Chapter V: The Operations About Smolensk (2)

Barclay, having convinced himself of his error as to the direction of Napoleon’s attack, turned the heads of all his corps towards Smolensk, and the march was pressed with desperate energy. All through the hot summer’s day, over roads so bad as not to deserve the name, the Russian soldiers pressed forward. Tuchkov I with the 3rd and 4th Corps and Uvarov’s cavalry came from Kasplia by the Poriechie road; the Grand Duke Constantine, with the 2nd and 3rd, and Korf’s and Pahlen’s cavalry, from Volokovaia by Prikaz Vidra; Dokhturov from Nadva by the Rudnia road; while Borozdin and Vassilchikov marched along the bank of the Dnieper. Tuchkov’s and Dokhturov’s troops had to march over 24 miles in a direct line without allowing for sinuosities in the roads and additions occasioned by moving into position, Constantine’s over 22. Nevertheless, by five in the afternoon the whole army was within easy reach of the threatened town, and an hour later Borozdin’s leading brigade reached the bridge to the support of Raievski.

Smolensk being saved, the problem before the Russian generals was what next to do. Barclay anticipated that, having failed to capture Smolensk, Napoleon’s next move would be on Solovievo. Its seizure would force the Russian armies either to reopen their chief line of communications at the sword’s point, with all the chances against them, or to retreat northward. The abandonment of Smolensk would then become practically inevitable. It would, of course, have been perfectly feasible to leave a garrison in the place which might have held out for a week or two, but it may reasonably be asked what end could be gained by sacrificing it. At any rate, it was obvious that a possible French move upon Solovievo must be guarded against, and it was arranged that the Second Army should move eastward ready to anticipate the enemy at the threatened point, while the First remained about Smolensk to defend the line of the Dnieper.

To this end Dokhturov, with the 6th Corps, Konovnitzin’s division of the 3rd and the Chasseurs of the Guard, was ordered to relieve Raievski, and about midnight his troops arrived to take up the positions in the suburbs vacated by those of the former. Raievski left the 6th Chasseurs at the disposal of Dokhturov; and the Dragoons of Siberia, Irkutsk and Orenburg replaced the cavalry of the Second Army. Paskievich assisted Dokhturov’s divisional leaders in posting their troops; while the 7th Corps and 27th Division crossed the Dnieper and rejoined the 8th Corps. Next day Bagration started eastward, leaving a rear-guard at Sheïn Ostrog, 3 miles east of Smolensk, to guard a ford on the Dnieper.

In Smolensk Likhachev’s division held the Krasnoï suburb and the Royal Citadel, and that of Kapsevich those of Mstislavl and Roslavl. Konovnitzin’s division was held in reserve. For the present the left was only watched by the 6th Chasseurs and the cavalry. The Guard Chasseurs were at the bridge. Dokhturov had at his disposal about 120 guns, some of which were hoisted on to the platforms of the towers.

The rest of the First Army was stationed on the St. Petersburg road, about a mile and a half from the city, on a low plateau overlooking it. The corps of Baggohufwudt and Ostermann-Tolstoï were in front line, the former on the right of the road, the latter on the left. On Baggohufwudt’s right were the 1st and 2nd Cavalry Corps, while behind him stood Strogonov’s division of the 3rd Corps. The 3rd Cavalry Corps (less the regiments in Smolensk) was stationed to the left and in advance of the 4th Corps. The general reserve was formed by the 5th Corps, stationed 1 verst in rear of Strogonov. Finally, Platov’s and Karpov’s Cossacks watched the course of the river as far as Katan.

While Dokhturov’s troops were taking up their positions they came into collision with the French outposts, which were driven back some short distance, Likhachev and Kapsevich making a general move forward at daybreak on the 17th in order to clear their front. This has been usually regarded as a general sortie on the part of Dokhturov to regain the suburbs, but neither in the French documents nor in Raievski’s account is there any indication that they had been evacuated. Meanwhile, Davout’s corps and the bulk of the Guard had arrived; and Napoleon had before Smolensk on the morning of the 17th the 1st, 3rd and 5th Corps, the Guard, and Murat’s eight cavalry divisions--in all over 120,000 men. Junot’s corps, owing to a series of mischances and misdirections, for which Napoleon blamed Junot, and the latter his senior divisional commander Tharreau, was still in rear. Latour-Maubourg was observing the country some distance to the south, while the 4th Corps was extended from Korythnia back to Rasasna.

