Chapter D: Manning's Appeal in Behalf of Cleveland to Have Tilden Formally (1)

DECLINE BEING CONSIDERED A CANDIDATE IN 1884

"On or about the 8th day of June, 1884, Mr. Daniel Manning, chairman of the New York Democratic State Committee, called at my house in New York and asked me to accompany him to Greystone to see Mr. Tilden. The motive he assigned for his visit there, and for wishing me to accompany him, was to persuade Mr. Tilden, if persuasion should be necessary, to no longer delay the formal announcement of his intention, well known to Mr. Manning and myself, not to accept a renomination to the Presidency.

"Mr. Manning said while there was a hope, but no certainty of Mr. Tilden's consenting to run, his friends, embracing a large majority of the Democratic party of the State, were getting divided as to their second choice, and there was danger, when he came to withdraw, that the party would be hopelessly distracted, and its influence in the convention dissipated. He had been so impressed by a sense of this danger, he said, that on the Sunday previous he called on Governor Cleveland, laid the whole case before him, and pressed upon his attention the necessity of doing something immediately to prevent the friends of Mr. Tilden from getting pledged to other candidates as their second choice.

"On the following day we repaired to Greystone. Mr. Manning then repeated to Mr. Tilden substantially what he had said to me of his interview with Governor Cleveland and of his mission, except that in regard to the cabinet. I think he said, 'You can name any member of the cabinet you please--an unobjectionable man, of course, like ----, for instance' (naming a gentleman whom he knew Mr. Tilden would regard as such a man).

"Though the general import of the conversation was that the cabinet would be selected in harmony with Mr. Tilden's wishes, I did not hear him state distinctly to Mr. Tilden, as I understood him to state to me in New York, that the cabinet in its entirety should consist of men whose selection Mr. Tilden should approve of. During that part of the conversation with Mr. Tilden which I overheard, he said that Mr. Tilden might name any member of the cabinet he pleased, which might mean many or only one. This statement was reinforced by the remark that Governor Cleveland would do anything that he (Manning) should advise him to do, for he was conscious that his only hope now was from and through Mr. Tilden. The letter to Mr. Manning declining a renomination appeared in the morning prints the second or third day following the interview.

"He at the same time expressed his conviction that the only way of securing the result was for Mr. Tilden to signify at once and before the election of any more delegates to the State convention, which were in the main to be chosen during that week, that he would not be a candidate.

"Mr. Manning went on to say that Governor Cleveland promptly and unhesitatingly authorized and expressed the desire that Mr. Manning would go at once to Greystone, represent the situation to Mr. Tilden, and give him any assurances he required in regard to the naming of the cabinet, and of his disposition and purpose to regard Mr. Tilden's friends as his friends, and, if elected, to have as nearly as possible a thoroughly Tilden administration.

"I said that I approved entirely of an early publication of Mr. Tilden's intention not to allow himself to be made a candidate. I believed a manifesto to that effect was already written, but was withheld partly out of deference to the wishes of some of his friends in Washington, and partly for what seemed to be the more obvious and appropriate occasion--the assembling of the State convention that was to choose the delegates to the national convention; and finally I promised to accompany him to Greystone."

TILDEN TO DANIEL MANNING (DECLINING A RENOMINATION FOR THE PRESIDENCY)

"NEW YORK, _June 10th, 1884_.

"TO DANIEL MANNING,
"_Chairman of the Democratic State Committee of New York_.

"In my letter of June 18th, 1880, addressed to the delegates from the State of New York to the Democratic national convention, I said:

"'Having now borne faithfully my full share of labor and care in the public service, and wearing the marks of its burdens, I desire nothing so much as an honorable discharge. I wish to lay down the honors and toils of even _quasi_ party leadership, and to seek the repose of private life.

"'In renouncing renomination for the Presidency, I do so with no doubt in my mind as to the veto of the State of New York, or of the United States, but because I believe that it is a renunciation of re-election to the Presidency.

"'To those who think my renomination and re-election indispensable to an effectual vindication of the right of the people to elect their rulers--violated in my person--I have accorded as long a reserve of my decision as possible, but I cannot overcome my repugnance to enter into a new engagement which involves four years of ceaseless toil.

"'The dignity of the Presidential office is above a merely personal ambition, but it creates in me no illusion. Its value is as a great power for good to the country. I said four years ago in accepting nomination:

"'" Knowing as I do, therefore, from fresh experience, how great the difference is between gliding through an official routine and working out a reform of systems and policies, it is impossible for me to contemplate what needs to be done in the Federal administration without an anxious sense of the difficulties of the undertaking. If summoned by the suffrages of my countrymen to attempt this work, I shall endeavor, with God's help, to be the efficient instrument of their will."

"'Such a work of renovation after many years of misrule, such a reform of systems and policies, to which I would cheerfully have sacrificed all that remained to me of health and life, is now, I fear, beyond my strength.'

"My purpose to withdraw from further public service, and the grounds of it, were at that time well known to you and to others; and when, at Cincinnati, though respecting my wishes yourself, you communicated to me an appeal from many valued friends, to relinquish that purpose, I reiterated my determination unconditionally.

"In the four years which have since elapsed, nothing has occurred to weaken, but everything to strengthen, the considerations which induced my withdrawal from public life. To all who have addressed me on the subject, my intention has been frankly communicated. Several of my most confidential friends, under the sanction of their own names, have publicly stated my determination to be irreversible. That I have occasion now to consider the question is an event for which I have no responsibility. The appeal made to me by the Democratic masses, with apparent unanimity, to serve them once more, is entitled to the most deferential consideration, and would inspire a disposition to do anything desired of me, if it were consistent with my judgment of duty.

