

THEODORE P. COOK TO S. J. TILDEN

"UTICA, _April 6th, 1880_.

"MY DEAR MR. TILDEN,--The Seymour movement is assuming a shape which must draw from him, in a few days, a more positive declination than he has yet made--unless he is really looking for a nomination, and I am positive that he is not. I think he talks with me more, and more plainly, than he does with anybody else. The misunderstanding of his position (which perhaps you share) grows partly out of the talk of his family and friends, and partly out of the impression that he leaves on the minds of those with whom he talks, that he is not particularly friendly to you. He is fully and firmly resolved to go out of public life and remain out. But he would like to take his contemporaries out with him. That is all there is to his opposition. I have made a careful study of this matter, and I am very confident that I am not mistaken in my conclusions. A few days, however, will show. Our district convention will probably adopt a resolution urging Governor Seymour for President. A letter from him, defining his position, will then be in order. The _Observer_ is floating in the local current, hopeful of directing it when the time comes. Mr. Spriggs will probably go to the State convention. He is with us, as you know. Mr. Grannis, of the State committee, and Mr. Birt, of Bridgewater, are talked of for the other two places. Of these three, Spriggs will be the controlling spirit.

"Faithfully yours,
"THEO. P. COOK."

BENJAMIN H. HILL TO TILDEN

"_Private._

"UNITED STATES SENATE CHAMBER,
"WASHINGTON, _April 12th, 1880_.

"HON. S. J. TILDEN, NEW YORK.

"SIR,--I have not the pleasure of knowing you personally. I have never sought to make myself consequential in your estimation, nor have I annoyed you with visits or opinions. I am no politician, nor given to tricks nor to pretentiousness. Without asking your pardon for doing so, I take the responsibility of writing this letter.

"The crime in the Presidential count of 1877 was not against you, nor was it against the Democratic party. It was a crime against the American people and against popular government. If the American people are worthy of popular government they will visit their wrath upon the authors and abettors of that crime. The most effective way to do so is by your re-election. You have no right to deny them the opportunity of doing so. You have no right to deny to the Democratic party the privilege of presenting your name to the people, nor have you the right to relieve the party from the shame of refusing to present your name to the people.

"For three years the Republicans have been laboring to destroy your good name in order to avoid the issue the presentation of your name will make. Certain Democrats aided them in committing the great fraud, and they have been aiding them to destroy you for the same reason. They say they have succeeded. They seek to impress the public that you are not available. I do not believe the American people are idiots or knaves, nor are they ready to consummate their own degradation at the bidding of this coalition of Republican and Democratic politicians.

"I was a new man here in 1877 and was myself entrapped. If I had known certain men then as I know them now, I am almost vain enough to believe the electoral bill would not disgrace our history. Be that as it may, I feel anxious to atone for the wrong I helped to consummate by that bill.

"Some very recent events have added to my information, and strengthened my convictions in regard to motives, persons, and things potential in the wrongs of 1876-7.

"I have spoken frankly because I feel deeply, and expect your favor only because I have spoken briefly.

"With highest regards, I am, yours very truly,

"BENJ. H. HILL, of Georgia."

R. T. MERRICK TO TILDEN

"_Private and personal._

"WASHINGTON CITY, _June 11th, 1880_.

"MY DEAR MR. TILDEN,--It may be desirable that you should know something of what transpired at the Maryland convention, in order to determine correctly the character and sentiments of those by whom its proceedings were directed.

"Maryland is, as you are aware, the theatre for the operations of a ring not unlike that which you hate in New York.

"This ring is under the control of Gorman, Colton, and two or three others, with Governor Carroll as a subordinate but confidential copartner.

"Carroll is violent in his hostility to you, and equally violent and unreasoning in his devotion to Bayard.

"These gentlemen, though at one time committed to you, came over to this city last winter and 'pledged' the State to Bayard.

"Bayard himself, I have occasion to know, designated some of the delegates and advised the defeat of others. Five days before the convention assembled he visited the residence of Governor Carroll, where about a hundred and fifty men of that particular Congressional district were invited to meet him.

"Carroll resides in the same county in which I reside--viz., Howard.

"I was a candidate in that district for the position of delegate against a ring ticket. I carried the district and secured, of my friends in the convention and others not known to me, but _instructed_ to vote for me by the conventions that appointed them, more than enough to elect me.