Napoleon was still uneasy concerning the Russian troops at Katan, so much so that on the 17th, by his orders, Ney sent thither Mourier’s cavalry brigade, supported by 6 battalions of Würtembergers and 6 guns, to guard against a possible flank attack. The force had a sharp action with the Cossacks and supporting infantry, which cost them 11 officers and probably 200 men killed and wounded.

During the morning there was continual skirmishing in the suburbs, but it was not until past midday that Napoleon ordered the advance. His reasons for assaulting the city at all are obscure, but it is possible that he expected to be able to carry the suburbs without excessive difficulty, and that the old walls of the city would easily yield to a steady cannonade. He may have counted upon the disadvantage of Dokhturov’s position on a down slope, and on the fact that he himself could overlook both the city and the opposite bank of the river. Bogdanovich says that he wished to cross the Dnieper and cut off Bagration’s army, and only when no ford could be found did he make a direct assault--but there is no trace of this in the French documents. De Chambray thinks that Napoleon expected the Russians to deliver battle before the city. But from his higher ground he could see every movement of troops from Barclay’s position. He therefore had no grounds for making such an assumption, and there is no reason for supposing that he did so. It is, of course, possible that he hoped by developing an assault, to induce Barclay to support Dokhturov with the bulk of his forces and fight with his back to the river, but there appears to be no evidence in favour of the supposition.

At about 12.30 the French advanced to the attack. Ney moved against the Royal Citadel and the Krasnoï suburb, with Ledru’s division on the right, the remainder of the Württembergers on the left, and Razout in reserve. Davout assailed the Mstislavl suburb, Morand’s division in the centre, Friant’s on the right, and Gudin’s, accompanied by the Marshal in person, on the left. Compans and Desaix were in reserve. Still farther to the right advanced Poniatowski’s corps, with Zayonczek’s division marching on the left against the Malakova Gate, and Kniaziewicz’s on the right against the Nikolska suburb. The whole east front of the city was merely observed by Murat’s cavalry.

On the whole the attack was, up to a certain point, successful--as might have been expected, when some 55,000 infantry were advancing downhill against about 19,000, whose position among a straggling maze of timber buildings was swept by the fire of over 300 guns. Progress was, however, very slow. Ledru and the Württembergers eventually carried the riverine suburbs, but could get no farther; the Royal Citadel, now formidably armed and garrisoned, defied attack. Davout’s three splendid divisions went forward with admirable determination, drove Kapsevich’s troops into the suburbs, and gained ground steadily, though at the price of very severe losses. On the right the Poles, after fierce fighting, captured the suburbs opposite to them, but, coming under the fire from the ramparts, were brought to a stand. The result was that by five o’clock the French and Poles had carried all the suburbs. Kapsevich’s division was being pressed back towards the walls by Davout’s advance. Konovnitzin’s troops had all been used up in supporting the fighting line.

On the French right the Russian dragoons were charged and driven back into the city by the Polish cavalry. A battery of heavy artillery opened from the north bank of the Dnieper and checked the pursuers, but as it was isolated the Poles, with great gallantry, forded the river and rode forward to charge. They were attacked and repulsed by the escort of Barclay, who had just come thither to reconnoitre. A Lancer regiment was then detailed to escort the battery. Murat and Poniatowski now established a mass of artillery on the bank which fired over the city upon the permanent bridge and the temporary ones which had been thrown near it. Barclay thereupon placed several batteries in position on the north bank opposite the French and Polish guns, and after a hot cannonade succeeded in silencing them or forcing them to withdraw. Sir Robert Wilson says that he chose the position for the Russian artillery.

As he saw himself driven from the suburbs Dokhturov sent to Barclay for reinforcements. The latter sent an encouraging message; and ordered forward the division of the young Prince Eugen of Württemberg, who had never yet commanded in action, and was burning to distinguish himself. Eugen reached the front at the most critical moment of the action. Dokhturov’s reserves were all engaged; Ney was furiously assailing the Royal Citadel; Davout and Poniatowski had driven Kapsevich and Konovnitzin upon and into the city, and were massing for an assault on the Malakova Gate. Kapsevich’s division was broken and crowding back in complete disorder; Generals Skalon and Balla had fallen; and Dokhturov, having no fresh troops to put in, was greatly depressed. The appearance of Eugen’s division relieved him. Pushnitzki’s brigade was sent off to the right to help Likhachev against Ney, Rossi’s to the left to strengthen the defence against Poniatowski; and the Chasseur brigade, led by Eugen himself, marched straight forward to the Malakova Gate and, charging furiously out through the midst of the fugitives, reoccupied the covered way and checked the farther advance of Davout.

The driving of the Russians out of the suburbs marked the end of the French success. Rossi’s brigade reached the Royal Citadel just in time to help Likhachev to resist Ney’s final attack, which was repelled with heavy loss, though Ledru and Scheler were now supported by the 4th Regiment from Razout’s division. Dokhturov rallied Kapsevich’s division, and posted his force along the walls, Prince Eugen taking command on the left. The French halted within musket-shot, sheltering as best they could behind the houses and the old earthworks among them, but losing heavily by the fire from the battlements, and especially from the light guns on the towers. It was clearly hopeless to attempt an assault until a breach had been effected, and Napoleon sent forward 24 12-pounder guns of the Imperial Guard, which joined Davout’s reserve and opened a furious fire. The Russians retorted vigorously, and as the infantry attacks slackened, the battle became a tremendous cannonade. The Russian artillery strove its hardest to silence the 12-pounder batteries, but in vain; they pounded steadily at the ancient walls, the gunners encouraged by the example set by Davout and Comte Sorbier, who personally directed their fire; but they could make little impression. Accounts are conflicting as to the fate of the covered way, the Russians insisting that they occupied it; while the French equally declared that they carried it. Captain François of the 30e de Ligne says that the enfilading fire of the French artillery finally obliged the Russians to abandon it; and that Davout’s sappers began to undermine the wall. Probably fortune varied at different points. It is only certain that the French and Poles were definitely checked at the wall, and the battle died out when darkness came on.

By this time the city and suburbs were everywhere on fire. The French later declared that the city had been deliberately destroyed; but this is entirely improbable. Being very largely constructed of wood, it was certain to take fire, and both time and means were lacking to extinguish a conflagration which spread with the fall of every shell.

The losses on both sides had been heavy. The Russians had engaged only 55 battalions, and Dokhturov’s entire force, including cavalry, Cossacks and artillery, probably hardly exceeded 30,000 men. Barclay probably understates his loss at 4000, but no Russian authority admits more than 6000. Prince Eugen gives his own loss at 1300. Though his division came into action late it must be remembered that one brigade had to execute a desperate sortie in the face of enormous odds and a concentrated fire of cannon and musketry. Konovnitzin’s division can hardly have suffered more; that of Likhachev and the detachments on the left probably lost less in proportion. On the other hand, Kapsevich’s troops must have lost heavily. Probably the Russian figure of 6000 casualties is near the mark. In other words, Dokhturov had lost one-fifth of his effective strength. Raievski estimated his losses on the 16th at about 1000, giving a Russian total for the two days of 7000.

The French losses were naturally much greater, since they had brought far larger numbers into action, but were apparently not heavier in proportion. Davout gave the losses of the 1st Corps at from 5000 to 6000 men. Gudin returned a loss in his single division of 294 killed and 1436 wounded, and his list was by no means complete. The 7th Léger, for example, figures in it for 655 casualties, while, according to its Colonel, it had 707. Ney, according to Martinien’s lists, had 129 officers killed and wounded in his infantry and cavalry, and his total loss must have been in the neighbourhood of 3500. Poniatowski reported a loss of 518 killed and 812 wounded; we must suppose that only the seriously hurt were registered. Reckoning the Polish losses at 2000, Ney’s at 3500, Davout’s at 5500, and adding a possible 1000 for losses among the artillery, reserve cavalry and Guard, we have a total of 12,000. Prisoners there were few on either side.

At 11 p.m. Barclay issued orders to evacuate Smolensk. He stated in his memoir to the Tzar that he had only intended to hold it to give Bagration time to get well forward on the Moscow road. This end was now attained, but the result of the order was what practically amounted to an open mutiny. A number of general officers, headed by the Grand Duke Constantine and by Bennigsen, who had no command and was not entitled to be present, went to Barclay’s quarters and furiously protested against the abandonment of the city. Sir Robert Wilson received urgent letters from many generals on the same subject. Bagration, though he was not personally concerned in the mutinous demonstration, was bitterly indignant at Barclay’s determination. He persisted that the First Army could easily hold its ground on the high ground behind Smolensk, while the Second Army could pass the Dnieper and attack Napoleon in flank. Barclay was of opinion that for the Second Army to adventure itself over the Dnieper would mean its destruction, and that, as regarded holding the line of the Dnieper, Napoleon had merely to extend his right to cut the Russian communications. Furthermore, he points out bitterly, operations of this kind, to be successful, require harmony between commanders. Towards the mutinous deputation he acted with firmness and dignity. He declined to withdraw his orders, and bade them leave his presence. Foiled in the attempt to bring pressure to bear upon him, the malcontents enlisted Wilson on their side, and induced him, as a personal friend of Alexander, to carry a letter to St. Petersburg demanding a new general. They also entrusted him with a declaration on their part that if orders came from the capital to suspend hostilities the army would regard them as not truly expressive of the Tzar’s real determination, and would continue the struggle. All this was not altogether discreditable to the hearts of the generals, if it did no special honour to their heads. Wilson, who had rather hastily concluded that Barclay was not a fit person for the post of commander-in-chief and was also, it is to be feared, unduly influenced by his personal feelings towards Bennigsen and Bagration, accepted the mission. The result of wasting time in this mutinous delegation was that the retirement from Smolensk was not properly carried out.

The north-east front abutting on the river. The illustration gives a good impression of the deeply-sunken course of a Russian river]

Dokhturov withdrew his four divisions from the city without great difficulty, carrying off all his guns and all but the most severely injured of his wounded, took up the temporary bridges, broke the permanent structure, and was safe. But in the confusion at head-quarters no measures had been taken for properly occupying the _tête du pont_ on the right bank. At 2 a.m. Ney ascertained that the wall in his front was deserted and entered the city, while a little later Davout also marched in by the Malakova Gate. The bridge was broken, but the river was only four feet deep, and at 9 a.m. a detachment of 600 Württembergers and Portuguese dashed through it and surprised the _tête du pont_. The Chasseurs holding it were driven out pell-mell. Hügel’s Württemberg brigade at once followed; Ney brought up his artillery to the river’s edge and the work was maintained. Barclay could only mask it with his rear-guard, under Baron Korff, consisting of 7 regiments of Chasseurs and 3 of Lancers and Hussars, which occupied the northern suburb. Davout promptly set to work to restore the bridge.

Barclay did not at once commence his retreat. For this Clausewitz blames him severely, but it must be remembered that on the 16th his whole army had made a forced march, and that on the 17th part of it had been heavily engaged. Then also he was probably still harassed and distracted by the mutinous state of his subordinates. For the moment his firmness appears to have crushed insubordination. The Grand Duke was sent off to St. Petersburg under the pretext that his presence was needed there. Otherwise Barclay’s delay was perhaps due to a desire to mislead Napoleon as to his line of retreat. In this he certainly succeeded; but it was scarcely necessary to retain the whole of his army in position; a well-handled rear-guard could have masked the direction of the march.

Early on the 18th Napoleon was at the river-bank opposite Korff’s position, but then he appears to have retired to rest, after sending a brief letter to Maret at Vilna to announce the capture of Smolensk. He certainly may have needed sleep, and it may also be imagined that the bulk of the army, which had fought all day and been astir all night, was reposing. At any rate the day was one of inaction for both sides, except at the bridge, where desultory fighting went on until nightfall. Ney slowly reinforced the _tête du pont_ by means of boats and rafts, but the bridge could not be completed until Korff withdrew. It does not seem to have been ready until late at night. During the day Junot’s corps and the head of the 4th reached Smolensk.

There is some reason to believe that on this day Bagration’s ugly temper led him into the commission of what was practically an act of treason. He took off his entire army to Solovievo, leaving only four regiments of Cossacks at the important road junction at Lubino. As the high-road by the river was commanded by French artillery on the south bank, Barclay would be forced to use for his retreat the cross-road by Gorbunovo, which reached the highway at Lubino, and certainly a handful of light horsemen was a most inadequate guard for this vital last point. Barclay says that he only learnt at the last moment that it was practically uncovered. Bagration’s retreat was natural, now that Smolensk was abandoned, but in leaving no infantry at Lubino, and not apparently informing his colleague, he committed, to say the least of it, a very dubious action. Otherwise the incident throws light on the bad staff-work of the Russians, and one may fairly ask why Yermólov and St. Priest were not in close and frequent communication with each other.

Between 7 and 8 p.m. Dokhturov, with the 5th and 6th Corps, and Korff’s and Pahlen’s cavalry (less detachments to rear-guard), was ordered to march by cross-roads to Solovievo. An hour or so later the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Corps, with Uvarov’s cavalry corps, started by the Gorbunovo track for Lubino. At this moment apparently, Barclay heard that there were no troops at that vital point except Karpov’s Cossacks. He at once directed Major-General Tuchkov III with the Yelisabetgrad Hussars, the Revel Regiment, the 20th and 21st Chasseurs and a horse artillery battery to hasten thither. At 2 a.m. Korff withdrew from before Smolensk.

From the first everything went wrong. The retreating columns encountered all kinds of difficulties. The roads were, of course, unspeakable. Gullies were frequent, and often had to be bridged for the artillery to pass, nothing having been done in advance by the inefficient staff. The darkness and the troubles incidental to filing some 40,000 men along a single bad track caused endless delays. To crown all, the column missed its way and wandered into a side track, with the result that at daybreak its rear was only 2 or 3 miles north-east of the St. Petersburg suburb! On the withdrawal of Korff, Davout had completed his bridge-restoring, and at 4 a.m. Ney’s main body began to pass.

Barclay, whose great military virtue was perfect self-possession in the face of danger, ordered Prince Eugen, with as much of his division as remained with him, to take up a position at the hamlet of Gedeonovo, bidding him recollect that the fate of the army might depend upon his firmness. Ney’s advance-guard was soon in contact with Eugen, who held his ground obstinately, in order to give Korff time to file past. After a good deal of fighting Eugen was forced back, but by that time Korff had got his 14 battalions on to the Gorbunovo-Lubino track. Eugen then fell back to another position towards Gorbunovo, and Ney was preparing to follow, when orders arrived directing him to incline to his right to the Moscow road. This appears to have been about 11 a.m.

Early on the 19th Napoleon sent Eblé to Prudichevo to bridge the Dnieper, and ordered Junot’s corps to cross the river there, a movement which would bring him to Lubino. Grouchy was sent along the St. Petersburg road, Montbrun along that to Moscow, while Bruyère’s division of Nansouty’s corps was ordered to support Ney. Evidently Napoleon had no certainty as to the precise direction of Barclay’s retreat, and so far the Russian general’s delay on the 18th had justified itself. About 11 a.m. Davout’s corps began to cross the bridge. The Guard, now rejoined by Claparède, was in Smolensk. Eugène and Poniatowski were in the ruins of the suburbs. The Emperor apparently spent the morning in his cabinet, but in the afternoon mounted and proceeded to the high ground east of the city, opposite Sheïn Ostrog.

General Tuchkov III in his march had to contend with the same difficulties and obstacles which impeded the main column, so that he did not reach the Moscow road, some 4 miles west of Lubino, until 8 a.m. Toll accompanied him, and they went forward to confer with Karpov. It soon became evident that a force of cavalry, presumably the advance-guard of Napoleon’s main body, was moving eastward from Smolensk, and also that a strong column was passing the Dnieper at Prudichevo. Tuchkov pushed Karpov out to observe Junot, and with his own column took up a position across the road, where it passed over a low swell, with his flanks covered by some small woods and his twelve guns on the crest of the rise, and awaited events.

Soon after 10 o’clock skirmishing began on the high-road, probably with the advanced guard of Bruyère’s division, supported perhaps by some battalions of light infantry; but it cannot have been until about 1 p.m. that the head of Ney’s main column appeared, and the battle of Lubino definitely began.[2] By this time the 3rd Corps, which was at the head of Barclay’s column, had reached Lubino. As it tramped through, Tuchkov I detached Tornov’s brigade of Grenadiers to support his brother.

At 1 p.m. the head of Ney’s infantry column began to attack. The Russians offered a steady resistance, and it was not until three that, seeing the heavy masses coming into line, and knowing that Junot was threatening his left, Tuchkov decided to withdraw behind the Stragan rivulet, some 2 miles to his rear, and about the same distance from Lubino. Ney inferred from the obstinate resistance that Tuchkov covered some important movement, and asked Napoleon for support. It was probably while he was awaiting a reply that Tuchkov drew off, covered by his cavalry, towards Lubino. Napoleon ordered Gudin’s division to reinforce Ney, sent Morand’s towards the left with a view to a turning movement, but gave Junot no directions; clearly he had no conception of the real importance of the action.

Meanwhile the Russians had safely retired behind the Stragan, where they were joined by Barclay, bringing with him 8 heavy guns, 7 battalions, and a mass of cavalry. The 3rd and 4th Corps had now reached Lubino, but Baggohufwudt and Korff were far to the rear, and the cross-road was packed with baggage and hundreds of guns, which would be the prey of the French could they break through. But Barclay on the field, calm, brave and resourceful, was a very different man from the anxious and harassed Barclay of the cabinet. Without hesitation he ranged his scanty force in order of battle, and ordered Yermólov to bring up the 3rd and 4th Corps with all speed.

The high-road, after crossing the Stragan, passed over the southern end of a low wooded plateau which extended northward for some 2 miles. South of the road a stretch of marsh, in most places passable owing to the dry weather, extended to the Dnieper. Out of it arose several low swells of firm ground, studded with hamlets and patches of wood. One of these lay near the road, and needed to be occupied.

On the northern plateau Barclay posted 5 infantry regiments, and to the south of the road 2 more, with 3 battalions in reserve. Twenty guns were posted to sweep the road. On the swell in the marsh he stationed 26 squadrons of Hussars under General Orlov-Denisov. Of infantry and guns there were no more available, and, to make a show of support for Orlov-Denisov, Barclay ordered Uvarov’s cavalry to dismount, and occupy a village behind the marsh on his left. At 5 o’clock, just as the action was renewed, Konovnitzin and, a little later, Choglokov arrived, bringing with them 7 regiments of their divisions and a horse-battery. Choglokov’s troops were ordered to support the cavalry, and Konovnitzin’s 4 regiments brought up to the centre.

At 5 p.m. Gudin’s division reached the front, and Ney at once sent it forward, Razout’s advancing level with it on the left. Some Württemberg artillery was carried forward with the advance to silence Barclay’s battery. Ledru and Scheler remained in reserve.

BATTLE OF LUBINO, AUGUST 19th, 1812

Fought to cover the passage of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Russian Army Corps from the north of Smolensk to the Moscow road at Lubino]

Comte Gudin, one of the finest officers in the French service, conducted the attack with splendid vigour. The 7th Léger, supported by 2 battalions of the 21st and 127th Regiments, crossed the Stragan, and, maddened by the fall of the General, who was struck down as he led the charge, broke the Russian infantry to the south of the road and drove them back, threatening to pierce Barclay’s thin defensive line. Barclay at once sent forward Konovnitzin’s division which, charging resolutely, checked the advance and enabled the broken troops to rally. General Gérard, who succeeded to Gudin’s command, sent forward the 12th Regiment, and restored the battle on the right. Meanwhile, a fierce struggle was raging north of the road where Razout was making desperate but fruitless attempts to carry the plateau. Attack after attack was steadily met and repulsed.

Beyond Gudin’s right, Murat was coming up from Smolensk with Nansouty’s and Montbrun’s cavalry, but only his single light division (Bruyère) could be of much service. Still farther to the right Junot was advancing from Prudichevo, but showed great irresolution. He at first declined to move at all, and what actually took place is very obscure. He seems, about five o’clock, to have reconnoitred the Russian left with his cavalry brigade and two battalions of light infantry; and some desultory fighting ensued. His cavalry do not appear to have gained any success, and a company of light infantry which established itself across the marsh was destroyed by the Russian Hussars. Then, when Choglokov’s infantry was seen coming into action, Junot formed his corps in squares opposite the Russian left. At last General Ochs obtained permission to advance with 2 battalions of light infantry, presently supported by Junot with 4 companies of Voltigeurs. He was successful in driving back the Russian outposts, and with this Junot’s attack came to an end. Murat had obliged Karpov’s Cossacks to retire behind the main Russian line, and his light horsemen executed one or two more or less successful charges on Orlov-Denisov’s troopers, but without Junot’s co-operation he could do no more.

At 6 p.m. Tuchkov I had brought forward all his corps, and was himself at Lubino with his 3 rear-guard regiments, and 3 horse batteries which he had drawn out of the stream of retreating artillery. The position was still critical. Baggohufwudt had not yet arrived. Korff was still farther back; the trains were still pouring along the road from Gedeonovo. But everyone on the Russian side was at last thoroughly awake to the emergency. Every attempt was made to hasten the march; and the incompetent gilded youth of the General Staff, at whom Eugen of Württemberg sneers bitterly, were doing useful work in saving the trains and the precious artillery. At Lubino the bridge was utterly inadequate for the vast throng of vehicles. Prince Alexander of Württemberg suggested that another should be made. Löwenstern dismounted a squadron of Hussars and set them to tear down the houses, while Alexander and Baron Salza went with a company of pioneers to the stream; and so, by desperate exertions, a bridge was constructed, to which a part of the mass was diverted. The tracks were all but impassable in many places, and had to be corduroyed and made up with fascines and boughs before the trains could be got forward. The gunners and drivers, admirably directed and encouraged by Count Kutaïsov, made superhuman exertions to drag the artillery along, and, to their glory, not a gun or caisson was abandoned.

On the Stragan the battle raged with unabated fury. Barclay de Tolly was doing his uttermost, and though the line was often shaken it was always reformed and steadied. Some of Ledru’s and Scheler’s troops endeavoured to get round the Russian right, but their attempts had no result; the Revel Regiment and the Bodyguard Grenadiers, fighting doggedly with the bayonet, held them off; while Konovnitzin and Tuchkov III still successfully defended the road. About seven Ney made a general advance, calling up his reserves and sending forward every available man. Gérard joined in on the right, throwing in his last three battalions. The Russian position was critical, for Barclay had sent forward all his reserves; but at this moment Baggohufwudt’s corps at last made its appearance. Olsuviev’s division, which was marching at its head, was at once put in; and again the opposing forces closed in deadly strife. At first it seemed as if the French would carry all before them in their impetuous onslaught, and matters looked so dark that Tuchkov III went himself to ask Barclay for aid--as did Windham in 1855 in the Great Redan of Sevastopol. Barclay was furious. “Go back to your post,” he stormed, “and get yourself killed! If you come back I’ll shoot you!”

Colonel Voïkov came up the road with his heavy battery just in time to check Gérard’s onslaught. Still the French held their own and, believing themselves victorious, were slowly gaining ground; when Eugen’s division at length marched upon the field, and Tuchkov, burning to redeem himself, led on a counter-attack. He himself was wounded and taken at the head of the Ekaterinoslav Regiment, but Eugen at once supported, and after a bitter struggle, in which the bayonet was freely employed, the French were finally repulsed. It was 9 o’clock when the roar of conflict died away in the darkness. Korff had reached the field; the artillery and trains were on the way to Solovievo; and the Russians had gained a great strategic victory.

Morand’s division had been unable to come into action, having been entangled in a piece of virgin forest, and was eventually recalled by Napoleon. It has been suggested that had he been allowed to continue his advance it would have ensured the destruction of the Russian army. Lacking definite information as to time and topography, it is difficult to express an opinion, but, judging from such descriptions as are available, it seems very doubtful whether Morand could have debouched with a force strong enough to be effective.

Barclay, having attained the object for which he had stood to fight, had no intention of waiting to be overwhelmed by Napoleon’s main army about Smolensk. At 4 a.m. on the 20th his much-tried troops evacuated the field, and marched 20 miles to Solovievo, where Dokhturov arrived the same day. Bagration, having thrown three bridges over the Dnieper, was already across. On the 21st the First Army followed, took up the bridges, and marched for Dorogobuzh.

French writers for the most part consider Lubino, or Valutina-Gora as they call it, a victory, but to regard it thus is merely to make a mock of the word. A battle is not necessarily fought for the possession of a few yards of ground. Barclay had fought at Lubino in order to secure the safe passage of his right column into the Moscow road. This had been successfully achieved, and very heavy loss inflicted on the pursuers, who had failed to capture a single gun or any appreciable amount of baggage. Napoleon regarded the battle as a mere advance-guard engagement. Had he realised its real importance he would not have failed to send forward everything available. Barclay must have been disastrously defeated, and probably driven northward with the remains of his army.

The French had on the field at Lubino about 50,000 men, of whom perhaps 37,000 were seriously engaged. The number of Russian troops successively brought into action was probably about 30,000. The losses were naturally heavy. Gérard alone reported 2297 killed and wounded, and Ney can hardly have lost less than 4000. Junot probably overestimated his losses at 700, but, including casualties among Murat’s cavalry, the French total must have been over 7000. The losses of the Russians were probably rather less, as they were standing on the defensive, and for the most part succeeded in repelling attack, nevertheless, they were very heavy--probably in the neighbourhood of 5000. Few prisoners were taken--not more than some hundreds on both sides.

It is impossible to conclude this chapter without some remarks upon the strategy which led up to the battles about Smolensk. It is tolerably certain, judging from the evidence of documents, that Napoleon’s plan of marching upon Smolensk by the left bank of the Dnieper was a preconceived one. Considered by itself, there is little to say of the manoeuvre. It was in no way hazardous, since the left flank of the columns moving from Vitebsk was covered by forests, and once across the Dnieper the march was protected by the river against a Russian flank attack. Moreover, having two lines of supply, Napoleon risked nothing by moving his army across from one to the other.

The manoeuvre was certainly unexpected by the Russian leaders--except perhaps by Bagration--and it is clear that it was only the firmness of Raievski and the prompt return of the main army that saved Smolensk from falling into Napoleon’s hands.

Nevertheless, when we turn from the manoeuvre to its purpose it seems doubtful whether it was by any means the best under the circumstances.

Napoleon’s object was the bringing to bay of the Russian main army and the crushing of it in a decisive battle. As the Russians had chosen to take the offensive, the opportunity was apparently in his hands. Barclay might march fast enough to force an engagement before Davout could arrive from Orsha, but even so Napoleon could meet him with equal or superior numbers. If Barclay returned to the defensive, Napoleon’s best manoeuvre was to advance to Poriechie, threatening the Russian communications with Moscow. To reopen them Barclay and Bagration must either give battle or retreat eastward in all haste, in which case Smolensk would fall of itself. The utmost that could be expected of the march south of the Dnieper was that the Russians might be forestalled at Smolensk.

The modern French opinion appears to be that this forestalling was the essence of the plan, and that Napoleon, having occupied the city, intended to debouch from it and attack Barclay and Bagration in the rear.

To the writer it appears that all criticism must necessarily base itself upon the fact that Napoleon’s strategy was preconceived. Before he knew anything of the Russian plans he had practically made up his mind to advance on Smolensk by the left bank of the Dnieper. The offensive movement of the Russians produced no change in his resolution.

It is highly probable that his determination was taken on grounds not purely military. He must by now have recognised that warfare in Russia was subject to conditions which did not obtain in Germany or Austria. His opponents were elusive; but there were certain places regarded by soldiers and people as holy, which the popular voice would probably force the generals to make a show of defending. He therefore resolved to threaten Smolensk directly, believing that thereby the Russian army would be constrained to give battle.

Even so it appears somewhat doubtful whether this end could not have been as well attained by manoeuvring on the right bank. The advance by the left appears to have assumed that Smolensk would be uncovered and undefended, and that the Russian field army would be too far away to return to its rescue. Napoleon, on this hypothesis, would have been able to occupy it and give battle to his outmanoeuvred opponents with all the prestige of the capture of the sacred city behind his onset. As a fact Barclay had provided for speedy information by his flank-guard under Neverovski, and his resolution not to move far from Smolensk afforded the means of frustrating Napoleon’s strategy. That he only arrived in the nick of time hardly affects the discussion, since his obsession about an attack from the direction of Poriechie delayed him for a day. On the other hand, Napoleon’s hesitation, owing to the appearance of Bagration’s army at Katan, also caused him to lose a day, during which Barclay was able to arrive.

According to Barclay’s memoir to the Tzar he had no intention of wasting his army in the defence of Smolensk, a place of no military value, and merely held it in order to allow Bagration time to occupy Solovievo. Bagration and the majority of the Russian generals appear to have expected that he would have made it the centre of the Russian operations. It is, of course, possible that Barclay, harassed and perplexed, did make some conditional promise as to defending Smolensk should a favourable opportunity offer. General Okunev--who may perhaps voice the views of Paskievich--apparently thinks that it could have been held. But it must be said that as the Russians’ line of retreat was in extension of their left flank such a policy would have been hazardous at best. There seems every reason to believe that Barclay’s ideas were sound; what he lacked was commanding strength of character to enforce them on his unruly officers.

Napoleon’s assault upon Smolensk is very difficult to account for: and led to little but waste of human life.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: This is my own explanation of what happened. Bagration says that he reached Smolensk at 10 a.m.; but Raievski declares that the leading brigade of the 8th Corps did not arrive until past 6 p.m., and speaks of Bagration coming later. Either the march of the 8th Corps was much delayed, or it moved with amazing slowness under the circumstances. Seeing what Bagration had written to Raievski, it is difficult to suppose that he would not make all speed to his rescue. It is only possible to reconcile the conflicting statements as to the hour of Bagration’s arrival at Smolensk by such an assumption as is made in the text. For the rest it must be admitted that Bagration’s despatches are often unreliable, and he naturally endeavoured to present himself in the best light. When there is a conflict of testimony between him and Raievski, I prefer to believe the latter.]

[Footnote 2: Only thus is it possible to reconcile the statements of the Russian historians that the action began at 10 a.m. with that of Eugen of Württemberg, that he did not withdraw from Gedeonovo until about that hour. Ney seems to have followed him to his second defensive position before he was recalled, which brings us to 11 a.m. at least; and then time must be allowed for the march of nearly 6 miles to Tuchkov’s front.]