"I believe that there is no instrumentality in human society so potential in its influence upon mankind for good or evil, as the governmental machinery for administering justice, and for making and executing laws. Not all the eleemosynary institutions of private benevolence to which philanthropists may devote their lives are so fruitful in benefits as the rescue and preservation of this machinery from the perversions that make it the instrument of conspiracy and crime, against the most sacred rights and interests of the people.

"For fifty years, as a private citizen, never contemplating an official career, I have devoted at least as much thought and effort to the duty of influencing aright the action of the governmental institutions of my country, as to all other objects. I have never accepted official service except for a brief period, for a special purpose, and only when the occasion seemed to require from me that sacrifice of private preferences to the public welfare.

"I undertook the State administration of New York because it was supposed that in that way only could the executive power be arrayed on the side of the reforms to which, as a private citizen, I had given three years of my life.

"I accepted the nomination for the Presidency in 1876 because of the general conviction that my candidacy would best present the issue of reform which the Democratic majority of the people desired to have worked out in the Federal government as it had been in that of the State of New York. I believed that I had strength enough then to renovate the administration of the government of the United States, and at the close of my term to hand over the great trust to a successor faithful to the same policy.

"Though anxious to seek the repose of private life, I nevertheless acted upon the idea that every power is a trust, and involves a duty. In reply to the address of the committee communicating my nomination, I depicted the difficulties of the undertaking, and likened my feelings in engaging in it to those of a soldier entering battle; but I did not withhold the entire consecration of my powers to the public service.

"Twenty years of continuous maladministration, under the demoralizing influences of intestine war, and of bad finance, have infected the whole governmental system of the United States with the cancerous growths of false constructions and corrupt practices. Powerful classes have acquired pecuniary interests in official abuses, and the moral standards of the people have been impaired. To redress these evils is a work of great difficulty and labor, and cannot be accomplished without the most energetic and efficient personal action on the part of the Chief Executive of the Republic.

"The canvass and administration which it is desired that I should undertake would embrace a period of nearly five years. Nor can I admit any illusion as to their burdens. Three years of experience in the endeavor to reform the municipal government of the city of New York, and two years of experience in renovating the administration of the State of New York, have made me familiar with the requirements of such a work.

"At the present time, the considerations which induced my action in 1880 having become imperative, I ought not to assume a task which I have not the physical strength to carry through. To reform the administration of the Federal government; to realize my own ideal, and to fulfil the just expectations of the people, would indeed warrant, as they could alone compensate, the sacrifices which the undertaking would involve. But, in my condition of advancing years and declining strength, I feel no assurance of my ability to accomplish those objects. I am, therefore, constrained to say, definitely, that I cannot now assume the labors of an administration or of a canvass.

"Undervaluing in nowise that best gift of Heaven--the occasion and the power sometimes bestowed upon a mere individual to communicate an impulse for good; grateful beyond all words to my fellow-countryman who would assign such a beneficent function to me, I am consoled by the reflection that neither the Democratic party, nor the Republic for whose future that party is the best guarantee, is now, or ever can be, dependent upon any one man for their successful progress in the path of a noble destiny.

"Having given to their welfare whatever of health and strength I possessed, or could borrow from the future, and having reached the term of my capacity for such labors as their welfare now demands, I but submit to the will of God in deeming my public career forever closed.

"SAMUEL J. TILDEN."

This letter of Mr. Tilden insured the nomination of Grover Cleveland for the Presidency, and the adoption of the following resolutions by the convention:

_Resolved_, That this convention has read with profound regret
and intense admiration the statesmanlike and patriotic letter of
Samuel J. Tilden expressing the overpowering and providential
necessity which constrains him to decline a nomination for the
highest office in the gift of the American people.

_Resolved_, That, though fraud, force, and violence deprived
Samuel J. Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks of the offices
conferred upon them by the Democratic party of the nation in
1876, they yet live, and ever will, first in the hearts of the
Democracy of the country.

_Resolved_, That this convention expresses a nation's regret
that this same lofty patriotism and splendid executive and
administrative ability which cleansed and purified the city
and State governments of the great Empire State, cannot now be
turned upon the Augean stable of national fraud and corruption
so long and successfully maintained by the Republican party at
the national capital.

_Resolved_, That copies of these resolutions be suitably
engrossed, and that the chairman of the convention appoint a
committee whose duty it shall be in the name of the convention
to forward or present the same to the Hon. Samuel J. Tilden and
the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks.

When these resolutions were presented to Mr. Tilden by the committee named for that purpose by the convention, Mr. Tilden sent them the following reply:

"GREYSTONE, _Oct. 6, 1884_.

"_Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee_:

"I thank you for the kind terms in which you have communicated the resolutions concerning me adopted by the late Democratic national convention.

"I share your conviction that the reform in the administration of the Federal government, which is our great national want, and is indeed essential to the restoration and preservation of the government itself, can only be achieved through the agency of the Democratic party, and by installing its representative in the Chief Magistracy of the United States.

"The noble historical traditions of the Democratic party, the principles in which it was educated, and to which it has ever been in the main faithful; its freedom from the corrupt influences which grow up in the prolonged possession of power, and the nature of the elements which constitute it, all contribute to qualify it for that mission.