"But Carroll and his associates induced a sufficient number of those who had been instructed openly to violate their obligation of good faith and personal honor to defeat me. I confidently believe that of the _people_ of the district I had two to one in my favor as against the _Bayard ring ticket_.

"Bayard and his friends seem to cherish a personal bitterness to you and those interested in having justice done to you, which is as blind as it is stupid.

"There are some few good men in the delegation, but it is completely under Gorman's control, who will do everything he can to secure Bayard's nomination, but directs his efforts _principally_ to _appear_ on the successful side. I beg leave to suggest that you intimate to such of your friends at Cincinnati as may have your confidence, and be in possession of your views and wishes, to be on their guard in any consultation or interview they may have with this gentleman or the members of this delegation.

"I presume Mr. Blair has written--he carried his county, though not his district, and for reasons similar to those indicated above is not a member of the delegation.

"With most profound respect,

"Sincerely your friend,
"R. T. MERRICK."

* * * * *

As introductory to the following letter, I quote the following from my diary under date of May 12, 1880:

"Mr. Tilden has finally determined, I believe, to be a candidate
for the Presidency before the Cincinnati convention.

"I have no responsibility for advising him to expose himself to
such an ordeal in his present state of health, though I rather
congratulate myself that he has taken that responsibility for
himself. He has been so abominably calumniated that nothing but
a renomination and re-election can fully vindicate him and his
friends. Should the exposure cost him his life, could it be
spent in a better cause for him? As long as he can make himself
heard, he is capable of making a better President than any man
besides him that either party is likely to nominate.

"While the Terre Haute and Alton suit was pending against him,
I think he was fully determined to withhold his name from the
convention. He complained to me, as we were riding one day,
of his want of the requisite strength to prepare his defence,
though sure of winning if the case were promptly presented. He
then added, 'If I have not strength enough to prepare a case for
trial I am not fit to be President.' In saying this he turned to
me as if it were in answer or as a remonstrance against pressure
to run. I said to him: 'Governor, I am the last one to ask you
or to urge you to run. No one has a right to ask you to accept
a burden like that at the risk of your life, and there is no
disguising the fact that there is nothing from which you have so
much to apprehend as from excitement of any kind, and especially
of the kind and degree to which a canvass for the Presidency,
and the first six months' service in that position, would
inevitably expose you.' It was on that ground that I advised him
to settle the Terre Haute and Alton suit without reference to
the cost in money. It was fretting the life out of him.

"Then just before the State convention for the election of
delegates to Cincinnati the income tax suit was noticed for
trial. This completely unsettled him for several weeks, so
completely that I was again confirmed in the conviction that any
increase, or even continuance, of excitement like that under
which he was laboring would soon destroy him."

Mr. Tilden's brother Henry took with him to Cincinnati Mr. Tilden's letter to the Democratic national convention in 1880 declining a renomination to the Presidency, and this letter pictures the confusion into which the convention was thrown by it.

SMITH M. WEED TO S. J. TILDEN

"FRIDAY, _June 25, '80_.

"MY DEAR GOVERNOR,--I have not had a moment's time to write until now, and I have very little to write except what you have already read in the papers.

"It was very apparent to any one that it was not possible to have nominated you even if you would have taken it, as I know you would not. The element that sold you out in Washington in 1877, with those who were _honestly_ fearful you could not win, were enough to defeat you under any circumstances, and yet the fear that we meant to try to do it prevented our being able to.

"This feeling was kept alive by earnest but injudicious friends of yours from New York and elsewhere, and this and the action of our own delegation absolutely destroyed our influence in the convention. The Brooklyn people did not want you, and Jacobs, Pratt, and others told people they would not go for you or be transferred by you. Had they been absolutely with us, and had Manning spoken your wishes, we could have nominated Mr. Payne. M. seemed to fear the Brooklyn people, and I don't wonder, for I never saw any set of men act so very ugly as they and the Fox-Shay New York gang.

"Randall also acted bad, and talked bad, and yet, under your advice, or what I took to be your advice, I acted with the Brooklyn and Fox gang and named him as our second choice. I did not like to do so, for I feared Hancock's nomination, but did not fear it so early.

"Had your letter been there Saturday morning, and had _we_ all acted together--_i. e._, your friends--we could have nominated Payne. I don't think we could have nominated Randall.

