Chapter V: The Operations About Smolensk (1)

With the arrival of Napoleon’s main army on the Düna and Dnieper the first stage of the campaign came to an end. To all appearance the invaders had gained immense advantages. Nearly the whole of the ancient Duchy of Lithuania, together with most of Kurland, had passed into Napoleon’s hands almost without a blow having been struck in their defence. A number of considerable towns had been occupied, and a great quantity of Russian stores captured. The Russian armies, which six weeks earlier had been ranged along the line of the Bug and the Niemen, had now retreated behind that formed by the Düna and the Dnieper, and the passage of both these rivers could be effected by the French at their convenience. The Russian troops, apart from the discouragement caused by constant retreating, had suffered considerable material loss.

When the withdrawal from the frontier began the armies of Barclay and Bagration had numbered together some 174,000 men. On the Düna the First Army had been joined by about 9000 reserves, and at Smolensk by 17 depôt battalions and 4 batteries of artillery--probably 6000 more. Bagration had incorporated in his army the garrison of Mohilev and six reserve battalions from Bobruisk--say 3000. These figures, added together, give a total of 192,000.

On August 6th the Russian forces were as follows:--

The First and Second Armies presented a total of 121,000 men; besides a detachment of 1 Dragoon and 3 Cossack regiments detached towards Poriechie. Three regiments of Cossacks had been detached to Riga and elsewhere. Two of Raievski’s infantry regiments, which had been the worst sufferers at Saltanovka, had been sent into the interior to recruit. The deduction under these headings may be fairly estimated at 4500 men. Wittgenstein’s corps and the reserves from Drissa and Dünaburg were on July 12th over 28,500 strong. The total effective of the Russian First and Second Armies early in August was therefore 154,000, showing a deficiency since June of 38,000 men. The fighting round Mohilev and Vitebsk had scarcely cost more than 6000 or 7000 men, and 5000 is a high estimate for losses in the rear-guard actions. The diminution from other causes was therefore 27,000. It is to be accounted for by sickness, by straggling and fatigue due to the long and painful marches, but also in large measure to desertion among the Lithuanian troops. These half-hearted men were probably no great loss, nor can it be said that the diminution was, on the whole, excessive; still it was serious. Over and above the abandoned magazines a portion of the material had been lost. Only eight guns had been captured in action, but some thirty more had been abandoned during the long marches through sands, swamps and forests; it says volumes for the Russian artillery that the number was not greater.

If, however, the Russian losses had been serious, those of the French had been more so. The causes which diminished the strength of the Russians operated also against the invaders, and apparently the latter, for the most part used to a higher standard of living, were less able to endure hardships. Fatigue and heat might have been endured without any very serious results, but owing to the breakdown of the transport, the supplies of bread and biscuit could never keep up with the troops; even flour was rarely to be had. Meat was, as a rule, not lacking, but it was often of bad quality, the cattle being overdriven and frequently themselves ill-fed. A diet of poor meat, unseasoned, and unaccompanied by bread or vegetables, is not suitable for men who have to endure hard labour and fatigue under the rays of a Russian midsummer sun. Such bread and biscuit as were procurable were bad, and the ill-ground rye had serious effects upon the stomachs of men accustomed to well-prepared wheaten flour. Every effort was made to bring up adequate supplies, but the ill-fed and over-worked draft beasts were utterly unable to cope with the transport, and died in great numbers. The men, foraging for themselves, were rarely able to obtain more than small quantities of grain, and as there were no portable mills in the equipment of the troops it had to be consumed boiled. The water available in Lithuania was scanty in quantity and often bad; and in the general disorganisation of the commissariat brandy, which formed part of the usual ration, and might, at any rate, have done something towards rendering the water less unwholesome, was rarely served out. The result was a frightful amount of sickness--diarrhoea, dysentery and typhus--and in a wretchedly poor and sparsely populated region little could be done to reduce it. The sick were left behind in temporary hospital camps; where they died by thousands in the midst of filth, starvation and general destitution. Of those who went into these dens of misery it was calculated that not one in ten ever emerged alive.

The fighting line was seriously weakened by the immense number of sick. It was also reduced by the necessity of making large detachments to bring up the belated supply trains and to forage for bread, and yet further depleted by straggling, partly for purposes of foraging, partly owing to fatigue, and in some measure to indiscipline. This straggling had always been one of the bad features of the Napoleonic army, and the marches always appear, except when in face of the enemy, to have been conducted with great irregularity. A German eyewitness was amazed to see the regiments of Davout’s corps, the best disciplined of the army, making a short march in the most disorderly array.

There is, of course, something to be said for this permission to the men to take their ease when there was no necessity for precise formation and watchfulness; and certainly nothing is ever gained by harassing and overworking soldiers distinguished for cheerful readiness--as Frenchmen have always been. But it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the irregularity went beneath the surface. With the gaiety and readiness of the French nature is intermixed a decided strain of impatience under restraint which easily degenerates into lawlessness. The straggling which, in earlier days, had perhaps been necessary for the ill-compacted Revolutionary armies, had now become a habit, and soon developed into a monstrous abuse, which ultimately, as much as anything, proved the ruin of the army. The writer is far from wishing to defend a hard and inelastic discipline which crushes personal initiative. But he is strongly of opinion that had the French march discipline been better at the outset, the army would not have broken up as it did during the retreat. Upon this subject more will be said in its proper place.

