Chapter D: Manning's Appeal in Behalf of Cleveland to Have Tilden Formally (2)

"'You say that fifty millions of silver is about all that the
country can absorb. This is true; and it is true simply because
we keep in circulation upwards of fifty millions of one and two
dollar notes. If these notes were withdrawn, their place would
immediately be filled with silver and gold. If the five-dollar
notes were also retired, all of the silver dollars now in the
Treasury vaults would be in circulation, as they ought to be.
On this point, permit me to call your attention to page 34 of
my report. I wish you could see your way clear to use your
great influence in favor of the retiring of the one and two
dollar United States notes, to be followed in due time by the
retirement of all notes below ten dollars.'

"The habits of the people, and their unanimous and strong preference for the portable currency of paper over the cumbrous currency of silver, interpose an almost insurmountable obstacle to such a measure. Borrowing the idea from the practice of England, and supported by most economical writers, that measure has been often advocated, and sometimes attempted to be put in practice. But the expedient has never made much progress, and it has been resisted and rejected by the people at every opportunity.

"About fifty years ago a law was passed, by the State of New York, suppressing bank-notes of a less denomination than five dollars. Although in my general views friendly to free banking, I justified myself in supporting the measures on the ground that it was legitimate to apply an artificial restraint to an artificial system. Enclosed is a copy of the resolutions drawn by myself, opposing the repeal of that law.

"On that issue, more than on any other single question, the party of Jackson and Van Buren was overthrown in the State of New York in the election of 1838. William L. Marcy was defeated as a candidate for re-election as Governor, and 'Small-Bill' Seward was elected in his place. The law was immediately repealed. The question had some special disadvantages at that time; but the indications of the popular wishes were unquestionable.

"I understand from members of my family, that ladies shopping at retail stores in New York city almost universally refuse to take silver dollars. Even one silver dollar is considered an incumbrance, is, in fact, too large to be carried in a ladies _porte-monnaie_, while several of them are quite out of the question.

"I understand, also, that our small notes are very popular in Canada, and in the Bahama Island, being preferred to silver coin.

"I think that the best way of making a market for silver through the small circulation, is for the government to receive the silver at its intrinsic value, and to issue certificates against it dollar for dollar.

"Among your observations on the question of the expediency of making the nominal value of the silver dollar correspond to its intrinsic value, it is suggested:

"'Another objection might be that the adoption of this standard
would probably operate to prevent joint action, by the leading
commercial nations, in fixing a ratio of silver to gold which
would be concurred in by all nations; and, perhaps, thus delay
or frustrate that which would seem to be very desirable. No
legislation by the United States alone, would be effectual in
fixing the rules of silver outside of its own boundaries. Joint
action of the principal powers appears to be the only mode
through which a satisfactory solution of the question can be
reached.

"'If there is no hope that such an arrangement can be made, it
would be desirable that the intrinsic value of the silver dollar
should be brought so nearly as possible to its nominal value.'

"After looking over the discussions of the last two International Conferences, I cannot avoid the conclusion that it is hopeless to make any further attempt to obtain the co-operation of the leading commercial powers in fixing a ratio between gold and silver coins, and that the contingency in which you would deem it 'desirable that the intrinsic value of the silver dollar shall be brought as nearly as possible to its nominal value,' has already occurred.

"The statement of the Treasurer accompanying your letter for January 26, 1885, is as follows:

Gold coin $172,439,478
Gold bullion 64,195,150
------------
Total gold assets $236,634,628
Gold certificates outstanding 107,917,890
------------
Amount of gold actually owned $128,716,738

By the statement of the Treasurer for January 31st, it
appears that United States notes on hand were
$43,958,468 83, against which were certificates of deposit,
$30,130,000, leaving a balance of $13,818,468 83
National bank notes 13,880,647 67
Deposits in nat. banks 13,491,186 39
Gold actually owned 128,716,738 00
---------------
Total gold assets $169,917,040 89

Trust Funds:

Five per cent. nat. bank $12,980,825 43
Fund for redemption of notes of nat. banks "failed in
liquidation" and reducing circulation 39,671,925 54
Undistributed assets of failed nat. bank 416,131 41
--------------
_Amount forward_ $53,068,882 38