"The South and Southwest and New Jersey were represented by a bad lot, and the convention was nothing to compare with the convention of 1876. So far as I was concerned, I was good for nothing, for it took about all my time to keep our delegation from kicking over the traces in some way.

"I cannot write in detail, but will talk it all over with you if you want to know anything more of the disgusting subject. I do not think it an easy victory for any one, and am confident that the ticket is a fairer representation of _that_ convention _than you would have been_. The fact is that in the talk and action the old dictation of the South was prevalent without the old intellect.

"I cannot express my contempt for New York's and Brooklyn's acts.

"Barnum will tell you of the talks with Hancock people. I hope he (H.) will make it apparent that he is to be your friend, and if so that you will help him through. I am about dead, as I have not slept over two hours a night since I came.

Yours very truly,
"SMITH M. WEED."

CASSIUS M. CLAY TO TILDEN

"_June 26, 1880._

"MY DEAR SIR,--Though personally unknown to you, my devotion to your interests, I think, warrants me in giving you my sincere sympathy in your unjust defeat.

"I sent you, soon after your count out, the original resolutions carried by me in county convention of Madison, which was made the basis of the Louisville convention, and which caused me to be made its president, without my solicitation, being myself for a constitutional count without compromise. I was a candidate for delegate for the State at large, and was only beaten by your opponents and the Greenback element, after I vindicated you in a speech which united all the opposition against me. But as alternate of our mutual friend, General William Preston, as directed by the convention, I stood for you--till your letter of declension, which left me free to defeat those who defeated you and me. The position of Payne overshadowed by Thurman, with him, Jewett, and Foster candidates, I foresaw that Payne could not lead; and Randall had the opposition of all your opponents, handicapped with the high tariff record, which is more and more hateful to all Democrats. Under these circumstances, I deemed Hancock the man of destiny. I brought over seven of our delegation, and through my friend, General W. C. C. Breckinridge, who was not a Hancock man, pressed a vote on Wednesday, against all attempts of the opponents of Hancock, and placed him in the lead, thus insuring his selection on the second ballot Thursday, as we anticipated. I had a great respect for Bayard, but told General Wade Hampton and his other friends that his war records and his action in the eight to seven commn. were fatal objections; and now we have a man who is bound to win, as it seems to me, as you could have done but for your want of health, as set forth in your letter. I spoke several times in your behalf before our commn. at Lexington, and I honestly believe you were the choice of seven-eighths of the people of Kentucky. But the Congressmen defeated you--almost all of whom were against you--first, because of your Southern-claims letter, and that other principle of our weak human nature, never to forgive those whom we have injured.

"General Preston grows old, has lost an eye, and is very deaf: which sets him back in oratory--but he made with me the only two speeches in your behalf in our Jefferson convention. He was the first to leave Bayard for H--and is a true gentleman and patriot. His speech in your behalf was very able.

"I close by assuring you that your letter is one of the ablest State papers of our annals; and brough[t] with all intelligent and patriotic men conviction of your wrongs, your ability, and your patriotism.

"Please accept assurances of my sincere respect.

"C. M. CLAY.
"_Hon. S. J. Tilden, New York, &c._"

LETTER FROM H. A. TILDEN (NED) TO S. J. TILDEN

"GRAND HOTEL, CINCINNATI, MONDAY, 9 O'C. A. M., _1880_.

"I reached here at twelve; found Weed and Green at station. Every one expected a letter, and a rush was made to know all about it. I gave it to Mr. Manning as soon as I could, and he read it over and had a copy--the original he has and will keep--and deliver up to you on his return. He wanted to do this. I yielded.

"On my way I had a room at one end of the car, and was not disturbed, and saw no one till the last hour but Judge Parkerson, and we only talked about last fall. He wanted some explanation, which I gave, and relieved some wrong impressions. I found that Tim Campbell admits that Robinson was cheated out of over 20,000 votes. Pasters were rubbed off, and the ballot counted for Cornell. The cheat is estimated at enough to have elected Robinson. The delegation had adjourned till Monday 10 A.M. I advised holding the letter till then, and not make it public till read in convention. This was intended, but the pressure was so great that Weed, Manning, Barnum, and all hands wanted it as early as possible, that it would be of benefit on the Payne effort, &c., and they called a meeting of the delegation, read it, and gave it to the press. I stayed up till three this morning to see that the proof was all right. The sentiment it has created is good, the antagonism all gone out, and regret takes its place. Now they have no one to grumble about and fight. There are three classes: those who are against us accept it as final; the moderate men, who have doubted if we could carry the State, want it reserved and not acted upon as final; then there are our friends, who say it shall not be regarded, and must come before the convention for final action.