Finally, it must be observed that the proper means of checking the evils which afflicted the contending armies were very little understood. Not only was there a deficiency of trained _personnel_, but the medical art was, as compared with what it is to-day, in a very undeveloped condition. It cannot be said that Napoleon did not endeavour to provide his troops with medical and surgical assistance, but it was never adequate, either in quantity or quality. The officers were rarely qualified to make good the deficiencies of the sanitary services. Among the corps commanders there were certainly some who thoroughly understood the details of administration. Davout was undoubtedly the best of them; but Ney was also a careful and conscientious administrator. As early as August he is found issuing orders for the preparation of winter clothing. Among the divisional leaders, also, there were some who thoroughly understood how to look after their men--De Fezensac instances Ledru des Essarts as one of them. Still, the careful administrators were certainly in a minority, and their excellent intentions were often hampered by lack of scientific knowledge.

Turning from the general examination of these evils to consideration of the intrinsic damage which they caused, it is to be noted that the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th and 8th Army Corps and the 4 corps of Reserve Cavalry totalled on June 24th about 315,000 men. The returns of August 3rd and 4th give an aggregate of less than 213,000. There were, therefore, even on the showing of the official returns, 102,000 men in rear. Detachments account for about 20,000. There remain 82,000; and, since allowance must be made for drafts and absentees rejoined, it will probably be fair to estimate that the losses amounted to 100,000. The loss in battle cannot be estimated higher than 15,000; it follows that 85,000 men had disappeared from the muster-rolls by reason of straggling and sickness--that is, nearly 30 per cent. Of course, they were not all permanently lost to the army, but a very large proportion were, owing to the terrible lack of provision for the temporarily disabled soldiers.

The mortality among the horses had been very large, mainly owing to lack of forage. The number dwindled day by day, and this circumstance was, in a sense, more fatal than loss of men. Every disabled horse meant further lessening of the means of transport. The cavalry regiments were unable to mount even their diminished effectives except by sweeping up horses from the countryside; and these were rarely of much service. The guns of the reserve parks had to be left at Vilna, and even part of the artillery of several army corps.

When Napoleon reached Vitebsk the number of men missing among the 450,000 who had crossed the frontier in June and July, may be conservatively calculated at 120,000, and a very large proportion of them were either already dead or disabled from further service. Straggling and desertion were especially prevalent among the foreign regiments. Their administration was generally less efficient; less care was taken of them by the French officials. They had naturally little affection for the cause in which they had been enlisted by their sovereigns, and their officers must have been exasperated at the disgraceful fashion in which Napoleon invariably endeavoured to saddle their troops with the sole blame for disorders. It is more than probable that disgust at this, no less than the way in which they had been sacrificed, was one of the motives which impelled so many German officers to turn against Napoleon in the following year.

For every reason a halt was imperatively necessary, and Napoleon called it as soon as the escape of the First Russian Army was an accomplished fact. On the 29th he wrote to Davout, ordering him to canton his troops. The various corps took up quarters on a line extending from Surazh to beyond Mohilev, with the cavalry pushed out in front and on the flanks. Latour-Maubourg was about Rogachev-on-Dnieper, some 60 miles south of Mohilev, with a Polish infantry division in support.

There was a little skirmishing between the advanced French cavalry and belated Russian detachments. On July 30th Murat’s horsemen picked up about 100 prisoners and 40 abandoned vehicles, and captured a welcome supply of flour and forage. On the 31st Villata’s Italian cavalry brigade surprised a Russian convoy at Velizh, escorted by 4 depôt battalions. The 2nd Chasseurs under Colonel Banco charged, and captured 60 waggons and 250 prisoners. The total Russian loss was estimated by Eugène at 700, and 600 sacks of flour and a herd of bullocks fell into the hands of the Italian troopers. But for these captures the French cavalry could hardly have advanced another step. The regiments were, with few exceptions, very weak, and the horses exhausted by fatigue and privation. Sebastiani--perhaps with some exaggeration, for he was ill and discouraged--declared that his division had only 2300 mounted men remaining, out of over 4000. Hardly one of the corps was really fit for service except perhaps the 1st. Ney had not yet received his reserve of artillery, which was toiling up from the rear. Not even in the 1st Corps were things altogether satisfactory. Davout was growling at the disorder in the regiments, threatening Desaix, whom he accused of abetting it, with arrest, and re-establishing discipline by stern methods, including the shooting of marauders caught in the act.

During the last days of July Oudinot had fought several very bloody and inconclusive actions with Wittgenstein. The 2nd Corps had been forced back upon the Düna; and on August 4th Napoleon ordered St. Cyr, who was near Bechenkoviczi, to march to its support, though the unhappy Bavarians had scarcely begun to refit and were still smitten with disease. St. Cyr complained bitterly, but he had to obey.

By August 4th the Grand Army had settled down in cantonments. Head-quarters were at Vitebsk, where ovens were being built, and hospitals and magazines established. The 4th Corps was at Surazh, Velizh and Poriechie, the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Cavalry Corps about Rudnia, the 3rd Corps around Liozna, north-west of Rudnia, with the 24th Light Infantry supporting Sebastiani. The 1st Corps, not yet reunited, was spread from Vitebsk to Orsha, with the 8th Corps at the latter place, and the 5th between Sklov and Mohilev, whither Latour-Maubourg was also moving.

The general results of the halt were very beneficial. The establishments of the regiments began to rise. It is true that the muster rolls for August 4th only show about 197,000 men present out of a nominal 270,000, but stragglers were rallying each day; and men and horses were at least reposing from fatigue. The supply department was not entirely satisfactory. Davout’s troops were able to draw breadstuffs from the country along the Dnieper, and had, as has been seen, captured several Russian depôts. The corps north of the Dnieper, however, depended for bread mainly on what could be brought up by the over-worked transport from Vilna and Minsk. Here, however, there was an improvement, since the halt allowed the trains to close up. If bread were not regularly served out the men at any rate obtained something, and the corps commanders were able to begin to accumulate a small reserve.