"The opposite characteristics and conditions which attach to the Republican party make it hopeless to expect that that party will be able to give better government than the debasing system of abuses which, during its ascendancy, has infected official and political life in this country.

"The Democratic party had its origin in the efforts of the more advanced patriots of the Revolution to resist the perversion of our government from the ideal contemplated by the people. Among its conspicuous founders are Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson; Samuel Adams and John Hancock, of Massachusetts; George Clinton and Robert R. Livingston, of New York; and George Wythe and James Madison, of Virginia. From the election of Mr. Jefferson as President, in 1800, for sixty years the Democratic party mainly directed our national policy. It extended the boundaries of the Republic, and laid the foundations of all our national greatness, while it preserved the limitations imposed by the Constitution and maintained a simple and pure system of domestic administration.

"On the other hand, the Republican party has always been dominated by principles which favor legislation for the benefit of particular classes at the expense of the body of the people. It has become deeply tainted with the abuses which naturally grow up during a long possession of unchecked power, especially in a period of civil war and false finance. The patriotic and virtuous elements in it are now unable to emancipate it from the sway of selfish interests which subordinate public duty to personal greed. The most hopeful of the best citizens it contains despair of its amendment except through its temporary expulsion from power.

"It has been boastingly asserted by a modern Massachusetts statesman, struggling to reconcile himself and his followers to their Presidential candidate, that the Republican party contains a disproportionate share of the wealth, the culture, and the intelligence of the country. The unprincipled Grafton, when taunted by James the Second with his personal want of conscience, answered: '_That is true, but I belong to a party that has a great deal of conscience_.'

"Such reasoners forget that the same claim has been made in all ages and countries by the defenders of old wrongs against new reforms. It was alleged by the Tories of the American Revolution against the patriots of that day. It was repeated against Jefferson and afterwards against Jackson. It is alleged by the conservatives against those who, in England, are now endeavoring to enlarge the popular suffrage.

"All history shows that reforms in government must not be expected from those who sit serenely on the social mountain-tops enjoying the benefits of the existing order of things. Even the divine Author of our religion found His followers not among the self-complacent Pharisees, but among lowly minded fishermen.

"The Republican party is largely made up of those who live by their wits, and who aspire in politics to advantages over the rest of mankind, similar to those which their daily lives are devoted to securing in private business.

"The Democratic party consists largely of those who live by the work of their hands, and whose political action is governed by their sentiments or imagination.

"It results that the Democratic party, more readily than the Republican party, can be molded to the support of reform measures which involve a sacrifice of selfish interests.

"The indispensable necessity of our times is a change of administration in the great executive offices of the country. This, in my judgment, can only be accomplished by the election of the Democratic candidates for President and Vice-President.

"SAMUEL J. TILDEN.

"_To R. H. Henry, Chairman; B. B. Smalley, and others,
of the Special Committee of the Democratic National
Convention._"

W. H. BARNUM TO TILDEN

"_Telegram._

"CHICAGO, ILL., _July 4, 1884_.

"HON. SAMUEL J. TILDEN, YONKERS, N. Y.

"There is much thought here about nominating you by acclamation. Will you accept an unanimous nomination from the convention?

"W. H. BARNUM.

"(Rec'd 6.30 A.M., July 5th.)"

DANIEL MANNING TO S. J. TILDEN

"_Telegram._

"CHICAGO, ILL., _July 4th, 1884_.

"HON. SAMUEL J. TILDEN, YONKERS, N. Y.

"It seems absolutely necessary that you should answer Barnum's telegram of this evening as soon as possible.

"DANIEL MANNING.

"(Rec'd 6.30 A.M., July 5th.)"

TILDEN TO WILLIAM H. BARNUM

"_Telegram._

"GREYSTONE, _July 5th, 1884_.

"TO HON. WILLIAM H. BARNUM, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS.

"I have received your telegram informing me of the disposition to nominate me for the Presidency and asking, 'Will you accept an unanimous nomination from the convention?'--and also a telegram from Mr. Manning saying, 'It seems absolutely necessary that you (I) should answer Barnum's telegram as soon as possible.'

"Your inquiry was explicitly answered in the negative by my letter of June 10th to Mr. Manning.

"S. J. TILDEN."

Attached to these telegrams was the following pencil memorandum in a strange handwriting, and presumably a suggested modification of the despatch actually sent:

"If the convention should nominate me, I should consider it
as intended merely to acquit the Democratic party of any
shortcomings in respect to the fraudulent possession of the
government in 1876, and with the knowledge that I would not
accept the nomination."

CHARLES A. DANA TO TILDEN

(WISHES TO STUDY MR. TILDEN'S PERSONAL AND POLITICAL HISTORY)

"'THE SUN,' NEW YORK, _July 18, 1884_.

"DEAR MR. TILDEN,--In the desperate situation in which presumption and incompetence have involved the Democratic party, I feel a natural desire to study more closely and to know more thoroughly the model of genuine Democratic statesmanship.

"Could you put me in possession of the facts and records of your own personal and political history, so that I may examine them at such leisure times as I may be able to rescue from my absorbing daily occupations?

"I wish for this not alone for my own instruction and gratification, but that I may be enabled, as occasion requires, to present the truth accurately to the public, and to discuss the principles involved with knowledge and effect.

"I remain, dear Mr. Tilden,

"Faithfully yours,
"CHARLES A. DANA."

TILDEN TO CHARLES A. DANA

"_July 22d, 1884._

"DEAR MR. DANA,--I could not but feel much gratified at the interest in my career manifested in your note of the 18th inst.