"As the day wears on the sentiment in favor of the old ticket will increase, and we cannot tell where it will end. I don't believe any man can be picked up and get through the convention. I think perhaps Whitney, Weed, and Faulkner rushed Payne too sharp--did not do it in a suggestive form--and they have got up a feeling with the Brooklyn delegation. The Brooklyn people have started Pratt lively, and, clashing with Payne men, got up considerable feeling, and I hear Hughes has been deputed to charge you with not having explained to him, as fully as you should, the Payne relations. I have had no chance to talk with Hughes, but shall quiet this sentiment. I can remove it.

* * * * *

"MONDAY, _5.30 P.M._

"I have just left Manning. We construe your despatch about P. to Randall as positive instructions to force a fight on Payne, and M. is unwilling to modulate it, because he greatly fears disaster.

"I have had a talk with Henderson and Babcock, and they say the Standard Oil monopoly is so very unpopular that they can't see their way clear to go P., and are anxious to do all they can, and go with Manning, and fear the effect in these elections. The Oil Company has ruined so many men in this locality that it is impossible to get up a sentiment for any one directly or indirectly in it; the same feeling exists in Pittsburg, and those delegates will not go for Payne. There is no Payne sentiment from any States but New York and Ohio that I can hear of. I have sent you the enclosed despatch, somewhat reduced, which Manning dictated.

"I send you a list of delegates as they stand at this hour. The discussions are lively. Tilden men are cheered and have all the sentiment.

"Faulkner is sour; thinks he is not fully consulted. Manning is managing him best he can. There is little to consult about. There is so much jealousy, and so many statesmen, I am glad you are out. _Hewitt is in._ Green thinks lightning may strike him. So we go. Have not heard from Randall. Barnum was to see him, but has been so engaged did not yet. One of the Illinois delegation says he cried when he read the letter.

NED.

* * * * *

"The Pratt movement dates back a long way. Fowler intent on securing delegates to represent certain interests, and explains now how McL. declined to go as delegate at large, and Jacobs came in and got from Manning a word that any one satisfactory to McL. would be satisfactory, and then put forward Pratt. Weed says that the Pratt movement is made up of the mining speculating class, who have made money, and brag they have more to put up for him than Tilden would put in.

"Will close for mail. Will send full memorandum by mail and telegraph important points.

NED.

* * * * *

"Strong objection to P., because of Oil Company in our delegation; also because Brooklyn is aggressive for Pratt. Thurman holds Ohio firmly; how long, uncertain. Steadman has gone over to Jewett. Manning thinks it will never do to push P. upon Ohio; she must act first. Several States voluntarily agree to follow our lead.

"Shall we make fight now for anybody, or wait for developments? Answer, yes or no."

* * * * *

General Winfield S. Hancock was nominated for the Presidency by the Democratic convention at Cincinnati on the 23d day of June, 1880. A short time after, Mr. Tilden received the following note from General Hancock at the hands of General W. G. Mitchee, to which Mr. Tilden suggested the addition which follows it.

GENERAL W. S. HANCOCK TO TILDEN

"GOVERNOR'S ISLAND, N. Y., _July 27th, 1880_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I introduce my friend, General W. G. Mitchee, who will hand you a copy of the lines of acceptance which I have resolved to issue.

"Will you have the kindness to read it and give me any suggestions in regard to it which may occur to you? I intend to issue the letter before the 1st of August.

"I also send for your perusal a copy of a letter which I addressed to General Sherman under date of December 25th, 1876, which will no doubt be published a week or so after my letter of acceptance.

"With best wishes for yourself, and pleasant remembrances of your hospitality which I so much enjoyed last week,

"I am, very truly yours,
"WINF'D S. HANCOCK."

[Enclosed card.]

"General W. G. Mitchee, who would like to see Mr. Tilden for a few minutes to deliver a package to him.

"W. S. H., Governor's Island.

"If Mr. Tilden is in the country General M. will go there."