Besides the increase caused by stragglers and convalescents rejoining, reinforcements were arriving. The rear detachments of the Imperial Guard were beginning to come up, also the Hesse-Darmstadt Guards, under Prince Emil, of which one battalion joined at Vitebsk, while the other was marching from Vilna. Three newly formed battalions for the Vistula Legion were also on the way, and various _régiments de marche_ (i.e. drafts, convalescents, etc.). A Portuguese cavalry regiment had joined Davout, and the Grand Quarter-General, 4690 strong, reached Vitebsk on the 7th. When hostilities recommenced the Grand Army was considerably the better for its rest. Davout’s troops especially were in excellent order, and carried on the person bread, biscuit and flour for fifteen days. The Westphalians also were well supplied. North of the Dnieper matters were less satisfactory. Friant on rejoining Davout stated that he had always had to forage for breadstuffs, though he had plenty of meat.

The administration of the hospitals was still very bad, even at Vitebsk; and elsewhere no doubt it was much worse. Matters were not improved by the fact that Surgeon-General Larrey and General Mathieu Dumas, the chief of the military administration, were on bad terms with each other.

Some changes were at this time made in the commands. Napoleon’s old, but not very capable or energetic, friend, Junot, was appointed to the command of the 8th Corps. Marchand was given the Württemberg division of Ney’s corps. It had been commanded at the outset by the Crown Prince Wilhelm, but, partly owing to disgust at the disorder, and the fashion in which he and his men were slandered to save the faces of the French, partly owing to illness, he had returned to Vilna, leaving the command to Lieutenant-General Scheler. Marchand declined to take the direct control out of the hands of the latter, and the two worked well together. Otherwise, being an old comrade and subordinate, Marchand was probably welcome to Ney.

The Marquis d’Alorna, one of the few Portuguese officers who had preferred to serve Napoleon willingly, was appointed Military Governor of Mohilev. General Charpentier was placed in charge of Vitebsk, and Gomès Freyre, another Portuguese, of Glubokoïe. The two brigades of Bavarian light cavalry belonging to the 6th Corps were combined into a division, under General Graf von Preising, and transferred to the 4th Corps, which now had 36 squadrons.

Napoleon, of course, did not intend the halt to be more than temporary. At the outset of the campaign he had told Metternich that he did not intend to go farther than Smolensk in 1812, but, having established himself there, purposed to organise Lithuania and consolidate his rule in the former Polish provinces before attempting to conquer Russia Proper. This statement he repeated to others--notably to Jomini--and it can hardly be considered as a mere blind. Up to the present he had failed to strike a heavy blow at the opposing Russian army The extent of country which he occupied was by no means an advantage, since it was too poor to support his huge forces, and merely lengthened his already long line of communications. But now, at last, a battle might reasonably be expected. Barclay and Bagration had united their forces, and it was scarcely within the bounds of probability that Smolensk, a home of the ancient Rurikovich line, long contended for with hated Poland, one of the sacred cities of Russia, would be abandoned without fighting. The halt had for its primary object the putting of the army into good condition preparatory to a fresh and energetic advance.

As early as August 6th Napoleon told Eugène that an early renewal of hostilities was to be anticipated, and that he should probably advance on Smolensk by the left bank of the Dnieper. On the same day he was asking Davout for information as to which bank of the river was in his opinion the better for the advance. Davout’s reply was that upon the whole he thought the left bank the more suitable, and apparently this decided the Emperor. The merits and demerits of the plan will be discussed later. Here it is only necessary to observe that it was preconceived, and not due to the influence of Russian operations.

The two Russian armies were concentrated at Smolensk by August 4th. The city had practically no fortifications of value. Its massive brick walls were capable of resisting the attack of field guns, but there were several ill-closed breaches; and the only guns in the place were antique pieces without carriages, kept mainly as relics. Smolensk was garrisoned by a column of 17 depôt battalions, 8 squadrons and 4 batteries of artillery--about 6000 or 7000 men--which had been brought from Kaluga by General Winzingerode. The infantry was drafted into the two armies, ten battalions going to the 1st, seven to the 2nd, which had dwindled during its forced marches, and needed more strengthening in proportion. The artillery was also divided, but the squadrons were sent back to Kaluga to serve as a nucleus for fresh formations. Winzingerode was sent with the Kazan Dragoons from Uvarov’s division and 3 regiments of Cossacks to observe the French left wing towards Surazh and Poriechie. There then remained a held army of 121,000 men, of whom over 18,000 were regular cavalry, with some 650 pieces of artillery.