"It will afford me pleasure to collect such materials for your purpose as I can procure. It may be necessary to have a personal interview to define more exactly what you desire. That will be an occasion for an additional pleasure.

"In the mean time, with assurances of my regards and esteem, I remain,

"Very truly yours."

CHARLES A. DANA TO TILDEN

(PROJECTS A POLITICAL HISTORY)

"'THE SUN,' NEW YORK, _July 24, 1884_.

"DEAR MR. TILDEN,--What I wish is to enlarge my studies of the politics of the last fifty years by going over it all in your relations to it, and in its relations to you.

"Perhaps the best beginning would be made if you could lend me your printed letters, speeches, reports, messages--in short, your published documents of whatever nature and character. I would keep them in my safe and only take out one at a time, so that they would be very little exposed to accident.

"When I have thoroughly studied these papers a great deal will have been accomplished, and I shall then be ready for the next step. My ultimate purpose is to put myself in a situation to write the political history of this half-century between 1835 and 1885.

"It seems to me that in our day there have been three statesmen who have had the genius to rule men through their intellects. I mean Bismarck, Disraeli, and Tilden.

"I remain, dear Mr. Tilden,

"Faithfully yours,
"C. A. DANA."

SMITH M. WEED TO S. J. TILDEN

"PLATTSBURG, N. Y., _July 28, 1884_.

"HON. S. J. TILDEN, GREYSTONE, YONKERS, N. Y.

"MY DEAR GOVR.,--I found, in talking with Manning yesterday, that Govr. C. [Cleveland] had offered to go down and see you about his letter, and had, through M., asked you to name a day, and was anxiously waiting for you to do so.

"I thought I would write you by the very first mail, as I thought that you did not understand it as they do. The Govr. is expecting to come into this country on the 7th or 8th and wants his letter issued before. I write in haste. I did not see Govr. Cleveland, but learned the above from Mr. Manning.

"In haste, yours truly,
"SMITH M. WEED."

DANIEL S. LAMONT TO TILDEN

"STATE OF NEW YORK, EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,
"ALBANY, _Aug. 1, 1884_.

"DEAR SIR,--I am directed by Governor Cleveland to say that, if agreeable to you, he would be glad to call on you at Greystone in company with Mr. Manning on Tuesday next, the 5th instant.

"He takes the liberty of naming the day, because he has engagements which compel his presence here every other day previous to his departure for the woods.

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"DANIEL S. LAMONT, Private Secretary."

SAMUEL J. RANDALL TO TILDEN

"BERWYN, PA., _Aug. 28, 1884_.

"HON. SAM. J. TILDEN.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Allow me to make a suggestion. On the 3rd of September a committee appointed by the unanimous vote of the recent Democratic convention will call upon you with an honorable message from the representatives of the American Democracy. I urge you take this occasion to address yourself to the American people, covering the issues of the coming struggle. No man in the United States knows better than you do just how to do this. The country will listen, the influence of your utterances will be great, and I cannot overstate the importance of such action. It is of the highest moment, and may make success certain. You can take your own time to do this, and can tell the committee you will answer in full in a few days if you are not yet ready for such course.

"An appeal from you for administrative reform will be accepted by the Democrats as conclusive as to their duty at this time, and will determine the doubting and the estranged to fall into line.

"Yours truly,
"SAM. J. RANDALL."

TILDEN TO J. P. TOWNSEND AND OTHERS

"GREYSTONE, _October 13, 1884_.

"GENTLEMEN,--I have just received your letter on behalf of the New York Produce and Maritime, Independent Merchants' Cleveland and Hendricks Club, and representing, also, several other classes of business men, inviting me to be present at the Business Men's Mass-meeting, to be held at the Academy of Music on Wednesday the 15th inst., in aid of the election of Cleveland and Hendricks to the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States.

"I regret that the delicate condition of my health compels me to forego the pleasure of joining with you on that interesting occasion.

"I remember gratefully that when it was my duty as Governor to engage in a grapple with the Canal Ring, which then swayed all the administrative, legislative, and judicial powers of the State, a majority of the local organizations of the Democratic party and all the organizations of the Republican party, the New York Produce Exchange rallied to my support, and stood by my side throughout a prolonged appeal to public opinion until that gigantic power was completely overthrown.

"I cordially concur in your opinion that the election of Cleveland and Hendricks is demanded by the best interests of the country. I believe that their election will be a substantial victory for the cause of good government; that it will assure a safe and prudent administration of the Chief Magistracy of the Republic in all our relations with other countries; that it will restore simplicity, economy, and purity to the Federal government so far as that result depends upon the Executive; that it will give to business men immunity from sudden changes of policy, and enable them to repose under the shelter of a stable, moderate, and equitable administrative system free from favoritism to particular interests or classes and from the injurious fluctuations to which such favoritism always leads.

"SAMUEL J. TILDEN."

GEORGE HOADLEY TO TILDEN

"STATE OF OHIO, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
"COLUMBUS, _November 22, 1884_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--On the occasions of my last two visits to New York, I was unable to command the time to go to Greystone, so that I did not, during the canvass, have the pleasure of expressing my hopes and anticipations to you with reference to its progress in Ohio, or of exchanging congratulations with you upon its apparently favorable prospects. Now, however, we may rejoice over results, and you are especially to be congratulated. At last a Democratic administration takes possession of power: most fortunately, one whose chief has been trained in New York and has sat at your feet and studied his Democracy in the school of Van Buren and Silas Wright. Your judgment that Ohio was not to be trusted is vindicated. I confess I thought differently. I underrated the forces of corruption, and especially of the money that could be brought to bear. You judged more wisely, and the event proves it. Indeed, I saw this before the Chicago convention, and with my full approval my friends there labored for Governor Cleveland's nomination, and by dividing Ohio made it possible.