DRAFT OF ADDITION FOR LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE OF GENERAL HANCOCK

"_July, 1880._

"It is time we should enjoy the benefits of that reconciliation and restoration of fraternal feelings which has cost so much blood and treasure. As one people, having a common interest, the welfare and prosperity of all would be advanced, a generous rivalry would be stimulated for the growth of our merchant marine which has been destroyed by the policy of the party in power. The extension of our foreign and domestic commerce with nations naturally tributary to us, and the further development of our immense natural resources would result. A wise and economical management of our governmental expenditures should be maintained in order that labor may be lightly burdened, and that every individual may be protected in his natural right to the immediate fruits of his own industry."

TILDEN TO MRS. W. C. BRYANT

"NEW YORK, _Sept. 17th, 1880_.

"MY DEAR MRS. BRYANT,--After I left the city two weeks ago, thinking not so much where I would go as where I would not remain, I found in my pocket a note which I supposed had been left to be sent to you. It was designed to aid an article which has doubtless appeared in your household in explaining its own advent--a friendly office, which, although too long delayed, must still be fulfilled.

"I could not resist the impulse to supply what you had, one day when I last had the pleasure of visiting you, casually mentioned as your _only want_. It may never again happen to me--if I lose that opportunity--to be able to fill the measure of a housekeeper's contentment; and I am anxious, if you will permit me, to procure for myself the gratification of witnessing such a novelty, as well as the sense of having contributed to produce it. Perhaps I ought to acknowledge a still more selfish motive. If the example of so much moderation shall have the influence to which it is entitled, I shall, doubtless, at some period not yet distinctly foreseen, share its benefits; and, notwithstanding all I can now do to signalize my appreciation of it, be reminded that I am forever your debtor. In the mean time, I remain, very truly,

"Your friend,
"S. J. TILDEN."

MRS. WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT TO TILDEN

"_Monday Evening._

"MY DEAR TILDEN,--If I said, 'A bamboo settee is my only want,' I had forgotten it long before your present arrived, which certainly fills most commodiously a vacant space in my hall or on my piazza, as the weather may be; and for which I make you my very best acknowledgments. I do not think I was a 'discontented housekeeper' before I had it, but I admit I have much more reason to be contented now.

"I wish I could as easily send you in return the thing you most want for your future household, or even tell you where to obtain it. But permit me to say that I have observed that people become more fastidious and less enterprising the longer they postpone the acquisition of what, we are told by high authorities, was the only thing wanted to make the first man happy in paradise.

"Your lilies, I am happy to say, are all alive and doing nicely. The first leisure you have come and look after them.

"Yours most truly,
"F. F. BRYANT.

"ROSLYN, _Monday Evening_."

TILDEN TO YOUNG MEN'S DEMOCRATIC CLUB

"GREYSTONE, _October 26, 1880_.

"GENTLEMEN,--I have received your invitation to be present and address a meeting of the Young Men's Democratic Club of the city of New York at Chickering Hall this evening.

"My voice is not yet sufficiently restored to make it prudent for me to address a large meeting. My cordial sympathy with your efforts to elect General Hancock has already been conspicuously expressed.

"As the canvass advances every day renders more manifest the duty to promote that result incumbent upon all who believe in the traditions of free, constitutional, representative self-government as illustrated in the better days of the Republic.

"One Presidential election, as made by the people, has been subverted by a false count of the votes cast by the Presidential electors founded on a substitution of votes known to be fraudulent or forged.

"If the next Presidential election should be controlled by corrupt influence exercised by the government upon the voters in particular States, opening a vista of third terms, and an indefinite series of terms, and the undisputed mastery of the office-holding class in the successive elections, our government will be degenerated into a bad copy of the worst governments of the worst ages."

ALEXANDER T. McGILL TO TILDEN

"THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY,
"PRINCETON, N. J., _Nov. 27, '80_.

"HON. SAML. J. TILDEN.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I cannot refrain from writing to you, as I often desired to do in times past, to testify my respect and admiration alike, when you were covered with merited honors and persecuted with unmerited obloquy. I am an old man, senior professor in this institution since the death of Dr. Charles Hodge. Mr. J. F. D. Lanier first made me acquainted with your character, and my wife met you once at his residence near Lenox, where she was on a visit to her particular friend, Mrs. Lanier. I am a native of western Pennsylvania, and was professor in the Theological Seminary of Allegheny until 1854, when the Presbyterian General Assembly transferred me to this seminary as successor to Dr. Archibald Alexander.