Unhappily there was no unity of command. Barclay, as minister of war, was the hierarchical chief, but both Bagration and himself were Generals of Infantry, and the former was the senior in rank. Though a Georgian by birth he posed as an ultra Russian and received accordingly the willing, not to say eager and unscrupulous, support of the many officers who chose to regard Barclay as a half-hearted and even treacherous foreigner. His fighting record was a good one, and he might, with some justice, consider that he had the better title to the command-in-chief. Barclay also, with all his fine qualities, appears to have been deficient in tact. He does not appear to have fully realised the difficulties with which Bagration had had to contend, nor the very creditable attempts which he had made to effect a junction. After crossing the Dnieper Bagration appears to have considered that his best service would be performed in operating upon Napoleon’s flank. Von Wollzogen, sent to urge him to hasten the union of the two armies, found him, according to his own account, by no means willing to do so, and informed Barclay. The latter thereupon wrote pressing him to hasten, in phrases which, though hardly beyond what the urgency of the case required, were perhaps unjust in their implications, and were certainly fiercely resented by Bagration. He reached Smolensk in a frame of mind which would find cause of offence in every trifle. Barclay, however, displayed unusual tact, for which his aide-de-camp Löwenstern gives himself the credit. When Bagration came to report himself the War-Minister met him in his antechamber in full uniform, and expressed his regret that he had been anticipated in calling upon him. The two chiefs then had a conversation, as the result of which Barclay apologised by letter for any injustice which he might have done his colleague. For the moment good relations were established, and Barclay wrote to the Tzar expressing his admiration of Bagration’s character. But it is to be feared that Bagration’s friendly feelings were of no very long continuance, and a sense of injury still rankled in his mind. What was worse, many of the general officers were almost openly intriguing for the definite appointment of Bagration to the supreme command. Yermólov actually wrote to the Tzar urging him to make it. The chief of the malcontents was the Grand Duke Constantine, who, as the Tzar’s brother and heir apparent, was the most important commander in the army. Constantine was a violent and irrational person, bearing, both in disposition and in the exceeding ugliness of his features, a strong resemblance to his ill-fated father. Barclay’s position rapidly became almost an intolerable one.

For the moment all went well. A council was called for the 6th of August, and to it came the two commanders-in-chief, the Grand Duke Constantine, whom Barclay dared not omit, Yermólov, Toll and St. Priest, Bagration’s French chief-of-staff. The decision as to an offensive had been taken before the meeting, and only the details were to be settled. There was naturally considerable divergence of opinion. The extension of the French cantonments appeared to afford an excellent opportunity. It was determined to throw strong forces against Napoleon’s extreme left, under Eugène, which might perhaps be completely destroyed. Bagration, however, wished to drive the attack home with the full force of both armies, and to this Barclay would not agree. He was very naturally uneasy as to what the mighty conqueror opposed to him might do to turn the tables. Smolensk, weak as it was, was the pivot of the Russian operations, and its loss would shatter the entire strategic plan. Barclay therefore proposed that Bagration should hold it while the First Army pushed forward against Vitebsk. To this Bagration demurred, and eventually it was decided to leave only a detachment to cover the city and to march upon Vitebsk with the combined armies, the Second holding rather back on the left to guard against a turning movement.

Barclay, however, was very uneasy. The Tzar had bidden him preserve his army at all hazards, and, though he underestimated Napoleon’s strength, it was no light thing to advance to the attack of so terrible an adversary. Sir Robert Wilson, the British military commissioner, who reached head-quarters a few days later, says that Barclay was terrorised by his opponent’s renown, but, seeing the situation and the tremendous consequences which would ensue on the destruction of Russia’s single formidable army, it can hardly be wondered that he was resolute to take no risks. He informed the Council of Alexander’s words, and expressed his firm determination not to move more than three marches from Smolensk.

It is, of course, possible to argue that the plan, thus confined, was but a half-measure; but it is equally possible that Barclay’s caution saved the Russian army from destruction. He was certainly so far dominated by Napoleon that he expected to be turned, and prepared to throw back his right wing at the first alarm. On the other hand, it was certain that if Napoleon pursued his usual strategy he would endeavour to turn one or the other of the Russian flanks, and probability pointed to the right.

General Neverovski was left to guard Smolensk. His division was improved in quality by making over two regiments to Paskievich, and receiving in return those of Poltava and Ladoga. The Kharkov Dragoon regiment and three regiments of Cossacks were also attached to him, and he was directed to move out along the left bank of the Dnieper.

Having thus, as he hoped, provided for speedy intelligence, and for the security of Smolensk, if it were threatened, Barclay, on August 7th, set his forces in motion. Bagration moved along the right bank of the Dnieper to Katan, some 16 miles from Smolensk. The 5th and 6th Corps and the 3rd Cavalry Corps advanced on Rudnia, and the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Corps and the rest of the cavalry in the direction of Poriechie. A detachment of light infantry under Baron Rosen connected the First and Second Armies. Each column was preceded by an advance guard of infantry and cavalry, and in front of all were the Cossacks under the general command of Platov. The advancing army totalled about 113,000 men.

At the end of the first day’s march, Barclay received intelligence from Winzingerode that Eugène and Nansouty were at or near Poriechie. This naturally suggested that Napoleon had obtained information, and was moving to turn the Russian right. Barclay accordingly halted, and faced to the north-east, requesting Bagration to advance to Prikaz Vidra, 16 miles north of Katan, to guard the left flank. Platov was still moving north-westward, and on the 8th he encountered Sebastiani’s division near Inkovo, east of Rudnia. Sebastiani was supported by the 24th Léger and Beurmann’s light cavalry brigade from Ney’s corps. Beurmann, however, hardly showed the vigour which the occasion required, and only his Württemberg horse artillery battery took a decided share in the action, the brunt of which fell upon Sebastiani. The French division, which was less than 3000 strong, fought well, but was forced to fall back before superior numbers. A company of the 24th was captured by the Cossacks, and the loss probably totalled 600 men, of whom 300 were prisoners. Murat was at head-quarters during the action, and by some the reverse is attributed to his absence. Undoubtedly he would have been better able to combine the operations of Sebastiani and Beurmann than was his chief-of-staff, Belliard, and would also have brought pressure to bear upon Ney. The latter, who was cantoned about Liozna, concentrated his troops, but made no move to Sebastiani’s support, for which he was next day severely reprimanded by Napoleon.