_Brought forward_ $53,068,882 38

Agency for paying D. C. bonds 444,161 55
Treasury transfer checks and drafts outstanding 2,490,273 13
Interest due and unpaid 1,966,923 86
Matured bonds and interest 250,148 90
Called bonds and interest 5,203,077 78
Old debt 756,188 31
P. O. Department acct 2,712,968 02
Disbursing officers' balances 25,298,865 44
Fund for redemption of nat. gold notes 146,774 09
Miscellaneous 86,681 64
--------------
$92,424,945 10

$169,917,040 89
92,424,945 10
---------------
Balance gold assets $77,492,095 79

"These two statements are for different periods. The results, therefore, are not exact. They afford, however, the basis of a conjecture as to the actual condition of the Treasury. Although the amount really belonging to the Treasury, and over which it has permanent control, is very much reduced, I presume it ventures to use, for temporary purposes, temporary balances liable to be drawn at the will of other parties and trust funds, upon the assumption that the balances are likely to remain about the same, as a bank uses its deposits.

"Renewing the assurance of my high consideration and best wishes, I remain,

"Very truly yours."

TILDEN TO SMITH M. WEED

"_Confidential._

"_Feby. 13/85._

"DEAR MR. WEED,--I understand from you that Mr. Manning hesitates about accepting the Treasury. You may tell him for me that I do not think he is quite a free agent in the matter.

"Mr. Manning will recollect before the State convention, and when he wanted my aid in carrying the delegation, he went to New York, and got Mr. Bigelow and came up to see me. He stated to me and to Mr. Bigelow that he came at the request of Mr. Cleveland, and was authorized to give to me any assurance which he might deem necessary. He said that in case of Mr. Cleveland's election, I should have a practical influence in the selection of the cabinet, and particularly should name a member from the State of New York. The only qualification was that the men should be of good cabinet material, and he instanced Mr. Bigelow as a specimen and type of the sort of man to be recommended.[33]

[33] While knowing nothing of this correspondence, Mr. Tilden asked
me one day while it proves to have been going on, "how the office of
Secretary of Treasury would suit me, or rather how I would like it."
I replied very promptly that I would not like it at all, nor would
I accept it under any imaginable conditions; that I was principled
against accepting any station, private or public, that I did not
believe I could fill creditably, and that I did not feel competent
to fill that office creditably; nor would I take it if I did, for
its duties would be, from the beginning to the end, absolutely
uncongenial to me.

"My friends had particularly wished that I should not publish my letter of declension until after my name had been presented by the State convention; they wished this as a matter of delicacy, and also as a matter of feeling. My letter had been written with that view. Mr. Manning stated that Mr. Cleveland thought it would do him good to have my letter published in advance. I had no personal interest in the nomination, but a desire for the success of the Democratic party and for Mr. Cleveland's administration; that his success would be of real value to the country, and that the local chieftains who had reorganized the Democratic party on a reform basis, and renovated its moral power before the country, should be cherished and continued as instruments of public good. I acceded to Mr. Cleveland's wish, sacrificed the preference and pride of my friends, and gave my letter to the press immediately. I also aided what I could at so late a period, in selecting delegates to the State convention.

"Mr. Manning came again to me prior to the national convention, and asked for authority to communicate my judgment and wishes to friends from other States. It is well known that most of the delegates had been elected either with express instructions, or with the understanding that they were to vote for my nomination, and it was not doubted that if I did nothing, the nomination would have been conferred on me without dissent.

"The circumstances lent weight to my advice as to who should be nominated. I authorized Mr. Manning to communicate to my friends from other States that, while I could not assume to dictate to the Democratic party, my judgment was in favor of nominating Mr. Cleveland. Mr. Manning said this intimation would be sufficient.

"He communicated it to many of my friends among the delegates from other States. In addition to this, he gave assurances, in behalf of Mr. Cleveland to the delegates from several States, that the administration should be made up from those who had been my supporters, and who transferred their adhesion to Mr. Cleveland.

"If now the cabinet should be made up largely, and almost exclusively, from men who were hostile to Mr. Cleveland's nomination, and unfriendly to the veterans in all the localities who had created a new success for the Democratic party a cabinet of rivals of Mr. Cleveland, self-seekers who would be devoted to their own schemes instead of building up Mr. Cleveland's administration, it would not only weaken the administration, but chill the masses with a sense that their leaders had turned their back upon their followers to whom they were indebted for everything.