"I am indebted to you for the surpassing ability and probity with which, in connection with Lanier, you saved my savings, which I had invested in the Pennsylvania and Ohio, now 'The Wayne' Railroad. It was therefore my duty, when you were abused by various lying papers on every occasion, to tell my own personal knowledge of the rare integrity with which you secured to a multitude of poor men what we thought was lost in the bankruptcy of that great road. My son, a lawyer in Jersey City, 'Prosecutor of the Pleas' for Hudson County, was vastly more efficient, of course, in using the information I gave him. I have now three sons in Jersey City, professional men, who would rejoice exceedingly to have the opportunity of yet voting for you if you ever consent again to a nomination for the Presidency.

"We all rejoice in the downfall of that wicked and treacherous conspirator, John Kelly. His vindicative antipathy to you now meets a recompense in the just indignation of Providence. It is the signal overthrow of this bad man which prompts me to write these lines at this time, to congratulate you that your faithful and distinguished life is illustrated by that detestable enemy in the foil of his nature coming to the notice of all men sooner than we expected.

"Pardon me for tasking you to read so long a letter. I think it is due to you from me to inform you a little more how deeply you are esteemed and loved for your integrity, pureness, patriotism, and moral courage. Not one in a thousand of our best public men would have relinquished the Presidency when it was fairly in his grasp, and that, too, for the sake of peace. History will do you justice. A memorial unique and grand, better far than the actual Presidency, showing to all generations the moral sublimity of an American citizen, will be yours. May your precious life and health be long preserved.

"With great respect and true friendship,

"Yours,
"ALEXR. T. MCGILL."

TILDEN TO MONTGOMERY BLAIR

"GREYSTONE, _Nov. 29, 1880_.

"DEAR MR. BLAIR,--If I seem slow in replying to your letter of the 10th inst., you must ascribe it to the difficulties presented by its chirography which have not been surmounted until this morning. As your productions always repay a real perusal, a third and successful attempt to read that letter was persisted in.

"In this connection I must tell you a story. Mr. Cambreling wrote Mr. Van Buren a long and argumentative letter in favor of the annexation of Texas while the latter was preparing his letter upon that subject. It was written in an ink which stuck the pages together, and Van Buren was foiled or gave up in the attempt to decipher it. I have a vague impression that he afterwards thought that letter might have modified his own view. Possibly it might have changed the course of events.

"Mr. Smith has brought up some photographs of three sorts. I send herewith three of each kind.

"If a man can afford the slightest pleasure to friends who have been so partial, so kind, and so faithful by a photograph, it is a real delight to comply with their wishes.

"I have not yet gone down to the city for the winter, and probably shall not until next week.

"My health is gradually improving, and I intend to persevere in living a purely physical life, alternating between out-of-door exercise and rest until the experiment shall have been fairly and fully tried.

"With best regards to Mrs. Blair, and to the other members of your family,

"I remain, very truly yours,
"(S'g'd) S. J. TILDEN.

"I return Mr. Fox's letter."

JOHN C. THOMPSON TO TILDEN

"BOSTON, MASS., _Dec. 25, '80_.

"DEAR SIR,--The night before Mr. James F. Starbuck, of Watertown, New York, deceased, he completed an article intended for the Albany _Argus_ entitled 'Political Cowardice,' a copy of which (the original being retained by his family) I am requested by his daughter, Miss May Starbuck, to place in your hands, with the request that if upon perusal you recognize the power and logic of the intellect that penned the article, you will please forward the same to the Albany _Argus_ for publication.

"I am the son-in-law of Mr. Starbuck. Will you do me the honor to acknowledge receipt of this and oblige, with great respect,

"Your obt. servant,
"JOHN C. THOMPSON."