On the same day Nansouty’s outposts near Velizh were attacked by those of Winzingerode. The intelligence all went to show that the Russians were advancing against the French left wing. On the 8th Napoleon received Davout’s report upon the roads along the Dnieper; and at 2 a.m. on the 9th he replied to say that he had decided to march upon Smolensk by the left bank, and ordered the Marshal to trace the itinerary. Murat hurried to the front to resume his command. Ney drew towards him the three divisions of the 1st Corps to meet a Russian advance. On the 8th the Guard had been paid, and had received brandy for ten days. Friant, who was to fall at the head of the Old Guard on the field of Waterloo, was nominated Colonel-General of the Foot Grenadiers in place of General Dorsenne, recently deceased. He was welcomed at a parade on the 9th by Napoleon himself--much to his pleasure.

On the 10th General Eblé was sent to Rasasna, 22 miles above Orsha, with orders to throw four bridges over the Dnieper. The weather was very bad, with heavy rain, which broke up the roads and impeded the march of the troops. Nansouty’s and Montbrun’s cavalry (except Sebastiani’s division), Ney’s corps, and the divisions of Morand, Friant and Gudin, were directed on Rasasna. Eugène would follow, forming the rear-guard of the movement, which was covered on its left by extensive forests. Davout’s army was also ordered on Rasasna, except Dombrowski’s division, which was to remain near Mohilev to observe Bobruisk. It is characteristic of Napoleon’s methods that Ney knew nothing of the proposed movement until late on the 10th. On the 11th the Guard left Vitebsk. The weather was still bad, and it was probably owing to this that Ney was unable to evacuate all his sick, earning thereby another reprimand from Napoleon.

General Charpentier was left to garrison Vitebsk with the new Guard regiment of “Flanqueurs-Chasseurs,” Guyon’s cavalry brigade of the 4th Corps, the 3rd battalion of the 1st Vistula Regiment, and a Hesse-Darmstadt battalion on the way from Vilna--3800 men in all, a number which would be increased by the 16th to over 7000 by various _bataillons de marche_. Sebastiani’s division, temporarily commanded by General Pajol, was to remain in observation near Rudnia. Dombrowski’s division was between Rogachev and Mohilev. A battalion of Westphalians garrisoned Orsha. Deducting these detachments, Napoleon had available for the advance on Smolensk over 200,000 men, exclusive of the head-quarter troops. By the 13th the whole huge mass was either at or within easy reach of Rasasna, and Nansouty, Montbrun and Ney crossed the river and took the lead.

It is somewhat remarkable that there is no indication during this period of any attempt to ascertain the whereabouts of the Russians. Napoleon knew that they had not pushed their advance on Vitebsk, but he was apparently so confident that his move would meet all emergencies that he does not seem to have troubled himself about the 120,000 enemies who were somewhere to his left.

Barclay, as has been seen, was facing towards Poriechie. About this time he received a direct order from Alexander to take the offensive. Bagration moved to Prikaz Vidra on the 9th; and Barclay reported that the two armies could concentrate in a day if necessary, that in their position they covered Smolensk and the country between the Düna and Dnieper, and could easily be supplied from the magazines which had been prepared beforehand at Toropetz and other places.

Bagration, however, was not satisfied. He was in a mood which would probably have induced him to quarrel with anything that Barclay did. He told Arakcheiev that the War-Minister’s head-quarters were so choked with Germans that a Russian could not live there, and that constant marching and counter-marching would drive him mad. To Yermólov he wrote that he had neither hay, straw, bread nor a position, and that Barclay must either do something or else supersede him (Bagration). He expected that Napoleon would amuse them by demonstrations about Rudnia, and move on Smolensk by their left. It is not clear whether this anticipation of the French Emperor’s intentions was the result of careful reflection, or simply due to the natural tendency of every commander to imagine himself the especial object of the enemy’s attentions.

The result was that Barclay, in despair, gave Bagration a free hand. He empowered him to withdraw upon Smolensk if he judged it necessary, and in general to take his own measures for the protection of the Russian left flank. The unfortunate War-Minister was beset by open and secret foes, and this, added to the responsibility which weighed upon him, probably explains this extraordinary step, which practically amounted to an abdication of the supreme command.

On the 12th, accordingly, Bagration withdrew towards Smolensk. On the same day, however, Barclay received fresh information that the French were in force near Poriechie. It was absolutely baseless, but he could scarcely discredit it, more especially as he was obsessed by the idea of an attack from that quarter. He wrote to Bagration that he expected an attack on the 15th, and took up a position between the Kasplia lake and the village of Volokovaia, about 22 miles north-west of Smolensk. He called up Bagration to Katan and Nadva, about 8 miles farther north-west, in order to guard his own left. On the 13th the Second Army was retiring on Smolensk, and the 7th Corps had actually reached the place when Barclay’s order of recall arrived.

This seems almost to have disturbed Bagration’s mental balance. He complained bitterly of the constant counter-marching, which was steadily exhausting and depleting the Second Army. For this there was good excuse, but little for the violent letters which he wrote to Yermólov, in which he describes Barclay as a traitor worthy of death. The latter had certainly carried his cautious policy too far, since another march in advance on the 9th or 10th would have shown that there were no large forces in his front, and he was certainly in a state of great irresolution. Still, seeing the character of his adversary, this was, at any rate, excusable, and one may fairly ask why the masses of Russian light cavalry had not better enlightened the situation.