"Mr. Manning cannot afford, by any act of omission or commission, to be responsible for such a result. Unless he accepts the Treasury, I am not mistaken in the belief that the veterans will have no true and reliable friend among the advisers of Mr. Cleveland.

"On public ground, also, the Secretary of the Treasury ought to be taken from the State of New York. He ought to be in communication with the most intelligent and experienced men in the centre of finance and commerce. He ought to be a man who can command ready access to, and have confidential relations not with speculators and gamblers, but with the solid men of property and business.

"Next to Mr. Manning, if he should refuse--which, I think, he has no right to do--Mr. Bigelow is the best substitute. He is an accomplished man, accustomed to deal with great public questions, utterly unselfish and unambitious, without any tendency to inferior associations, and would command the confidence and support of the financial classes.

"But I still adhere to the opinion that Mr. Manning cannot avoid accepting the trust which sacrifice, duty, and honor toward the Democratic masses demands at his hands.

"In discussing thus frankly this subject, I serve no interest personal to myself. My career is completely ended. If the new administration should drift out of relations to those who have given me special support during the last ten years, I should be liberated from all care and trouble, should escape generating discontent among any portion of the Democracy, and should preserve the almost unanimous favor enjoyed by me when I retired from public life. To invite the antagonisms of active politics without the power to submerge them by shaping a policy which should appeal overwhelmingly to the people, would be to impair the repose and comfort for which I have surrendered all public honors. I cannot be induced to meddle at all, even in the way of private advice or opinion, except under the influence of patriotic and friendly motives.

"You may read this letter to Mr. Manning, but keep it and return it to me.

"Yours truly."

DANIEL MANNING TO TILDEN

_"Confidential._

"ALBANY, _Febry. 13, 1885_.

"MY DEAR GOVERNOR,--You must release me. The place has been offered, but I have no heart for it. The very thought of it has made me ill for two days. The sacrifice will be too great, and I constantly feel that if I make it, I may as well bid good-by, forever, to comfort and happiness. I am so contented now, and I will always, there, be miserable. Telegraph me, to-morrow, one word--'Released.'

"Most sincerely yours,
"DANIEL MANNING."

SMITH M. WEED TO TILDEN

_"Confidential._

"_Feby. 16, 1885._

"MY DEAR GOVERNOR,--I had but a moment to write you from A. (Albany). C. (Cleveland), as you know, had offered the (State Department) to Bayard, and he had become convinced that it was wise to offer a place to Lamar. We relied upon him and upon Manning until we got that fixed with both--that left three places. We all agreed that Frank Jones was our best man in New England, and we got that to a practical point, the only question being, where would he go? I wanted him to have the Navy, but C. seemed disposed to give him the P. O. That left two places open. Scott and Gorman both agreed with me that, on the free-trade question, Vilas was not a good appointment. Cleveland, on the other hand, wants him, and I think, in the end, will select him for War or P. O. Then came McD. (as he would not appoint Dr. Miller, for reasons that I will tell you when I see you, and which are personal to M., and in no way show any indisposition to go back on his backers), and Scott, G. (Gorman), M. (Manning), and myself all urged Converse for a place instead of McD. He almost consented to it. I did it upon the ground that if Vilas went in, he had to put in some one who stood with Randall on the tariff, or the consequences would be bad in this State and New Jersey and Connecticut. When we left him last night, he was apparently of our mind. This A.M. he wanted to know of me if I did not think that Whitney, in McDonald's or Converse's places, would be a good change. I told him that W. was infinitely preferable to McD., but I thought W. and C. were much better than V. and McD., as all the rest were inclined to free trade except Manning. He has an idea that he should not put any M. C. in who has taken strong grounds on tariff either way; but I told him Lamar had, and Vilas was an out and out free-trader, and Bayard was like Lamar.

"Gorman, who really wants Jones instead of Lamar, says that there will be no trouble with Lamar; that it is his nature to go with his chief, and he will be loyal. That Bayard is so constituted that he will not try to influence Lamar, and that he will not set up for himself, while Garland will always be true to you and your friends. As I wrote you, Cleveland wants Whitney, and I think it will be a good thing for your friends that he should go in with Manning.