JAMES F. STARBUCK TO TILDEN

("POLITICAL COWARDICE")

"The following facts are instructive:

In 1876 Tilden majority was 32,818
In 1879 Robinson's vote was 375,790
and Kelly's vote was 77,566
-------
Total Dem. Vote in 1879 453,356
Cornell's Vote was 418,567
-------
Democratic Majority 34,789
But the votes for Cornell being 418,567
and Robinson's Vote 375,790
-------
gives Cornell his plurality of 42,777

"The following table shows the number of votes cast for Kelly in 1879 and the Democratic loss in 1880, as compared with 1876 in each of the counties named:

Kelly Loss in 1880
Cayuga 712 557
Duchess 673 2,171
Kings 5,788 9,179
Monroe 2,088 1,749
New York 43,047 12,640
Niagara 574 861
Onondaga 1,468 658
Orange 980 762
Oswego 1,327 678
Queens 1,586 783
Rens' 1,144 1,313
Saratoga 452 1,317
Ulster 1,666 1,882
Westchester 1,755 1,985
------ ------
63,260 36,535

"The following table shows the same facts as to the counties therein named:

Kelly
Franklin 16
Jefferson 86
Otsego 74
St. Lawrence 35
Schoharie 16
Tompkins 35
Warren 83
Wyoming 65
____
410 In these 8 Counties the Democratic loss
was only 684.

"These eight counties, having a population of about 350,000 and nearly 100,000 voters, gave to the Kelly bolt in 1879 only 410 votes, and in 1880, as compared with 1876, they lost only 684. If only this ratio of loss had obtained throughout the State, our candidates would have succeeded by more than 25,000 majority.

"But political cowards lacked the courage so to bear themselves as to command success. At the behest of the malcontents, who only one year before had fatally conspired against the Democratic party and its principles, they committed the cowardly act of calling the Saratoga convention for the avowed purpose of reinstating the traitors of 1879, and restoring them to influence and power. Being thus restored to position and power, the figures above presented are useful as tending to show how that power was used.

"This, however, is by no means the only act of political cowardice connected with the late canvass. In 1876 the people elected Mr. Tilden to the Presidency. There is not at this day an intelligent, fair-minded man in America who doubts it. He was cheated of his rights, and the people were defrauded of their choice of President by the most atrocious crimes known to civilization. The time arrived to select a candidate for 1880. Mr. Tilden still lived, and, though his physical powers were somewhat impaired, he was conceded to be one of the ablest statesmen living. He was reluctant to enter upon the canvass, and asked the people to relieve [him] of so great a burden. Those by whom the crimes referred to were committed, impelled by the desire for self-protection, had devoted themselves for years to unprecedented efforts to destroy him. The logic of the situation, and the exercise of a manly courage, pointed to one single line of duty. That duty was to refuse to accede to Mr. Tilden's request, and to move forward with united voice and action to right the great wrong that had been done by placing him in nomination and electing him to the office from which he had been excluded only by the high crimes of his adversaries. Instead of doing this, men forgot their courage, and took counsel only of their fears. They listened to the clamor of the criminals by whom this great man was maligned, and allowed themselves to be intimidated even by the malcontents who defeated the party only one year before. Mr. Tilden was abandoned, and another candidate was selected. That abandonment was a most conspicuous act of cowardice! And who shall say it has not borne just such fruit as might have been expected?

"The selection made was undoubtedly an excellent one. General Hancock is a true, pure, and able man, and eminently worthy of the high place for which he was named. His nomination was, however, the outcome of a great act of cowardice, and there is not a State in the Union in which multitudes of men did not experience a feeling of disgust at the manifest lack of courage to stand manfully and do what clearly ought to have been done.

"JAMES F. STARBUCK.

"This was completed Dec. 9th, 1880. Mr. Starbuck _died_ Dec. 11, 1880."

TILDEN TO CHAUNCEY F. BLACK

"NEW YORK, _January 27, 1881_.

"HON. CHAUNCEY F. BLACK.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have received your letter notifying me of my unanimous election as the first honorary member of the Jefferson Democratic Association of New York.

"I accept the distinction thus conferred, in order to testify my approval and commendation of the objects of your association.

"Thomas Jefferson has a title to the esteem and gratitude of the American people, even greater than that which he derived from being the Author of the Declaration of Independence, and from being the Author of the Statute of Religious Freedom by the State of Virginia.

"During all the bloody conflicts of the American Revolution, and the civil struggles out of which our system of government emerged, and the controversies through which was impressed upon it the character of a government 'by the people, for the people,' he was the apostle of human freedom, and the greatest leader of that beneficent philosophy which was embodied in our institutions.