"I was asked by telegram during that convention if I would accept the Vice-Presidency. I answered in the negative, my ambition being in the line of our profession and to be a busy man, not an idle man. As I said to you when we last met, I should like to be Attorney-General. If that cannot be, I am content to remain as I am or return to private life.

"There are some other facts connected with this matter which I should be glad to lay before you in person had I the opportunity, but which cannot well be committed to writing.

"I take it for granted that your wishes will have great weight with the President-elect. I should esteem it the success of my life, more valuable than the office itself, to know that you approve, or do not disapprove my ambition, and wish my appointment. I would rather be _your_ Attorney-General than hold any office in the Republic short of the highest, and as the value of that lies in being _your_ choice and having your confidence in a place wherein something may be done to give effect to your principles an equal importance attaches to your recommendation to your successor. But while I am ambitious, I am not greedy or insubordinate. Your disapproval of my ambition would be law to me. You are the honored head of our party, and I am ready as a loyal soldier to submit to my commander in this, not grudgingly, but cheerfully.

"Please take this matter into consideration, and at your convenience let me know your thoughts.

"With great respect, yours, &c.,
"GEO. HOADLEY."

TILDEN TO GOVERNOR HOADLY

"_Confidential._

"GREYSTONE, _December 5, 1884_.

"DEAR GOVERNOR HOADLEY,--The present is the earliest opportunity I have had to acknowledge your letter.

"I notice that you mention that there are some things fitter to be discussed in personal interview than by letter.

"You will not doubt my high estimate of your abilities and your character, or of the strong personal regard I feel for you.

"I do not know to what extent or in what cases, if any, I shall be consulted by Mr. Cleveland in respect to the constitution of his cabinet. I do not intend to intrude upon him any advice unasked, or to volunteer any recommendations or requests.

"If consulted I shall not act as a partisan of any of my numerous friends who would like to enter his cabinet, but shall endeavor, with judicial impartiality, to canvass the personal merits and other considerations which ought to influence the choice.

"I am anxious that he should do the best thing possible for the country and for his administration, and shall desire rather to help him in his official task than to add to his embarrassments.

"The formation of a cabinet is a piece of mosaic in which each element may be affected by the size, texture, and color of the others entering into the combination; and it is impossible to foresee how much an individual element may be affected by the cast of the whole.

"In the event that you should be wanted for some other post than the one you prefer, do you mean to say that you have an invincible repugnance to every other post, even though not inferior in dignity or importance?

"Very truly yours,
"S. J. TILDEN."

GEORGE HOADLY TO TILDEN

"EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, COLUMBUS, O., _December 13, 1884_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 5th inst. was received in due course of mail, and I embrace the first opportunity to reply.

"While my ambition, and I think my qualifications, for public service are in the line of my profession, I should not feel at liberty to refuse any duty consistent with my personal dignity and self-respect which the President might assign me. I am well aware that he must have a wider survey of the situation than I can have, and that he must bear the chief responsibility of failure. As I said in my former letter, I am too good a soldier not to take orders cheerfully and obey them ungrudgingly.

"My dear Mr. Tilden, if I had had the least doubt of your esteem and regard I should not have written you as I did or as I do.

"You intimate a doubt whether you will be consulted by President Cleveland with reference to his cabinet. This disturbs and distresses me. To begin by ignoring you, especially if the men whose timidity and self-seeking sacrificed you and the cause in 1877 are taken into confidence, would be a sad prophecy of disaster to come. A statesman can get along, sometimes, by selfishly disregarding considerations of gratitude to the elements that made him--in other words, by kicking down the ladder by which he has climbed; but if he add to this the closing of his ears to the wisest and most far-seeing of his counsellors he is lost. The new administration may perhaps safely throw Ohio overboard, although our fight here in October made success in November possible, as the national committee has fully acknowledged to our State committee; the new President may perhaps safely turn his back upon the men who risked their own political lives to save his at Chicago, but it will be a sad day for him and for his government if he ignore you and do not seek your counsels.

"The circumstances to which I alluded as not to be written are well known to Mr. Smith M. Weed and to Mr. William L. Scott (I think) and possibly to Mr. Daniel Manning.

"I have the honor to be,

"Very truly your friend,
"GEO. HOADLY."

SAMUEL J. RANDALL TO TILDEN

(SENATOR BAYARD'S PLANS)

The following Associated Press despatch appeared at about this time:

"When Senator Thomas F. Bayard came to Albany and paid his
respects to President-elect Cleveland, it is understood that
he left for home with the assurance that he could make his
choice of any position in the cabinet, and he would receive the
appointment. It is said on good authority that, after having
duly deliberated over the matter, the Delaware Senator sent a
note to the Governor, which was received yesterday, indicating
his preference for the portfolio of Secretary of the Treasury.
It is rumored that he will be accordingly appointed."

"HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U. S.,
"WASHINGTON, D. C., _Dec. 17, 1884_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--Unless you interfere at once and with determination, I apprehend Mr. B. will be selected as Secretary of Treasury. That means an end of your friends.