It must be said in defence of Bagration that however much he allowed his fiery temperament to master him, and though his letters to a dangerous intriguer like Yermólov were subversive of all military subordination, he did not himself set the example of disobedience. On the 14th he counter-marched the 8th Corps on Katan, pushing Sievers’ and Vassilchikov’s cavalry, with a supporting brigade of the 7th Corps, on towards Volokovaia. The bulk of the 7th Corps was at Smolensk, and the men needed rest, so that Raievski did not commence his march until 7 p.m. As he moved off, cannonading was heard in the direction of Krasnoï. Towards 10 o’clock an aide-de-camp arrived from Neverovski with the news that French troops were advancing by the south bank of the Dnieper. Bagration had also, by some means, received intelligence, for soon after came orders from him to halt. In the night, Raievski received a fresh order to return to support Neverovski. At daybreak on the 15th the 7th Corps re-entered Smolensk.

On the morning of the 14th the Grand Army began to advance from Rasasna. Murat led the way with Nansouty’s, Montbrun’s and Grouchy’s corps and the light cavalry of the 1st and 3rd Corps; and behind him came Ney’s three infantry divisions. In rear of Ney came Davout’s corps, and then the Guard. Eugène was crossing at Rasasna; the 8th Corps was marching from Orsha on Davout’s right, and the 5th farther out, covered towards the south by Latour-Maubourg. Between two and three in the afternoon the advance-guard reached Krasnoï, occupied by Neverovski’s division.

Various French writers have expressed astonishment at this small force having been left exposed, and apparently by accident on the south side of the Dnieper. All this is, of course, little better than nonsense, or, at best, adulation of Napoleon’s genius, which was so great that it robbed his opponents of common sense! The sending of the 27th Division along the left bank of the river was a perfectly rational measure of precaution. It was in observation, and not intended to abide the attack of a greatly superior force, though it was quite capable of dealing with a division or flying detachment. By whichever bank the Russian leaders chose to operate they could not leave the other unobserved, especially since the French held the crossings at Orsha and elsewhere. The mistake--presumably Bagration’s--appears to have been in not stationing the infantry closer to Smolensk and sending only the cavalry to observe the Orsha road.

Krasnoï is a small town about 30 miles from Smolensk. Neverovski’s cavalry outposts were about Liady, a few miles west. They were driven out by Grouchy’s corps, which formed Murat’s left wing; and Neverovski learned that overwhelming forces were marching upon him.

JOACHIM MURAT, KING OF NAPLES

Commander of the French Cavalry

From the painting by Gérard at Versailles]

He at once made his dispositions for retreat. A little east of Krasnoï the Lossmina river flows to the Dnieper through a gully over which the high-road passed by the usual wooden bridge. Neverovski ordered the 50th Chasseurs with 2 guns to march with all speed to Korythnia, nearly half-way to Smolensk, to form a sustaining force in case of a grave defeat, and began to withdraw. When Murat and Ney arrived they found him with 9 battalions, his cavalry and 8 guns, behind the ravine, with 1 battalion and 2 guns in Krasnoï.

The general order of the French advance is a little uncertain, but Grouchy, with Chastel’s light horse and De la Houssaye’s dragoons, appears to have been on the left, the light cavalry of the 1st and 3rd Corps with the 24th Léger, personally led by Ney, in the centre; Montbrun’s two Cuirassier divisions on the right, with Nansouty in support. The 24th Léger attacked and carried Krasnoï about 3 p.m., capturing the two guns and driving the remains of the garrison over the ravine. The 9th Polish Cavalry followed them over the bridge, but, throwing themselves rashly upon the supporting infantry, were repulsed. The Kharkov dragoons pursued, but declined to charge in face of the masses behind, and Neverovski, seeing the French numbers, sent his cavalry off to the rear, and began to withdraw, with his ten battalions ranged in two dense columns.

The hostile horsemen were now crowding over the Lossmina ravine. Murat, having got some squadrons together, flung himself at the Russian rear-guard, threw it into disorder and captured five or six guns more. Neverovski rallied the broken troops, and then, apparently doubting the steadiness of his young recruits, supported now by the fire of only two guns, united his force into a single great square. As the battalions were formed, in Continental fashion, six deep, and as the number of men was about 5000, each face was probably 130 yards long.

As the French and allied cavalry crossed the ravine each regiment hurried up to the front and singly and apparently haphazard charged the retiring square. To all appearance Murat exercised no general control, but acted like a mere regimental commander, riding furiously about, leading isolated charges which were futile against steady infantry. The artillery was mostly blocked at the Lossmina, and only three Württemberg guns succeeded in coming into action; while Ney’s infantry, which might have held the Russians until the guns could do their work, could not force its way up through the impeding hosts of cavalry. The country was much broken and cut up by small hollows and gullies; while the road was generally bordered by trees. Over this country, eastward of Krasnoï, on the way to Korythnia, was moving the host of French, Polish and German horsemen, while in its midst the great square of the 27th Division lumbered solemnly along, with the attacks of the cavalry breaking upon it like waves upon a rock, firing and stabbing doggedly at everything that troubled it, and making its way steadily to Korythnia in spite of what its assailants could do. The firing of the Russian recruits appears to have often been wild, but their steadiness was exemplary. Even when the three Württemberg guns at last worked their way up and opened fire there was no shattering them. A Württemberg regiment did succeed, at one moment, in breaking into the square, but was forced out again, and the 27th Division steadied its ranks and went on its dogged way. The charges grew more and more ineffective owing to the fatigue of men and horses; and about 8 p.m. Neverovski arrived in safety at Korythnia. There he rallied his cavalry and rear-guard, and next day retreated on Smolensk. He had lost about 1500 men in all, of whom half were prisoners, with 8 guns. The French losses do not appear to have exceeded 800.