"At a time when powerful tendencies are at work to subvert the original character of our government--to break down the limitations of power established by the Constitution--to centralize the action and influence of official authorities--to create a governing class, using the machinery of government as a corrupt balance of power in the elections, and then shaping legislation and administration in the interests of the few against the many--the precepts and example of such a man as Mr. Jefferson cannot be too often invoked.

"The formation of societies which can act as centres of discussion, and as agencies for the propagation of the pure principles of the fathers of the Republic, is a measure capable of great service to the people and to mankind.

"With assurances of sympathy and esteem--to the members of your association and to yourself, I have the honor to be

"Your fellow citizen,
"(Signed) SAMUEL J. TILDEN."

TILDEN TO BIGELOW

(HIS HEALTH FIVE YEARS BEFORE HIS DEATH)

"15 GRAMERCY PARK, NEW YORK,
"_Monday evening, January 31, 1881_.

"DEAR MR. BIGELOW,--I have just received and read your letter of the 18th, and resolve to answer it on the spot. I seem to be free from all engagements and obstructions, and am desirous to atone as far as possible for delinquencies in respect to your two former letters. At the end of two lines, however, I was compelled to refuse to admit a caller. With John's help, to whom I am dictating, both of us sitting before the wood-fire in the dining-room, I will ramble through a few of the many things I would like to say.

"I was not without hope that you had heard of me through Poultney. Mrs. Bigelow gave me a charge to take some care of the desolate members of the family remaining in America, and I have been doing a little to entertain Poultney.

"In respect to my personal health, I cannot make a very decided report, although, on the whole, I think I am improving. I am taking no tea and rarely any coffee. I substantially take no medicine internally. For a month past I have been trying electricity--the continuous current from a galvanic battery--with some apparent advantage. When you consider that the latter period of my work was passed under the aid of the borrowing power of the will, and with some help from medicine to hold my own--when these are withdrawn, is in itself a gain. The later impression is that I have taken rather too much exercise; that the malady is an exhaustion of the central nervous force by overwork and overwear, and that rest rather than physical activity is indicated. It is a problem to avoid fatigue, and yet take exercise enough to keep in order the general functions and particularly the digestion. You will see the situation does not favor very active travel or overmuch sight-seeing or sociable festivities--but I am going too much into detail and yet imperfectly. It is better to reserve opinions for a month or two longer.

"Whether I can go over early enough to do much in Italy is not easy now to say. My disposition is to cross the ocean at some time in the spring. I am snugging up my affairs, and getting out of the way all business matters. Indeed, that is substantially done.

"I should like to know what your own plans are for the spring and summer, or, if they have not taken definite shape, what your contemplations are.

"I am not troubling myself much about business, but perceive a tendency in little things of my own and everybody else to come in and occupy the vacancy. I do not propose to indulge this tendency.

* * * * *

"I thank you for your suggestions in regard to the acquisition of works of art. They seem to me judicious. As to the bust of Cicero of which you sent a photograph, the important question is the authenticity of the bust.

"If you can find satisfactory evidence on that point and think the purchase judicious, you may make it for me.

"The fact is I have really had very little to do with the political movements which you mention--perhaps nothing at all. I do not think I have done more than to express an opinion.

"There are many more things about which I would like to say, but I must reserve them until some future occasion.

"Present my regards to Mrs. Bigelow and the girls, and accept them for yourself.

"Very truly yours,
"S. J. TILDEN."

G. W. SMITH TO W. A. WILKINS

"NEW YORK, _Feb. 21, 1881_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Mr. Tilden requests me to acknowledge the receipt of your two notes, and to say that he gives them the earliest attention in his power.

"It is a settled policy of Mr. Tilden to abstain from all transactions which may impose upon him any future care. What he can afford to do he gives outright. In addition to claims upon him from kinship or other special relations, every day brings to him more applications by letter and by personal appeal than is possible for him to grant.

"Mr. Tilden has every disposition to be kind to you, and, as a token of his good-will, sends his check for two hundred and fifty dollars, which he will not expect you to repay, and which he hopes will be more serviceable to you than the loan suggested.

"Very truly yours,
"G. W. SMITH."

FROM THE NEW YORK "HERALD," MARCH 5, 1881

(MR. HAYES GOES OUT)

"A rough Republican wit remarked, the other day, that 'Mr. Hayes came in by a majority of one and goes out by unanimous consent.'