"Yours truly,
SAM. RANDALL."[30]

[30] That would have meant rather an end of Samuel Randall's career
as the agent of the protectionists in Congress.--_Editor._

ROBERT M. MCLANE TO TILDEN

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, ANNAPOLIS, MD., _Dec. 29th, '84_.

"My dear Governor,--I wish you a happy New Year, and I would be delighted if I could offer my greeting in person. I would do so if I knew when you were to be in the city, or if it would be quite convenient to drop in on you at 'Greystone,' as I am going to pay a New Year's visit to my sister, Mrs. Hamilton, at Poughkeepsie.

"I have not heard from any of my New York friends since the election, and I can see little from the bottom of my well here. I saw Mr. Randall in Washington on Saturday just as he was starting for Kentucky, and was sorry to hear from him that he had expressed the wish that his name should not be associated with any cabinet appointment, for though I appreciate his disinterestedness, no man in the country is better able than he to dispel all distrust in Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Indiana when we come to deal practically with the revision of the tariff. He could and would easily reduce duties and increase revenue, ridding us forever of excise taxation! We are, it seems to me, in very nearly the same fix we were in under Jackson and Polk, when we drove the high Protectionists and Free Traders into one camp in opposition to a revenue tariff! Under Polk, Governor Marcy brought from New York the experts employed by Mr. Walker in the Treasury, who gave the maximum revenue duty upon every article imported under the Whig Tariff of 1842. We could raise now over $300,000,000 by applying the same principle, greatly increasing the revenues, and to the advantage rather than to the injury of our industries. Mr. Randall is able to do this, and none of the doubtful States would distrust him. If we do not find such a solution of this question our victory will turn to ashes on our lips! Once more wishing you a happy New Year, and many returns thereof, I remain,

"Very sincerely yours,
"ROBERT M. MCLANE."

TILDEN TO MR. GROSS

"GREYSTONE, _December 29, 1884_.

"DEAR MR. GROSS,--I regret that the temporary obstruction to your hearing, and the weakness of my voice, made the interview which I accorded you of so little utility.

"I have felt obliged to adopt a rule, thus far adhered to, to write no letters to Mr. Cleveland making any recommendations or requests in regard to appointments which may come within his gift. I intend not to volunteer any advice to him on that subject, and, if consulted in any case, I do not design to become a partisan of any one of my numerous friends who may desire his favor, but only to communicate with judicial impartiality such information as I may possess, and such opinions as I shall have formed concerning each of the competitors.

"It seems to me that your prospects of being selected for some such office as you desire will depend mainly upon the extent and character of the support which you may receive from your own locality.

"It can better be judged of, when the cabinet shall have been formed, whether and to what extent you may require extrinsic help.

"I need not say that I regard your connections with great esteem and respect and as entitled to high consideration, and I do not doubt that your qualifications are of a peculiarly excellent character.

"With cordial good wishes, I remain,

"Very truly yours,
"S. J. TILDEN."

TILDEN TO GOVERNOR CLEVELAND

"GREYSTONE, YONKERS, N. Y., _January 2, 1885_.

"DEAR GOVERNOR CLEVELAND,--When you shall relieve yourself of the urgent duties of your present office, if it will be agreeable to you to take a few days' repose at Greystone, it will give me great pleasure to welcome you, and make you as comfortable as possible. I shall be happy to invite Mr. and Mrs. Manning at the same time--which intention, I believe, has already been communicated to you.

"With cordial regards, I am,

"Very truly yours,
"(Signed) S. J. TILDEN."

TILDEN TO HUGH McCULLOCH

"GREYSTONE, YONKERS, N. Y., _January 24, 1885_.

"DEAR MR. MCCULLOCH,--I have received the reports which you were kind enough to send me, and for which please accept my thanks.

"I note your remark that you hope to have the pleasure of meeting me in Washington. I presume you have seen the rumor in the public journals that I have taken rooms in Washington. That rumor is unfounded. I have a disorder of the nerves of motion, which is aggravated by the fatigue and exposure of travel. I therefore forego all such pleasures.

"This note will be handed to you by Mr. C. N. Jordan, formerly cashier of the Third National Bank and an intelligent financier, whom I beg leave to introduce to you and commend to your confidence.

"He is requested, while in Washington, to obtain information which may enable me to guide my judgment as to what measures are necessary, and will be effectual to preserve the faith and honor of the government of the United States, and a sound currency for the people.

"I desire that such voice as a private man in retirement may have should be given in the right direction.

"With my best wishes for Mrs. and Miss McCulloch and yourself, I remain,

"Very truly yours.

"As I write this note, I am reminded that at the last time I was in Washington you were Secretary of the Treasury under the Johnson administration."

DANIEL MANNING TO TILDEN

_"Confidential_.

"ALBANY, N. Y., _Jan'y 24, 1885_.

"My dear Governor,--Ever since my return home in December, the cashier of our bank has been absent--ill of pneumonia--and I have been doing double duty. Until he returns, I cannot leave the city. We expect him at his desk early next week.

"Mr. Cleveland intends to go to New York on, or about, the 1st of February, to remain a week, for the purpose of giving everybody who wants to see him an opportunity to call on him. Either before, or after, that time (probably after) he will go to Greystone, and he wants me to go there with him.

"No committals have been made, nor will any be made, until after those visits have occurred. The situation remains just the same as when I was last with you.

"Will you want to see me before we make our proposed call?

"M."

SMITH M. WEED TO GEORGE W. SMITH[31]

_"Personal_.

"PLATTSBURG, N. Y., _Jany. 25, 1885_.