"This is just as the matter stands to-day. I told him this A.M. that I will, if desired, come down again, etc., and as he did not ask me to stay, I am going home. I would have gone to New York had not Mrs. Weed been quite ill and really needs me; and, again, I did not care to have C. (Cleveland) get the idea that I was taking the result of the conference to you. He has, by our advice, gone seriously into the preparation of his Inaugural Address. I am delighted that M. (Manning) has consented to go in. Some able, bright man should be selected for his solicitor, and at least two others for his assistants. I infer you will see M. (Manning) ere long.

"I am writing on the train to send back by to-day's mail.

"Very truly yours,
"SMITH M. WEED."

SAM. J. RANDALL TO TILDEN

"HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U. S.,
"WASHINGTON, D. C., _Feb. 17, 1885_.

"HON. SAML. J. TILDEN,--Your letter received this morning. The silver interest is much more aggressive than I anticipated it would be. I was not able to carry the amendment to the Sundry Civil bill in the subcommittee. So I did not introduce it there; but I mean to discuss it, and have a vote upon it in the full committee. Messrs. Scott and Barnum, when they left me, promised to return to-morrow; and if there are any points which they can attend to, I will indicate them to those gentlemen.

"I learn that Mr. Warner, of Ohio, and Judge Keagan, of Texas, and others have sent to Mr. Cleveland a petition with about a hundred signatures, asking him not to say anything on that subject in his Inaugural.

"I will keep you further advised as the matter proceeds.

"Yours truly,
"SAM. J. RANDALL."

TILDEN TO DANIEL MANNING

"_Strictly confidential_.

"GREYSTONE, _March 1, 1885_.

"DEAR MR. MANNING,--1. I have advised Mr. Jordan that he must not assume to advise you as to government policy. He can be useful in doing particular things under direction, and in furnishing such information as he may have, or as he shall be specially delegated to obtain, but must not undertake to advise on important matters. He must not expect to be appointed to a confidential position in your department. You can recompense his service in some other way. He has some knowledge which is capable of being made useful, but his talk is cloudy and confused.

"2. I think you must move very slowly in changing important subordinates. The impression seems to exist that French must go sooner or later. I do not think Coon should be changed right away, if at all.

"3. Mr. Fairchild is rather technical, but is entirely trustworthy. You might put him in French's place, and let him get the run of the department, which is a very large and complicated concern, while the other officers, who are experienced, will be there to give information and to carry on the routine. Both yourself and Mr. Fairchild can judge better what changes are desirable after you have got acquainted with the men and their capabilities, and with the functions of their several offices, and shall have ascertained your own wants in respect to assistance.

"4. I hear a Mr. Gilfillen highly spoken of, but I have no personal knowledge of him.

"5. I send you a letter of Senator Gibson, who is entitled to consideration. Please return it to me when you have read it.

"6. I think it would be well for you to ask Mr. Marble about men--what he knows about the existing officers, and what he knows about any experts with whom he is acquainted."

A. M. GIBSON TO S. J. TILDEN

_"Private and confidential._

"17 DUPONT CIRCLE, WASHINGTON, D. C., _Mch. 8/85_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I am dreadfully embarrassed financially, and, although very reluctant, seek employment in the government, since I see no other way open to me as a means of livelihood. I have rendered the Democratic party some service. You, perhaps more than any one else, know and appreciate the work I have done during the past ten or twelve years. I came to Washington comparatively unknown to all the public men of the country save Judge Black. Grant's first term was just closing, and jobbery and fraud were rioting in every department of the government. At considerable personal peril, and with inevitable social ostracism to myself and family, I began the work of exposing rogues and roguery, rascals and rascality. You signalized your life by overthrowing the Tweed ring, and destroying those who organized it and profited by its robberies. You exposed and broke up the canal frauds. You were rich and powerful politically, but you know how potent those whom you brought to grief were to do you injury.

"My first work in Washington was to assail the Navy ring, and to make known the jobs and frauds by which the Navy had been ruined, and millions of dollars stolen from the public treasury to enrich contractors. I followed this work systematically for years, and I do not exaggerate when I say that the country would not have a realizing sense to-day of the way its Navy has been destroyed and its Treasury robbed of hundreds of millions if my work had not been done.

"The first Democratic House of Representatives after the war was elected chiefly because of the exposure of the Credit Mobilier fraud and other disclosures of jobbery which resulted from my work. I broke up the Shepherd ring in this city and drove out the robbers. For eight years I labored without intermission to destroy the Star Mail-route ring, and finally made it possible to bring the guilty to punishment. That the result was a scandal upon, and a perversion of, justice was no fault of mine. That I was deprived of the credit due me for exposing the frauds never grieved me, because I was not working for glory, but to make good government possible. What I did to bring to just punishment the authors and abettors of the great fraud of 1876, and to make forever odious that great crime, you know.

"That I have incurred the hostility of many and excited the envy of still more is but the natural sequence of the work I have done. Politicians are not prone to remember those who made their success possible, unless you are a present potential factor. Of course, in all that I did I had a fearless newspaper with a great circulation as an engine to work with. But I created, in no small degree, the power I used and the influence I exerted. When I began my work here the _Sun_ had only a _local_ circulation and a _local_ reputation. It secured, largely through my work, a _national_ circulation and reputation. It profited largely by my work, while I received only a modest salary and fell heir to all the enmities provoked.

"Pardon me for wearying you with this long letter, but of all the Democrats I know you are the only one upon whom I feel that I can rely for some appreciative exertion in my behalf, now that the party, in whose faith I was born, and for which the best years of my life, and the best energies of my poor abilities have been exerted, is in power. I know I am not egotistical when I say that I know more of the inner workings of the government than any man in Washington. I have, for nearly fourteen years, made every department of the Federal government a close study. I know where and how the jobs and frauds have been worked, and how the rottenness can be exposed, and, moreover, can point out the defects of the Treasury system which made many of these possible. I could be invaluable in many ways here, but I would prefer a quiet place abroad. I confess that I am not _en rapport_ with many of those who are likely to be most influential with the administration. My tastes are naturally literary, and I have been at work for several years upon the history of the last four months of Buchanan's administration. I have a book of 600 pages nearly ready for the press, the principal data for which I got from Judge Black. The preparation for this work naturally led me to study closely and carefully the political history of the United States, so I could succinctly and graphically deal with the course which led to the Civil War. Becoming deeply interested in the subject, I began writing _The Political History of the United States_. I have nearly completed the first draft of the first volume of this work, and I want the means and leisure to complete it. The place of all others which I would like, and which would enable me to have the resources at hand, would be the Consul Generalship to London; but I presume that it is useless to aspire to that. Some one with more social and political influence than I can command will get it. But I think that I might aspire to be Consul at Liverpool. That place was given to Packard, of Louisiana, as the price of his yielding gracefully to the Hayes Commission, which, in pursuance of the _bargain_ made with Southern Democrats in 1876, went to Louisiana to install the Nichols government. Inasmuch as I contributed largely to make the work of that commission odious, and to have the Returning Board indicted and convicted, I think it would not be presumptuous to claim Packard's place.

"May I not ask you to take more than an ordinary interest in my behalf? My lifelong friend, who knew me from childhood, and who always took the deepest interest in my welfare, is no more. You esteemed him at his true worth. You know how emphatic he always spoke in my behalf. If Judge Black was alive, he would join heartily in any effort to secure me the place I seek. But I know no one now, save yourself, to whom I can appeal. There are possibly a _few_ who would damn me with faint praise.

"I know how many there are who will importune you, and that there are others with more and better claims upon you; but I am sure that none _needs_ your good offices more, and that none will appreciate them higher than

"Yours truly,
"A. M. GIBSON."

TILDEN TO GOVERNOR D. B. HILL

(THE BROADWAY RAILROAD BILL)

"GREYSTONE, _April 21, 1885_.

"DEAR GOV. HILL,--1. The bill entitled 'An act to annul and dissolve the Broadway Surface Railroad Company' is a very proper and necessary bill.

"2. The bill entitled 'An act to provide for the winding up of corporations which have been annulled and dissolved by legislative enactment' does not seem to me to contain any deceptive or dangerous promises, and may be deemed unobjectionable.

"3. The bill entitled 'An act in relation to the consents of property-owners, order of the general term confirming reports of commissioners, and the consents of local authorities,' &c., preserves, notwithstanding the repeal of the charter: _first_, the consent of the property-owners abutting on the street to be occupied by the railroad; _secondly_, the consent of the local authorities having control of the street or highway to be occupied by the railroad; _thirdly_, the order of the general term confirming the report of any commissioners that such railroad ought to be constructed or operated.

"This bill fails to protect the public from dangerous abuses, with the experience of them in the case of the Broadway Railroad before our eyes.

"It is known that the consent of the local authorities was obtained by bribery. Yet this bill provides that that consent shall be valid and effectual.

"It is known that the general term appointed improper persons as commissioners to decide whether or not the Broadway Railroad ought to be built.

"It is known that the general term confirmed the report of those commissioners in favor of having the road built by the grantees without regard to the fact that the compensation to the city from the grantees was grossly inadequate.

"In the case of the Cable Railroad grant, the same general term refused to confirm the report of the commissioners on the express ground that the compensation to the city from the grantees was inadequate.

"Yet this bill adopts, by legislative act, the consent of the local authorities obtained by bribery.

"It also adopts the action of the general term which was at least improvident and unjustifiable in face of its later action in the cable case. The appointment of commissioners, and the confirmation of their report, was a substituted consent in behalf of the property-owners. The direct consent of the property-owners could probably not have been obtained.

"The substituted consent was obtained only by the abusive action of the general term.

"Again, the effect of this bill is to deny to the people, to the local authorities, and the property-owners interested any opportunity to pass fairly upon the question, whether or not Broadway should be occupied by a surface railroad; it practically determines that there shall be a surface railroad in Broadway.

"The only question which it leaves open is, Who shall own and operate that railroad?

"In my judgment, this bill ought to be held under advisement, after the two former bills have been acted upon.

"You will thus have opportunity for mature consideration, and for manifesting your vigilance in protecting the public interest.

"It is very possible that you will come to the conclusion to withhold from it your approval.

"That is my judgment of what ought to be done.

"I have dictated this letter, after reading, this evening, the newspapers, and finding out as well as I could what has been done to-day. I will endeavor to write about the remaining bill to-morrow.

Very truly yours,
"S. J. TILDEN."

TILDEN TO BIGELOW

"GREYSTONE, _May 2, 1885_.

"DEAR MR. BIGELOW,--I send you the two addresses. Do not cut them. Carefully preserve them. If lost, I probably could not replace them.

"1. The address to which I referred in the account, I gave of it to you, is entitled 'Address of the Democratic Members of the Legislature of the State of New York.'

"The first part of it contained on the first and second pages, and a part of the third page was, I think, drawn by John Van Buren, and prefixed after the preparation of the main body of the document.

"One of the passages written in by me while revising a part of the address will be found on pages 11 and 12. It is marked.

"2. On the subject of adapting a colonial system, or entering into a partnership with mixed races, you will find a declaration in the address of February 16, 1848, pp. 8 and 9, and also in a resolution on p. 16. They are marked.

"I should like to know of exactly what use you propose to make of them. After you have read both papers, I should like it if you could run up here for half an hour and talk it over.

"Very truly yours."

TILDEN TO DANIEL MANNING

"GREYSTONE, YONKERS, N. Y., _June 9, 1885_.

"DEAR MR. MANNING,--I am sorry to hear that the President has been unwell. Having invoked Mrs. Manning's influence in favor, in your case, of a reform of the excessive and destructive sway of the 'interview' evil, I regret that there is no Mrs. Cleveland to co-operate in this reform in the case of the President. He starts with an admirable constitution, but there is a limit to what even he can endure.

"Paper recommendations are a poor reliance at best. A regular trial on a paper basis, of fourth-class postmasters, is beyond the strength of any one man.

"It is necessary that the appointing power should find out friends in every locality, who can be trusted to give accurate information and conscientious advice, and put the responsibility on them, and then accept their judgment.

"It is a mistake to suppose that the party leaders are not capable of being extremely useful as means of intelligence. A party is a living being, having all the organs of eyes, ears, and feeling. No man can rise to leadership without having some qualities of value. The appointing power should not be governed absolutely by local leaders; but should hear them in important cases, cross-examine them, derive all the benefits they are capable of rendering, and not be ambitious of displaying a disregard of them. Distrust of one's friends will generally result in misplaced confidence in inferior persons or in ill-advised action.

"The importance of the little postmasters is very great. In many of the purely rural districts there is one to every hundred voters. They are centres of political activity. They act as agents and canvassers for the newspapers of their party, and as local organizers.

"The immense power of this influence is now wholly on the side of the Republicans. To allow this state of things to continue is infidelity to the principles and cause of the administration. The wrong should be gradually corrected.

"I send herewith some extracts from the letters of Mr. Jefferson, both because the view taken by him is sound, and because he had a felicitous mode of statement, which is a good example to his successors when they have occasion to discuss the same subject.

Very truly yours."

FRANK McCOPPIN TO S. J. TILDEN

"THE PACIFIC CLUB, SAN FRANCISCO, _June 9, 1885_.

"DEAR SIR,--The Chinese question has again disturbed the people, or some of them, upon this coast; but this time it came to us in a new form, as the printed matter enclosed will explain.

"At one time the President intended to appoint a Californian Minister to China (he offered it to Mr. S. M. Wilson of this city), but changed his mind later; hence the present disturbance.

"In this so-called interview I mention the names of all the members of the cabinet save one, and that one I do not admire. A very witty friend of mine, the late John B. Fetton, once said, in regard to very old case cited by opposite counsel, that it was like ox-tail soup--it came from too far back. And so it appears to be with Mr. Secretary, judging by his late performance in Kansas; he comes from too far back. You will, I hope, pardon me for addressing you in this apparently flippant manner; but, though new to you as a correspondent, I am a very old friend of yours, and served on the national committee (Democratic) from 1872 until 1879, when I resigned in consequence of having to go to the Sandwich Islands. Therefore, I served through the campaign of 1876, when this State was lost to us, and the Presidency to you, by a stupendous fraud committed in this city.

"Mrs. McCoppin is a New-Yorker, was a Van Ness, and a niece of the late Mrs. Roosevelt, 836 Broadway.

"Before leaving Washington, I wrote Mr. Manning, who, I suppose, will pay no heed to me, pointing to the fact that our Southern friends in California are pressing forward, to the exclusion of all other classes, for _all_ the Federal patronage upon this coast. In this city we have 51,000 registered voters, 2400 of whom are from the South; and yet the 2400 want _all_ the offices, and I suppose they will get them.

"The Gwin clique alone have more than enough to fill every place.

Very respectfully yours,
"FRANK MCCOPPIN."

MANNING TO GEORGE W. SMITH

"MR. GEORGE W. SMITH, GREYSTONE, YONKERS.

"WASHINGTON, D. C., _July 2nd, 1885_.

"DEAR SIR,--I made inquiry, to-day, as to the appointment of Mr. Noyes as government director of the Union Pacific Railway Company,[34] and received the copy, which I append.

[34] As Mr. Noyes had been one of the conspicuous Republican
emissaries from Washington to corrupt the electoral vote in the
South in 1876, Mr. Tilden regarded his appointment by Mr. Cleveland
to any public office as not only a personal indignity to him but as
an outrage to the country.

"I had previously advised the appointment of Mr. Canda.

"Faithfully yours,
"DANIEL MANNING."

* * * * *

"_Tuesday, 2._

"DEAR MR. MANNING,--Noyes was appointed at the suggestion of Governor Hoadley, who was here when the President and Secretary of the Interior were considering the matter.

"D. S. LAMONT."

G. W. SMITH TO MR. MANNING

"_July 3, 1885._

"HON. DANIEL MANNING, WASHINGTON, D. C.--Letter received. Such an appointment would be the greatest possible mistake. If commission is not issued, better defer its issue until we can communicate.

"G. W. SMITH."

MANNING TO G. W. SMITH

"WASHINGTON, D. C., _July 3rd, 1885_.

"DEAR MR. SMITH,--Immediately upon receipt of your telegram this morning, I made the necessary inquiry, and received the reply, which I append.

"Faithfully yours,
"DANIEL MANNING."

* * * * *

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, _July 3, 1885_.

"DEAR MR. MANNING,--The commissions for the appointment of Union Pacific Railroad directors were issued on the 1st, and are now beyond recall.

"Sincerely yours,
"D. S. LAMONT."