The action was extremely creditable to the young Russian troops, though it is only fair to say that they owed much to Murat’s mismanagement. Ney, in the midst of the action, went to the King and endeavoured to induce him to allow the infantry to pass to the front, but without avail. He was furious, and wrote a memorandum to Napoleon begging him to have a regular advance-guard of infantry. Cavalry, as he pointed out, were powerless to prevent the retreat of infantry.

Raievski reached Smolensk at dawn on the 15th. In the town was General Bennigsen, who was accompanying the army apparently in the hope of succeeding to the chief command. To him the anxious commander of the 7th Corps went for advice, but Bennigsen was not the man to assist juniors in difficulties, much less to allow himself to become associated with what might be a great disaster. He put Raievski off with a few meaningless words, merely counselling him to save his artillery. Raievski, as he says, felt that when the fate of Russia hung in the balance it was no time to think of a few guns. He took up a position about 2 miles in advance of the town, and awaited Neverovski, who arrived at 2 p.m. From him Raievski learned that probably the whole French army was advancing upon Smolensk, and hurried off a despatch to Barclay. At 5 p.m. he heard artillery fire at his outposts, and, hurrying to the front, saw the masses of Murat’s cavalry coming up from Korythnia.

Raievski did not falter. As he saw it his duty was plain. He and his men must die, if necessary, in defence of the city, for if it fell Napoleon could take Barclay and Bagration in rear, cutting their line of communication with Moscow and the south. He was supported by Paskievich, to whom, according to his biographer, the main credit of the resolution was due. This assertion may be taken for what it is worth, though there is no reason to doubt that Paskievich cordially supported his chief’s resolution.

Smolensk, in 1812, lay chiefly upon the southern bank of the river. It had formerly been a great frontier fortress, but since the advent of artillery its importance had dwindled, owing to the fact that it was more or less commanded by low heights. Its nucleus consisted of the ancient fortified city, whose massive brick walls formed an irregular pentagon of nearly four miles in circumference. These walls were generally about 30 feet high and from 15 to 20 in thickness. At the top were galleries open to the sky, too narrow to admit of guns being placed in position. At intervals were 32 towers, in which staircases gave access to the walls. It was only on the platforms of these towers that artillery could be placed, and they were in general less solidly constructed than the walls. Inside the walls were backed by ancient earthen ramparts. At the south-west angle was a small regular fort of earth, in so neglected a condition that its ramparts could easily be scaled by infantry. This so-called “Royal Citadel,” dating from the days of the Polish occupation, constituted in reality perhaps the weakest point in the line of defence. Close to the southern or Malakova Gate a breach, made during the siege by Sigismund III of Poland in 1611, was covered by an earthen redan. The walls were encircled by a ditch and covered way, also in a neglected condition. Along the east side a considerable gully gave further protection, and at the west side was another but shallower depression. All round the city were extensive suburbs, mostly consisting of wooden buildings. Among them were many dismantled earthworks. These suburbs extended almost up to the walls of the inner city, and, since they afforded cover to assailants, the defenders were practically forced to take up position either in or in advance of them. They were generally called after the town the road to which passed through them.

On the south side four chief roads ran into Smolensk, that from Warsaw entering the city from the south-west by Krasnoï. The road from Mohilev by Mstislavl led nearly directly southward; that to Roslavl and Orel branched off from it near the Malakova Gate; the Ielnia-Kaluga road led south-eastward for some distance, finally turning eastward.

From the north gate, over a long wooden bridge, led three roads, that to Vitebsk on the left, that to Velizh and St. Petersburg in the middle, and that to Moscow on the right. The latter ran for some 5 miles along the bank of the Dnieper, and then crossed the chord of a great bend of the river to Solovievo, about 27 miles east of Smolensk, where it passed again to the south side. A cross-road passed by the village of Gorbunovo in a shallow curve to the high-road at Lubino, 14 miles distant. From the south side of Smolensk another track crossed the Dnieper by a ford at Prudichevo, about 6 miles out, and also joined the high-road about 2 miles west of Lubino. These tracks must be noted, since a few days later they became of immense importance.

Raievski had with him only 8 regiments and 6 batteries of his own corps, and Neverovski’s weakened force. According to himself his strength (probably infantry and artillery only) was scarcely 13,000 men. He had 72 guns. Realising that his duty was to contest the city inch by inch, he ranged his force in advance of the suburbs. Paskievich’s division occupied the Krasnoï suburb and the ditch before the citadel, with the Vilna Regiment from the 27th Division and a makeshift battalion of convalescents stationed in reserve behind the wall. Kolubakin’s division defended the Mstislavl suburb, and Stavidzki’s brigade of the 27th that of Roslavl. These 23 battalions could only guard about half of the south front of the suburbs. Four more were in reserve in the town, and only two could be spared to watch the line of nearly 2 miles from the Roslavl suburb to the river. To make the best possible show Raievski stationed his cavalry there. Eighteen guns were placed on the Royal Citadel; the rest along the earth ramparts behind the walls. Thus placed, the Russians awaited attack. Raievski says that though he had had little rest the night before he could not sleep.

In the night the Lancers of Lithuania and the New Russian Dragoons reached Smolensk, thus giving Raievski 12 more squadrons, with which he strengthened his screen on the left.

By 10 p.m. on the 15th the bulk of Murat’s cavalry was about 3 miles from Smolensk, with its outposts in touch with Raievski. Ney’s corps was immediately behind. Davout had reached Korythnia. The Guard was in rear of Davout; the head of the 4th Corps at Liadi. The 8th Corps had lost its way, but the 5th was nearly in line with Davout, and could come up in the afternoon. Without reckoning Eugène and the Guard, 120,000 men could be in front of Smolensk before evening.

What, meanwhile, were Barclay and Bagration doing? Barclay was still anxious about an attack from the direction of Poriechie and sent pressing orders to his cavalry commanders to endeavour to clear up the situation. He doubted whether the advance on Smolensk was being made by more than a part of the French army. Bagration was directed to cross the Dnieper at Katan, and join Raievski and Neverovski in defending the Smolensk road. Dokhturov’s corps would take his place at Nadva. Bagration moved to Katan and threw a bridge, but he soon became aware that to cross would simply mean his annihilation. He sent word to Barclay that an army which he estimated at 115,000 men, without Eugène and the Guard, was marching on Smolensk, and that he himself must now go thither by the right bank. The reports of Bagration and Raievski removed Barclay’s doubts, and he issued orders for all his corps to march upon Smolensk next day. To Raievski Bagration sent a characteristic message:

“Dear Friend,

“I shall not march to rejoin you--I shall run. I only wish I had wings. Courage! God will help you!”

At midnight on the 15th-16th Napoleon wrote to Eugène saying that Smolensk was evacuated. A little later Ney was ordered to occupy it. It does not appear that the Emperor had any definite information upon which to base his over-confident opinion. He seems indeed to have been impressed by Bagration’s bridge-building at Katan, which had been observed on the 15th by a reconnaissance from head-quarters. A flank attack upon his army as it lay stretched along the Rasasna-Smolensk road might have serious consequences. He consequently halted the whole of the 1st Corps about Korythnia, except Gudin’s division, which continued its advance on Smolensk.

August 17 1812]

Very early on the 16th the French and Russian outposts before Smolensk were bickering with each other. Between 8 and 9 a.m. the bulk of Ney’s and Murat’s force reached the front. The King and the Marshal brought some batteries into action against Raievski’s artillery, and Ney deployed his corps opposite the Krasnoï suburb and the Royal Citadel, Ledru’s division on the right, Scheler’s Württembergers on the left rear, Razout in reserve. Murat’s divisions extended to the right. The advance posts were skirmishing hotly, and on both sides a number of guns were engaged, but, to the astonishment of Raievski, no attack was made. He spoke afterwards of his success having been due to the feeble measures of the French. Ney and Murat were, of course, awaiting orders. Ney also had less than 19,000 infantry, scarcely enough to attempt to carry the city by main force, especially since he did not know Raievski’s strength. Napoleon was keeping the bulk of his army ready to face towards Katan and endeavouring to clear up the situation by reconnaissances. Towards noon he heard that the bridge had been removed, and started for Smolensk. He arrived about 1 p.m. and, going at once to the front, closely reconnoitred the Russian position.

It was perhaps in consequence of inferences made from what he had seen, that Napoleon directed Murat and Ney to press their advance. The indications as to time are very vague, but in all probability nothing like an attack was made until the afternoon. Apparently about 1.30 p.m. the Russian cavalry were forced to retire under the walls of the town, and the Württembergers began to press home the attack on the Krasnoï suburb. Raievski’s line was so thin that an advance in force at any point would shatter it. In strengthening the defence in the Krasnoï suburb troops had to be moved in that direction. All along the opposing fronts extended a line of fire, and, though the attack was nowhere being energetically pressed, the Russian troops were almost all engaged. There remained in reserve only the two regiments in the town, when Raievski was informed that the French had penetrated his skeleton left and were approaching the bridge. He rushed off to repel them with his feeble reserve, and at this moment a battalion of the French 46th, seeing the Royal Citadel almost denuded of defenders, dashed forward, easily mounted the crumbling earth rampart, and penetrated into the interior. The garrison, however, resisted desperately. Raievski, finding the report of the advance upon the bridge baseless, hurried back to the threatened point, supports were brought up, and the gallant assailants thrown back over the rampart just as a second battalion was mounting to their assistance, carrying it away in their retreat. As they went to the rear they were heavily fired upon, and suffered great loss. Elsewhere the only successes gained had been the driving in of stubbornly resisting outposts, and the French opportunity was fleeting. At 3.20 p.m. General Sokolnicki, a Polish officer attached to the General Staff, reported Russian troops on the road to Rudnia. Gudin’s division did not reach the front until 4 p.m., Poniatowski not until 5 p.m., and time was needed for the men to rest and to take up position. The critical period for the Russians was, in fact, over. Firing continued until dusk, but no attempt was made to press home an attack. The Russian main army was pouring down towards the city, and any success could hardly be more than a temporary one. Raievski’s fine resolution had robbed Napoleon of his chance; and it is no discredit to him that his own immediate peril had been less great than he had imagined.

Bagration, despite his encouraging words, was not able to arrive to Raievski’s assistance until the evening, and as the distance from Katan to Smolensk is not more than 17 miles, it must be supposed that he felt himself obliged to halt in order to become satisfied that Napoleon’s reconnaissances did not prelude a serious attack. He himself hastened on to Smolensk, and having ascertained that Raievski was not as yet pressed and also, apparently, that no attack was intended at Katan, hurried back to the latter place and directed Borozdin on Smolensk. The Second Cuirassier Division had already been sent on. Raievski, feeling that cavalry was useless in the town, kept them on the north side of the Dnieper.[1]