"GEO. W. SMITH.

"MY DEAR GOVERNOR,--I saw C. (Cleveland) on Saturday (yesterday) A.M., and talked from 10.30 to 12.30 with him. He was just as he was when I saw him last, and talked very _freely_ to me. He is absolutely with _our_ friends in sentiment. Has some queer ideas, which can all be talked out of him, I think. I told him what you said about his civil service letter, and it pleased him immensely. I told him about your financial work and talked over that subject with him, and it made an impression, and he seemed very anxious about it and thankful that you sent J. on to W. He spoke of anticipating seeing you in N. Y., but I did not say anything about his going to visit you. He will not give B. (Bayard) anything but Secretary of State, and, I think, _thinks he better stay in the Senate at that_. He is very set on _Whitney,_ and I think has no one else but that could be changed. He spoke of regretting both B.'s and G.'s leaving the Senate. He talked very freely and frankly, and I do not think it has hurt him to let him alone for a couple of weeks, as he has been.

[31] Mr. Tilden's private secretary, and, for intimate
correspondence, his synonyme.

"I saw Manning a moment and told him he nor C. had acknowledged your invitation. He seemed surprised, and said he understood that he sent word to you this eve., and I think C. understood that M. had done so both for himself and C. I told him I did not so understand him. He said to write you to-day that C. was _all right in every way_. That he spent the entire evening with him on Friday, and that among other things he talked with him about going to see you. That C. said he had agreed to go to N. Y. and listen to those who wanted to talk to him, and that he should go Feb. 1, or within a day or so of it, one way or the other. That he should simply hear what they had to say, and should make no committals in any way; and that after he had heard them, he and M. should go to you. C. told M. that was his idea of the best way to do it--if agreeable to you. I think he said that C. insisted upon his going to N. Y. with him. They therefore will visit you the last of the first week in Feb'y--if nothing happens. I had a very hasty talk with M., as I had but five minutes before my train started. I think I ought to say that C. has considerable _dread_ of A. H. G. (Andrew H. Green). He said G. abused every one and found fault with everything, and evidently had an idea that G. represented to some extent your views. I undeceived him about that. I found M. feared that G. would get hold of his letters to you also, and that, _I think_, is one reason why M. likes better to send messages than to write, although he probably learned that from you. I do not know as I should have written the above about _G._, _but thought_ you ought to know it.

"Yours very truly,
"SMITH M. WEED."

R. T. MERRICK TO TILDEN

_"Private and confidential._

"WASHINGTON CITY, _Feb'y 1st, 1885_.

"MY DEAR MR. TILDEN,--On the day after my return to New York from Greystone, I had a conversation with Mr. Jones as to the fusing of himself and his political associates, in regard to the appointment of Mr. Manning as Secretary of the Treasury.

"Mr. Jones spoke, very decidedly, for himself and Mr. Horace White, in favor of the appointment, and was of opinion that it would meet the approval of all the leading independents, especially in view of the fact that such an appointment was, probably, the only means by which the danger--as he characterized it--of Mr. Whitney's accession to that office could be avoided. He represented that he and his friends were opposed to the appointment of the last-named gentleman to any place in Cleveland's cabinet.

"He requested me to say to you that, in his interview with Mr. Cleveland on Sunday last, he stated to him that, but for your course, in reference to him, he certainly would never have been nominated--and that he impressed upon him the extent of his obligations to you.

"In all that he said--as far as I am informed--on this subject he was right, and would have been right had he gone further and given the President-elect a broader view of the situation.

"_But for you_, and the wonderful power and wisdom with which you conducted the Democratic party up to and through the campaign of '76, the rule of the Republican party would have remained unbroken for another quarter of a century.

"You _regained_, _preserved_, and have _transmitted_ a political estate to Mr. Cleveland, and from what I know of his intellectual and moral character, cannot believe that he will fail to appreciate this condition and history. I cannot believe that he will--in the great emergency which is upon him--fail to avail himself of your wise counsel and advice; or that he will, in looking back upon the events of '76 and those which followed, allow those of your friends who were with you in your triumph, and then led the forlorn hope in the desperate fight of that hour of darkness and treachery, to be pushed aside now by the unscarred sycophants around him.

"The impression seems to prevail here that, since the election of Evarts, it would be very unwise to withdraw either Bayard or Garland from the Senate.

"We will, certainly, be overmatched in debate in that body, whether the gentlemen referred to remain or not.

"Believe me, my dear Mr. Tilden, with great respect, always

Sincerely yours,
"R. T. MERRICK."

THEODORE F. SHUEY TO S. J. TILDEN

"OFFICIAL REPORTER'S OFFICE, UNITED STATES SENATE,
"WASHINGTON, D. C., _Feb'y 1, 1885_.

"DEAR SIR,--I learn, through the N. Y. _World_, that you have recently purchased for your library a 'Financial Diary' kept by Thomas Jefferson when President of the U. S. I have at my home in Virginia a similar diary kept by him in 1774, when a young lawyer at Williamsburg and a member of the House of Burgesses. It is the Virginia Kalendar for that year, well bound in leather with blank pages, on which he wrote, and is a complete diary of his 'pai^{mts},' as well as Mrs. Jefferson's. I have never offered it for sale, nor exhibited it except to friends who take an interest in such matters. You would, of course, wish to see the diary in my possession before purchasing it, if such should be your desire; and as I do not know the price recently paid by you, I have no idea as to the worth of the one for 1774. If you wish to have both diaries in your library, I hope to hear from you on the subject.

"Very truly yours,
"THEO. F. SHUEY,
"_Assistant Senate Reporter_."

DANIEL LAMONT TO TILDEN

"ALBANY, _February 4, 1885_.

"DEAR SIR,--Governor Cleveland directs me to convey to you his thanks for your very kind invitation, and to say that he hopes soon to have the pleasure of making you a visit.

"Mr. Manning will communicate with you concerning the time.

"Very respectfully,
"DANIEL S. LAMONT,
"_Private Secretary_."

WASHINGTON McLEAN TO TILDEN

"WASHINGTON, D. C., _Feb. 5th, 1885_.

"MY DEAR GOVERNOR,--Unless my information is sadly at fault, and I have reason to believe it is not, your old enemies, who conceived the electoral commission to cheat you out of the Presidency, are making both active and insidious efforts to install themselves in President Cleveland's cabinet. To be frank, Mr. Bayard and Mr. Thurman, who were your rivals for the Presidential nomination, and who originated the infamous tribunal which defrauded not only yourself but the American people of their just rights, are both using tremendous forces to gain cabinet places. Mr. Bayard wants the Treasury portfolio, in which desire I have reason to believe he will fail. In such case, he will take the State Department. Thurman will be content with any designation. His candidacy is covertly in the interest of Pendleton. This you may know and doubtless do.

"I have reason to believe you will have the opportunity, quite soon, to give your well-matured views as to public men and public policy to the President-elect. I know too well that our mutual friend, Mr. Bigelow, holds justly your highest appreciation. So he does mine. Still, the purpose of my letter, without detracting at all from Mr. Bigelow's merits, is to call your attention to an old and tried friend of your own and myself. Governor Robert McLane, of Maryland, I have in my mind's eye. He is an old friend of thirty years' standing. He is a radical Democrat. I know he has always been your conscientious and personal friend and admirer. He has had large and ripe public experience, both as a diplomat, a legislator, and the executive of his State. His grandfather was an officer in the war of the Revolution. His father was distinguished for all those traits which make true Democracy illustrious. He was a member of Congress, a U. S. Senator from Delaware, Minister to England, Secretary of the Treasury, and Secretary of State. For ten years he was the president of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Co.

"To go back to the son. You know as well as I his public service. Jackson appointed him to West Point. In the Florida war he served with credit; also under General Scott in the Cherokee country. In 1847 he began his Congressional term, representing a Maryland district, and subsequently in 1849. President Pierce, in 1853, appointed him a commissioner to China with full powers plenipotentiary. In 1859 President Buchanan appointed him Minister to Mexico. He was again elected to Congress in 1879 and 1881, and is now the Governor of Maryland, being elected by 12,000 majority.

"Don't you think, Governor, it would be only fair to Cleveland to give him the choice between two of your friends: Mr. John Bigelow and Gov. Robt. McLane?

"Your cordial friend,
"WASHINGTON MCLEAN.

"No. 8 La Fayette Square, Washington, D. C.

"_Gov. Samuel J. Tilden._

"P. S.--I had forgotten to add that I have conferred on this subject with Hon. Samuel Randall and other of our old friends, who concur with me in the endorsement of Gov. McLane.

"W. McL."

S. J. RANDALL TO GROVER CLEVELAND

"NEW YORK, _February 8, 1885_.

"HON. GROVER CLEVELAND.

"DEAR SIR,--The wisdom and public necessity of a discontinuance of compulsory coinage of bullion into standard silver dollars as authorized by the act of February 28, 1878, is under discussion in most of our commercial and trade organizations.

"There is a wide-spread apprehension that the continued coinage of standard silver dollars may bring about financial and trade embarrassment. Under these circumstances, I do not consider it inappropriate that I should ask an expression of your judgment in relation to this subject.

"I have the honor to enclose a copy of an amendment, which I propose to have inserted in the bill for the legislative, executive and judicial appropriations.

"Yours very truly."[32]

[32] This is the draft of a letter doubtless emanating from Mr.
Tilden, as it is in the handwriting of one of his secretaries.

GROVER CLEVELAND TO S. J. RANDALL

"NEW YORK, _February 9, 1885_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I have received your letter containing a copy of an amendment in relation to the coinage of silver, which it is proposed should be inserted in a bill now pending in Congress, and asking my judgment upon the subject.

"I have some delicacy in saying a word that may be construed by anybody as interfering with the legislation of the present Congress. But so grave do I deem the public emergency that I am willing as a private citizen to say that I think some legislation of the character suggested is eminently desirable.

Very respectfully yours,
"GROVER CLEVELAND."

DRAFT OF A LETTER TO THE HONORABLE HUGH MCCULLOCH, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY

"GREYSTONE, YONKERS, N. Y., _February 11, 1885_.

"DEAR MR. MCCULLOCH,--I am much obliged for the kind attention you gave to my inquiries. I have been delayed in writing to you my acknowledgments, from the lack of leisure to add some observations which I desired to make. And if compelled to differ with you in any respect, I need not say that it is with a high and respectful appreciation of your opinions and abilities in finance.

"I agree that a currency strictly limited in amount so as not to exceed, but rather to be less, than the effective demand for necessary public use, may be kept in circulation at a rate higher than its intrinsic value. But that is true only on very stringent conditions.

"As to making a market for silver coin by withdrawing bank-notes and treasury notes of less denomination than five dollars--and ultimately of less denomination than ten dollars--there are grave difficulties. In your letter it is remarked: