Chapter XXXVI: Appendix: I (9)

[386] _Procli commentarius in Platonis Timaeum. Rec. C. E. C. Schneider. (Vratislaviae, 1847.) The Commentaries of Proclus on the Timaeus of Plato. Translated by Thomas Taylor_, 2 vols. 4º. (London, 1820.) Proclus lived A.D. 412-485. The passages of importance are found in the translation, vol. i. pp. 64, 70, 144, 148.

[387] Taylor, i. 64.

[388] _Procl. in Tim._ (Schneider), p. 126; Taylor, i. 148. Also in _Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. Mueller. (Paris, 1852), vol. iv. p. 443.

[389] _Geogr._ ii. § 3, § 6 (p. 103).

[390] _Hist. Nat._, ii. 92.

[391] The Atlantis mentioned by Pliny in _Hist. Nat._, vi. 36, is apparently entirely distinct from the Atlantis of Plato.

[392] Amm. Marc. xvii. 7, § 13. Fiunt autem terrarum motus modis quattuor, aut enim brasmatiae sunt, ... aut climatiae ... aut chasmatiae, qui grandiori motu patefactis subito voratrinis terrarum partes absorbent, ut in Atlantico mare Europaeo orbe spatiosor insula, etc. (Ed. Eyssenhardt, Berlin, 1871, p. 106).

[393] Martin, _Etudes sur le Timée_ (1841), i. 305, 306. The passage in question is in _Schol. ad Rempubl._, p. 327, Plato, ed. Bekker, vol. ix. p. 67.

[394] Cited in Aelian’s _Varia Historia_, iii. ch. 18. For the other references see above, pp. 23, 25, 26.

[395] Ammianus Marcellinus (xv. 9) quotes from Timagenes (who wrote in the first century a history of Gaul, now lost) a statement that some of the Gauls had originally immigrated from very distant islands and from lands beyond the Rhine (_ab insulis extimis_ confluxisse et tractibus transrhenanis) whence they were driven by wars and the incursions of the sea (Timag. in Mueller, _Frag. hist. of Graec._, iii. 323). It would seem incredible that this should be dragged into the Atlantis controversy, but such has been the case.

[396] Plutarch, _Solon_, at end. R. Prinz, _De Solonis Plutarchi fontibus_ (Bonnæ, 1857).

[397] _De Pallio, 2, Apol._, p. 32. Also by Arnobius, _Adversus gentes_, i. 5.

[398] Ed. Montfaucon, i. 114-125, ii. 131, 136-138, iv. 186-192, xii. 340.

[399] Gaffarel in _Revue de Géographie_, vi.

[400] _Platonis omnia opere cum comm. Proclii in Timaeum_, etc. (Basil. Valderus, 1534).

[401] _Ex Platoni Timaeo particula, Ciceronis libro de universitate respondens ... op. jo. Perizonii_ (Paris, Tiletanus, 1540; Basil. s. a.; Paris, Morell, 1551). _Interpret. Cicerone et Chalcidio_, etc. (Paris, 1579). _Le Timée de Platon, translaté du grec en français, par L. le Roy_, etc. (Paris, 1551, 1581). _Il dialogo di Platone, intitolato il Timaeo trad. da Sb. Erizzo, nuov. mandato en luce d. Gir. Ruscellii_ (Venet. 1558).

[402] _Birchrodii Schediasma de orbe novo non novo_ (Altdorf, 1683).

[403] The representation of Sanson is reproduced on p. 18. The full title of these curious maps is given by Martin, _Etudes sur le Timée_, i. 270, _notes_.

[404] _Plato, ed. Stallbaum_ (Gothae, 1838); vii. p. 99, note E. See also his _Prolegomena de Critia_, in the same volume, for further discussion and references.

[405] Cluverius, _Introduct._, ed. 1729, p. 667.

[406] _Examination of the legend of Atlantis in reference to protohistoric communications with America_, in the _Trans. Royal Hist. Soc._ (Lond., 1885), iii. p. 1-46.

[407] W. S. Blackett, _Researches into the lost histories of America; or, the Zodiac shown to be an old terrestrial map in which the Atlantic isle is delineated_, etc. (London, 1883), p. 31, 32. The work is not too severely judged by W. F. Poole, in the _Dial_ (Chicago), Sept. 84, _note_. The author’s reasons for believing that Atlantis could not have sunk are interesting in a way. The _Fourth Rept. Bur. of Ethnology_ (p. 251) calls it “a curiosity of literature.”

[408] E. F. Berlioux, _Les Atlantes: histoire de l’Atlantis, et de l’Atlas primitif_ (Paris, 1883). It originally made part of the first _Annuaire_ of the Faculté des lettres de Lyon (Paris, 1883).

[409] _Thesaurus Geogr._, 1587, under _Atlantis_. See also under _Gades_ and _Gadirus_. On folio 2 of his _Theatrum orbis terrarum_ he rejects the notion that the ancients knew America, but in the index, under _Atlantis_, he says _forte America_.

[410] Bartolomé de las Casas, _Historia de las Indias. Ed. De la Fuensanto de Valle and J. S. Rayon_ (Madrid, 1875), i. cap. viii. pp. 73-79.

[411] Taylor, in the introduction to the Timaeus, in his translation of Plato, regards as almost impious the doubts as to the truth of the narrative. _The Works of Plato_, vol. i. London, 1804.

[412] _Thes. Geogr._, s. v. _Gadirus_.

[413] _Athanasii Kircherii Mundus subterraneus in xii. libros digestus_ (Amsterd., 1678), pp. 80-83. He gives a cut illustrative of his views on p. 82.

[414] _Historia orbis terrarum geographica et civilis_, cap. 5, § 2, hist. insul. I. C. Becmann, 2d ed. (Francfort on Oder, 1680). Title from British Museum, as I have been unable to see the work. The _Allg. Deutsche Biographie_ says the first edition appeared in 1680. It was a book of considerable note in its day.

[415] De la Borde, _Histoire abregée de la mer du Sud_ (Paris, 1791).

[416] J. B. G. M. Bory de St. Vincent, _Essais sur les isles Fortunées et l’antique Atlantide_ (Paris, an xi. or 1803), ch. 7. Si les Canaries et les autres isles de l’ocean Atlantique offrent les débris d’un continent. pp. 427, etc. His map is given _ante_, p. 19.

[417] This is the second part of his _Iles de l’Afrique_ (Paris, 1848), belonging to the series _L’Univers. Histoire et description de tous les peuples_, etc. Cf. also his _Les îles fantastiques_ (Paris, 1845).

[418] G. R. Carli, _Delle Lettere Americane_, ii. (1780). Lettere, vii. and following; especially xiii. and following.

[419] Lyell, _Elements of Geology_ (Lond., 1841), p. 141; and his _Principles of Geology_, 10th ed. Buffon dated the separation of the new and old world from the catastrophe of Atlantis. _Epoques de la Nat._, ed. Flourens, ix. 570.

[420] _Quatres lettres sur la Méxique; Popul Vuh_, p. xcix, and his _Sources de l’histoire primitive du Méxique_, section viii. pp. xxiv, xxxiii, xxxviii and ix, in his edition of Diego da Landa, _Relation des choses de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864). H. H. Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, iii. 112, 264, 480; v. 127, develops Brasseur’s theory. In his _Hist. Nat. Civilisées_ he compares the condition of the Colhua kingdom of Xibalba with Atlantis, and finds striking similarities. Le Plongeon in his _Sacred Mysteries_ (p. 92) accepts Brasseur’s theory.

[421] A. Retzius, _Present state of Ethnology in relation to the form of the human skull_ (Smithsonian Report, 1859), p. 266. The resemblance is not indorsed by M. Verneau, who has lately made a detailed study of the aborigines of the Canaries.

[422] F. Unger, _Die versunkene Insel Atlantis_ (Wien, 1860). Translated in the _Journal of Botany_ (London), January, 1865. Asa Gray had already called attention to the remarkable resemblance between the flora of Japan and that of eastern North America, but had not found the invention of a Pacific continent preferable to the hypothesis of a progress of plants of the temperate zone round by Behring’s Strait (_Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences_, vi. 377). Unger’s theory has been also more or less urged in Heer’s _Flora Tertiaria Helveticae_ (1854-58) and his _Urwelt der Schweitz_ (1865), and by Otto Ule in his _Die Erde_ (1874), i. 27.

[423] _Sitzungsberichte der Math. Phys. Classe d. k. Akad. d. Wissensch._ at Vienna, lvii. (1868) p. 12.

[424] The “Lost Atlantis” and the “Challenger” soundings, _Nature_, 26 April, 1877, xv. 553, with sketch map.

[425] J. Starkie Gardner, _How were the eocenes of England deposited?_ in _Popular Science Review_ (London), July, 1878, xvii. 282. Edw. H. Thompson, _Atlantis not a Myth_, in _Popular Science Monthly_, Oct., 1879, xv. 759; reprinted in _Journal of Science_, Lond., Nov. 1879.

[426] _Etude sur les rapports de l’Atlantis et de l’ancien continent avant Colomb_ (Paris, 1869).

[427] _Revue de Géographie_, Mars, Avril, 1880, tom. vi. et vii.

[428] See p. 46.

[429] _Ultima teoria sobre la Atlantida._ A paper read before the Geographical Society at Lisbon. I have seen only the epitome in _Bolletino della Società Geografica Italiana_, xvi. (1879), p. 693. Apparently the paper was published in 1881, in the proceedings of the fourth congress of Americanists at Madrid.

[430] Winchell, _Preadamites, or a demonstration of the existence of man before Adam_, etc. (Chicago, 1880), pp. 378 and fol.

[431] Ignatius Donnelly, _Atlantis: the Antediluvian World_ (N. Y., 1882).

[432] His work is much more than a defence of Plato. He attempts to show that Atlantis was the terrestrial paradise, the cradle of the world’s civilization. I suppose it was his book which inspired Mrs. J. Gregory Smith to write _Atla: a Story of the Lost Island_ (New York, 1886).

Donnelly’s book was favorably reviewed by Prof. Winchell (“Ancient Myth and Modern Fact,” _Dial_, Chicago, April, 1882, ii. 284), who declared that there was no longer serious doubt that the story was founded on fact. His theory was enthusiastically adopted by Mrs. A. A. Knight in _Education_ (v. 317), and somewhat more soberly by Rev. J. P. McLean in the _Universalist Quarterly_ (Oct., 1882, xxxix. 436, “The Continent of Atlantis”). I have not seen an article in _Kansas Review_ by Mrs. H. M. Holden, quoted in _Poole’s Index_ (_Kan. Rev._, viii. 435; also, viii. 236, 640). It was more carefully examined and its claims rejected by a writer in the _Journal of Science_ (London), (“Atlantis once more,” June, 1883; xx. 319-327). W. F. Poole doubts whether Mr. Donnelly himself was quite serious in his theorizing (“Discoveries of America: the lost Atlantis theory,” _Dial_, Sept., 1884, v. 97). Lord Arundel of Wardour controverted Donnelly in _The Secret of Plato’s Atlantis_ (London, 1885), and believes that the Atlantis fable originated in vague reports of Hanno’s voyage—a theory hardly less remarkable than the one it aims to displace. Lord Arundel’s book was reviewed in the _Dublin Review_ (Plato’s “Atlantis” and the “Periplus” of Hanno), July, 1886, xcix. 91.

[433] Renard, M., _Report on the Petrology of St. Paul’s Rocks, Challenger Report, Narrative_ (London, 1882), ii. Appendix B.

[434] _A search for “Atlantis” with the microscope_, in _Nature_, 9 Nov., 1882, xxvii. 25.

[435] _The microscopic evidence of a lost continent_, in _Science_, 29 June, 1883, i. 591.

[436] _Origines Celticae_ (London, 1883), i. 119, etc.

[437] _The discoveries of America to the year 1525_ (New York, 1884), ch. 1. Cf. Poole’s review of this jejune Work, quoted above, for some healthy criticism of this kind of writing (_Dial_, v. 97). Also a notice in the _Nation_, July 31, 1884.

The scientific theory of Atlantis is, I believe, supported by M. Jean d’Estienne in the _Revue des Questiones Scientifiques_, Oct., 1885, and by M. de Marçay, _Histoire des descouvertes et conquêtes de l’Amerique_ (Limoges, 1881), but I have seen neither. H. H. Howorth, _The Mammoth and the Flood_ (London, 1887), is struggling to revive the credit of water as the chief agent in the transformations of the earth’s surface, and relies much upon the deluge myths, but refuses to accept Atlantis. He thinks the zoölogic evidence proves the existence in pleistocene times of an easy and natural bridge between Europe and America, but sees no need of placing it across the mid-Atlantic (p. 262).

[438] _The naturall and morall historie of the East and West Indies_, etc., _written in Spanish by Joseph Acosta, and translated into English by E. G[rimeston]_ (London, 1604), p. 72, 73 (lib. i. ch. 22).

[439] _Notitiae orbis antiquae_ (Amsterdam, 1703-6), 2 vols. The first ed. was Cantab., 1703. “Atlantica insula Platonis quae similior fabulae est quam chorographiae,” lib. i. cap. xi. p. 32. In the _Additamentum de novo orbe an cognatus fuerit veteribus_ (tome ii. lib. iv. pp. 164-166) Cellarius speaks more guardedly, and quotes with approval the judgment of Perizonius, which has been given above (p. 22).

[440] _Essai sur l’explication historique donnée par Platon de sa République et de son Atlantide_ (in _Reflexions impartiales sur le progrès réal ou apparent que les sciences et les arts ont faits dans le xviii^e siècle en Europe_, Paris, 1780). The work is useful because it contains the Greek text (from a MS. in the Bibl. du Roi. Cf. _MSS. de la bibliothèque_, v. 261), the Latin translations of Ficinus and Serranus, several French translations, and the Italian of Frizzo and of Bembo.

[441] _Recherches sur les iles de l’océan Atlantique_, in the _Recherches sur la géographie des anciens_, i. p. 146 (Paris, 1797). Also in the French translation of Strabo (i. p. 268, note 3). Gosselin thought that Atlantis was nothing more than Fortaventure or Lancerote.

[442] _Geogr. d. Griechen u. Römer_, i. 1, p. 59; ii. 1, p. 192. Cf. Letronne’s _Essai sur les idées cosmographiques qui se rettachent au nom d’Atlas_, in the _Bull. Univ. des sciences_ (Ferussac), March, 1831.

[443] _Examen Crit._, i. 167-180; ii. 192.

[444] _The dialogues of Plato, translated by B. Jowett_ (N. Y., 1873), ii. p. 587 (Introduction to Critias).

[445] Bunbury, _History of ancient geography_, i. 402.

[446] _Etude sur le Timée de Platon_ (Paris, 1841), t. i. pp. 257-333.

[447] Paul Gaffarel, _Etude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent avant Christophe Colomb_ (Paris, 1869), ch. 1er; _L’Atlantide_, pp. 3-27. The same author has more lately handled the subject more fully in a series of articles: _L’Atlantide_, in the _Revue de Géographie_, April-July, 1880; vi. 241, 331, 421; vii. 21,—which is the most detailed account of the whole matter yet brought together.

[448] One of the most recent résumés of the question is that by Salone in the _Grande Encyclopédie_. (Paris, 1888, iv. p. 457). The _Encyclopædia Britannica_, by the way, regards the account, “if not entirely fictitious, as belonging to the most nebulous region of history.”

A few miscellaneous references, of no great significance, may close this list: _Amer. Antiquarian_, Sept., 1886; H. H. Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, v. 123; J. S. Clarke’s _Progress of Maritime Discovery_, p. ii. Geo. Catlin’s _Lifted and Subsided Rocks of America_ (Lond., 1870) illustrates “The Cataclysm of the Antilles.” Dr. Chil, in the Nancy _Congrès des Américanistes_, i. 163. Foster’s _Prehistoric Races_, app. E. Haven’s _Archæol. U. S._ Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xxii. Major’s _Prince Henry_ (1868), p. 87. Nadaillac’s _Les Prem. Hommes_, ii. 114, and his _L’ Amérique préhistorique_, 561. John B. Newman’s _Origin of the Red Men_ (N. Y., 1852). Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 356. C. S. Rafinesque’s incomplete _American Nations_ (Philad.), and his earlier introduction to Marshall’s _Kentucky_, and his _Amer. Museum_ (1832). Two articles by L. Burke in his _Ethnological Journal_ (London), 1848: _The destruction of Atlantis_, July; _The continent of America known to the ancient Egyptians and other nations of remote antiquity_, Aug. The former article is only a reprint of Taylor’s trans. of Plato. Roisel’s _Etudes ante-historiques_ (Paris, 1874), devoted largely to the religion of the Atlanteans. Léon de Rosny’s “L’Atlantide historique” in the _Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie_ (Paris, 1875), xiii. 33, 159, or _Revue Orientale et Américaine_. Short’s _No. Americans of Antiquity_, ch. 11. Daniel Wilson’s _Lost Atlantis_ (Montreal, 1886), in _Proc. and Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada_, 1886, iv. Cf. also _Poole’s Index_, i. 73; ii. 27; and Larousse’s _Grand Dictionnaire_.

[449] _Legends and Superstitions of the Sea and of Sailors in all Lands and at all Times_ (Chicago and New York, 1885).

[450] _Légendes, croyances de la mer._ 2 vols. (Paris, 1886.) See ch. 9 in 1^{ere} série.

[451] _L’Elysée transatlantique et l’Eden Occidental_ (Mai-Juin, Nov.-Dec., 1883), vii. 273; viii. 673.

[452] _Paradise Found: the Cradle of the Human Race at the North Pole_ (Boston, 1885), 4th ed.

[453] Eumenius (?), in the third century A.D., is doubtful about the existence even of the Fortunate Isles (i. e. the Canaries). _Eumenii panegyricus Constantino Aug._, vii., in Valpy’s _Panegyrici veteres_ (London, 1828), iii. p. 1352. Baehrens credits this oration to an unknown author. Mamertinus appears to know them from the poets only (_Ibid._ p. 1529).

[454] _Saggio sulla nautica antica dei Veneziani_, n. p., n. d. (Venice, 1783); French translation (Venice, 1788).

[455] _Il mappamondo di Fra Mauro descritto ed illustrato_ (Venice, 1806). _Di Marco Polo e degli altri viaggiatori veneziani ... con append. sopra le antiche mappe lavorate in Venezia_ (Venice, 1818).

[456] ii. 156, etc.

[457] D’Avezac: _Iles d’Afrique_ (Paris, 1848) 2^e _partie_; _Iles connues des Arabes_, pp. 15; _Les îles de Saint-Brandan_, pp. 19; _Les îsles nouvellement trouvées du quinzième siècle_, pp. 24. The last two pieces had been previously published under the title _Les îles fantastiques de l’Ocean occidental au moyen âge_, in the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (Mars, Avril, 1845), 2d série, i. 293; ii. 47.

[458] _Les îsles fantastiques de l’Atlantique au moyen âge._ Lyon [1883], pp. 15. This is apparently extracted from the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Lyon_ for 1883.

[In _Poole’s Index_ is a reference to an article on imaginary islands in _London Society_, i. 80, 150.]

[459] “Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Hälfte des Mittelalters. Die Karten der seefahrenden Völker Süd-Europas bis zum ersten Druck der Erdbeschreibung des Ptolemaeus.” _Jahresbericht_, vi. vii. (1870). Accompanying the article are sketches of the principal mediæval maps, which are useful if access to the more trustworthy reproductions cannot be had.

[460] _Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und Seekarten italienischen Ursprungs_, etc. (Venice, 1886), especially pp. 14-22, and under the notices of particular maps in the second part.

[461] _The Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator_, etc. London, 1868.

[462] The position of these islands and the fact that the Arabs believed that they were following Ptolemy in placing in them the first meridian seems almost conclusive in favor of the Canaries; but M. D’Avezac is inclined in favor of the Azores, because the Arabs place in the Eternal Isles certain pillars and statues warning against further advance westward, which remind him of the equestrian statues of the Azores, and because Ebn Sáyd states that the Islands of Happiness lie between the Eternal Islands and Africa.

[463] D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 15. _Géographie d’Abul-Fada trad. par M. Reinand et M. Guiyard_ (Paris, 1848-83). 2 vols. The first volume contains a treatise on Arabian geographers and their systems. _Géographie d’Edrisi trad. par M. Jaubert_ (Paris, 1836-40). 2 vols. 4to (Soc. de Géogr. de Paris, _Recueil de Voyages_, v., vi.) Cf. Cherbonneau on the Arabian geographers in the _Revue de Géographie_ (1881).

[464] Humboldt, _Examen Crit._, ii. 163; D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 19; St. Malo’s voyage by Beauvois, _Rev. Hist. Relig._, viii. 986.

[465] _Les voyages de Saint Brandan et des Papoe dans l’Atlantique au moyen-âge_, published by the Soc. de Géogr. de Rochefort (1881). See also his _Rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent_ (Paris, 1869), p. 173-183. The article _Brenden_ in Stephen’s _Dict. of National Biography_, vol. vi. (London, 1886), should be consulted.

[466] 16 May; _Maii_, tom. ii. p. 699.

[467] _La légende latine de S. Brandaines, avec une traduction inédite_, etc. (Paris, 1836). M. Jubinal gives a full account of all manuscripts.

[468] _St. Brandan, a mediæval legend of the sea, in English prose and verse_ (London, 1844). The student of the subject will find use for _Les voyages de Saint Brandan à la recherche du paradis terrestre, legend en vers du XII^e siècle, avec introduction par Francisque Michel_ (Paris, 1878), and “La legende Flamande de Saint Brandan et du bibliographie” by Louis de Backer in _Miscellanées bibliographiques_, 1878, p. 191.

[469] _Nova typis transacta navigatio._ _Novi orbis India occidentalis_, etc. (1621), p. 11.

[470] Honoré d’Autun, _Imago Mundi_, lib. i. cap. 36. In _Maxima Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum_ (Lugd., 1677), tom. xx. p. 971.

[471] Humboldt (_Examen Critique_, ii. 172) quotes these islands from Sanuto Torsello (1306). They appear on a map of about 1350, preserved in St. Mark’s Library at Venice (Wuttke, in _Jahresber. d. Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden_, xvi. 20), as “_I fortunate I beate, 368,_” in connection with _La Montagne de St. Brandan_, west of Ireland. They are also in the Medicean Atlas of 1351, and in Fra Mauro’s map and many others.

[472] _Noticias de la historia general de las islas de Canaria_, by D. Jos. de Viera y Clavijo, 4 vols. 4to (Madrid, 1772-83). Humboldt, _Examen_, ii. 167. D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 22, etc. _Les îles fortunées ou archipel des Canaries_ [by E. Pégot-Ogier], 2 vols. (Paris, 1862), i. ch. 13. Saint-Borondon (_Aprositus_), pp. 186-198. _Teneriffe and its six satellites_, by O. M. Stone, 2 vols. (London, 1887), i. 319. This mirage probably explains the _Perdita_ of Honoré and the _Aprositos_ of Ptolemy. Cf. O. Peschel’s _Abhandlungen zur Erd- und Völkerkunde_ (Leipzig, 1877), i. 20. A similar story is connected with Brazil.

[473] M. Buache in his _Mémoire sur l’Isle Antillia_ (_Mém. Inst. de France, Sciences math. et phys._, vi., 1806), read on a copy of the Pizigani map of 1367, sent to him from Parma, the inscription, _Ad ripas Antilliae or Antullio_. Cf. Buache’s article in German in _Allg. Geogr. Ephemeriden_, xxiv. 129. Humboldt (_Examen_, ii. 177) quotes Zurla (_Viaggi_, ii. 324) as denying that such an inscription can be made out on the original: but Fischer (_Sammlung von Welt-karten_, p. 19) thinks this form of the name can be made out on Jomard’s fac-simile. Wuttke, however, thinks that the word Antillia is not to be made out, and gives the inscription as _Hoc sont statua q fuit ut tenprs A cules_, and reads _Hoc sunt statuae quae fuerunt antea temporibus Arcules = Herculis_ (Wuttke, _Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Haelfte des Mittelalters_, p. 26, in _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden_, vi. and vii., 1870). The matter is of interest in the story of the equestrian statue of Corvo. According to the researches of Humboldt, this story first appears in print in the history of Portugal by Faria y Sousa (_Epitome de las historias Portuguezas_, Madrid, 1628. _Historia del Reyno de Portugal_, 1730), who describes on the “Mountain of the Crow,” in the Azores, a statue of a man on horseback pointing westward. A later version of the story mentions a western promontory in _Corvo_ which had the form of a person pointing westward. Humboldt (ii. 231), in an interesting sketch, connects this story with the Greek traditions of the columns of Hercules at Gades, and with the old opinion that beyond no one could pass; and with the curious Arabic stories of numberless columns with inscriptions prohibiting further navigation, set up by _Dhoulcarnain_, an Arabian hero, in whose personality Hercules and Alexander the Great are curiously compounded (see _Edrisi_). Humboldt quotes from Buache a statement that on the Pizigani map of 1367 there is near Brazil (Azores) a representation of a person holding an inscription and pointing westward.

[474] Fernan Colomb, _Historia_, ch. 9; Horn, _De Originibus Amer._ p. 7, quoted by Gaffarel in his _Les îles fantastiques_, p. 3, _note_ 1, 2. D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 27, quotes a similar passage from Medina (_Arte naviguar_), who found it in the Ptolemy dedicated to Pope Urban (1378-1389). According to D’Avezac (_Iles_, ii. 28), a “geographical document” of 1455 gives the name as _Antillis_, and identifies it with Plato’s _Atlantis_.

[475] Formaleoni, _Essai_, 148.

[476] D’Avezac marks as wrong the reading _Sarastagio_ of Humboldt.

[477] D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 29; Gaffarel, _Iles fantastiques_, 12. Fischer (_Sammlung_, 20) translates _Satanaxio, Satanshand_, but thinks the island of _Deman_, which appears on the Catalan chart of 1375, is meant by the first half of the title. The Catalan map, fac-similed by Buchon and Foster in the _Notices et extraits des documents_, xiv. 2, has been more exactly reproduced in the _Choix des documents géographiques conservées à la Bibl. Nat._ (Paris, 1883).

[478] Peter Martyr, in 1493, states that cosmographers had determined that Hispaniola and the adjacent isles were _Antillae insulae_, meaning doubtless the group surrounding Antillia on the old maps (_Decades_, i. p. 11, ed. 1583); but the name was not popularly applied to the new islands until after Wytfliet and Ortelius had so used it (Humboldt, _Examen_, ii. 195, etc.). But Schöner, in the dedicatory letter of his globe of 1523, says that the king of Castile through Columbus has discovered _Antiglias Hispaniam Cubam quoque_ (Stevens, _Schöner_, London, 1888, fac-simile of letter). In the same way the name Seven Cities was applied to the pueblos of New Mexico by their first discoverers, and Brazil passed from an island to the continent.

[479] Humboldt identified it with _Terceira_, but Fischer questions whether St. Michael does not agree better with the easterly position constantly assigned to Brazil.

[480] The Bianco map of 1436 has, on the ocean sheets, five groups of small islands, from south to north: (1) Canaries; (2) Madeira and Porto Santo; (3) _luto_ and _chapisa_; (4) _d. brasil, di colonbi, d. b. ntusta, d. sanzorzi_; (5) _coriios_ and _corbo marinos_; (6) _de ventura_; (7) _de brazil_. West of the third and fourth lies _Antillia_, and N. W. of the fifth a corner of _de laman satanaxio_, while west of six and seven are numerous small islands unnamed. On the ocean sheet of the Bianco of 1448, we have (2) Madeira and Porto Santo; (3) _licongi_ and _coruo marin_; (4) _de braxil, zorzi_, etc.; (5) _coriios_ and _coruos marinos_; (6) _y. d. mam debentum_; (7) _y. d. brazil d. binar_. There is no Antillia and no Satanaxio, but west of (3) and (4) are two other groups: (1) _yd. diuechi marini, y de falconi_; (2) _y fortunat de s^o. beati. blandan, dinferno, de ipauion, beta ixola, dexerta_. There is not much to be hoped from such geography.

[481] Over against Africa he has an _Isola dei Dragoni_. On the Pizigani map of 1367 the Brazil which lies W. of North France is accompanied by a cut of two ships, a dragon eating a man, and a legend stating that one cannot sail further on account of monsters. There was a dragon in the Hesperian isles, and some have connected it with the famous dragon-tree of the Canaries.

[482] _Examen_, ii. 216, etc.

[483] For an account of the Irish MSS. see Eugene O’Curry, _Lectures on the MS. material of ancient Irish history_ (Dublin, 1861), lect. ix. p. 181; H. d’Arbois de Jubainville, _Introduction a l’étude de la littérature Celtique_, 2 vols. (Paris, 1883), i. chap. 8, p. 349, etc.; also _Essai d’un catalogue de littérature épique d’Irlande_, by the same author (Paris, 1883). For accounts of the voyages see O’Curry, p. 252, and especially p. 289, where a sketch of that of the sons of _Ua Corra_ is given. A list of the voyages is given by D’Arbois de Jubainville in his _Essai_, under _Longeas_ (involuntary voyages) and _Immram_ (voluntary voyages), with details about MSS. and references to texts and translations (_Mailduin_, p. 151; _Ua Corra_, 152). See also Beauvois, _Eden occidental, Rev. de l’Hist. des Relig._, viii. 706, 717, for voyages of _Mailduin_ and the sons of _Ua Corra_, and of other voyages. Also Joyce, _Old Celtic romances_ (London, 1879). Is M. Beauvois in earnest when he suggests that the talking birds discovered by Mailduin (and also by St. Brandan) were probably parrots, and their island a part of South America?

[484] The name is derived by Celtic scholars from _breas_, large, and _i_, island.

[485] _Gulielmi de Worcester Itineraria_, ed. J. Nasmyth (Cantab., 1778), p. 223, 267. I take the quotation from _Notes and Queries_, Dec. 15, 1883, 6th series, viii. 475. The latter passage is quoted in full in _Bristol, past and present_, by Nicholls and Taylor (London, 1882), iii. 292. Cf. H. Harrisse’s _C. Colomb._, i. 317.

[486] _Cal. State Papers, Spanish_, i. p. 177.

[487] _Irish Minstrelsy, or bardic remains of Ireland_, etc., 2 vols. (London, 1831), i. 368.

[488] This is very nearly its position in the _Arcano del Mare_ of Dudley, 1646 (Europe 28), where it is called “disabitata e incerta.”

[489] i. 369. _O-Brazile, or the enchanted island, being a perfect relation of the late discovery and wonderful disenchantment of an island on the North [sic] of Ireland_, etc. (London, 1675).

[490] John T. O’Flaherty, _Sketch of the History and antiquities of the southern islands of Aran_, etc. (Dublin, 1884, in _Roy. Irish Acad. Trans._, vol. xiv.)

[491] _On Hy Brasil, a traditional island off the west coast of Ireland, plotted in a MS. map written by Le Sieur Tassin_, etc., in the _Journal of the Royal Geological Society of Ireland_ (1879-80), vol. xv. pt. 3, pp. 128-131, _fac-simile of map_.

[492] In an atlas issued 1866, I observe _Mayda_ and _Green Rock_.

[493] Harrisse would put it in 1482. See Vol. II. p. 90.

[494] Also in his _Bib. Amer. Vet._, p. xvi.

[495] The various versions of the letter are as follows: _Ulloa_ (_Historie_, 1571, ch. 8). Dalla città di Lisbona per dritto verso ponente sono in detta carta ventisei spazi, ciascun de’ quali contien dugento, & cinquanta miglia, fino alla ... città di Quisai, la quale gira cento miglia, che sono trentacinque leghe.... Questo spazio e quasi la terza parte della sfera.... E dalla’ Isola di Antilia, che voi chiamate di sette città, ... fino alla ... isola di Cipango sono dieci spazi, che fanno due mila & cinquecento miglia, cioè dugento, & venticinque leghe.

_Barcia._ Hallareis en un mapa, que ai desde Lisboa, à la famosa ciudad de Quisay, tomando el camino derecho à Poniente, 26 espacios, cada uno de 150 millas. Quisai’ tiene 35 leguas de ambitu.... De la isla Antilla hasta la de Cipango se quentan diez espacios, que hacen 225 leguas.

_Las Casas_: Y de la ciudad de Lisboa, en derecho por el Poniente, son en la dicha carta 26 espacios, y en cada uno dellos hay 250 millas hasta la ... ciudad de Quisay, la cual etiene al cerco 100 millas, que son 25 leguas, ... (este espacio es cuasi la tercera parte de la sfera) ... é de la isla de Antil, ... Hasta la ... isla de Cipango hay 10 espacios que son 2,500 millas, es á sabre, 225 leguas.

_Columbus’s copy_: A civitate vlixiponis per occidentem indirecto sunt .26. spacia in carta signata quorum quodlibet habet miliaria .250. usque ad nobilisim[am], et maxima ciuitatem quinsay. Circuit enim centum miliaria ... hoc spatium est fere tercia pars tocius spere.... Sed ab insula antilia vobis nota ad insulam ... Cippangu sunt decem spacia.

[496] Cf. “Les îles Atlantique,” by Jacobs-Beeckmans in the _Bull. de la Soc. géog. d’Anvers_, i. 266, with map.

[497] Of these collections, those of Kunstmann and Jomard are not uncommon in the larger American libraries. A set of the Santarem series is very difficult to secure complete, but since the description of these collections in Vol. II. was written, a set has been secured for Harvard College library, and I am not aware of another set being in this country. The same library has the Ongania series. The maps in this last, some of which are useful in the present study, are the following:—

1. Arabic marine map, xiiith cent. (Milan); 2. Visconte, 1311 (Florence); 3. Carignano, xivth cent. (Florence); 4. Visconte, 1318 (Venice); 5. Anonymous, 1351 (Florence); 6. Pizigani, 1373 (Milan); 7. Anon., xivth cent. (Venice); 8. Giroldi, 1426 (Venice); 9. Bianco, 1430, (Venice); 10. Anon., 1447 (Venice); 11. Bianco, 1448 (Milan); 12. Not issued; 13. Anon., Catalan, xvth cent. (Florence); 14. Leardo, 1452; 15. Fra Mauro, 1457 (Venice); 16. Cantino, 1501-3 (Modena). This has not been issued in this series, but Harrisse published a fac-simile in colors in connection with his _Les Corte-Real_, etc., Paris, 1883. 17. Agnese, 1554 (Venice). The names on these photographs are often illegible; how far the condition of the original is exactly reproduced in this respect it is of course impossible to say without comparison.

[498] The notions prevailing so far back as the first century are seen in the map of Pomponius Mela in Vol. II. p. 180.

[499] Vol. II. p. 36.

[500] Lelewel (ii. 119) gives a long account of Sanuto and his maps, and so does Kunstmann in the _Mémoires_ (vii. ch. 2, 1855) of the Royal Bavarian Academy; but a more perfect inventory of his maps is given in the _Studi biog. e bibliog._ of the Italian Geographical Society (1882, i. 80; ii. 50). Cf. Peschel, _Gesch. der Erdkunde_, Ruge, ed. 1877, p. 210. Sanuto’s map of 1320 was first published in his _Liber Secretorum fidelium crucis_ (Frankfort, 1811. Cf. reproduction in St. Martin’s _Atlas_, pl. vi. no. 3). Further references are in Winsor’s _Kohl Maps_, no. 12. It is in part reproduced by Santarem.

[501] Cf. _Amer. Geog. Soc. Journal_, xii. 177, and references in the _Kohl Maps_, nos. 13 and 14.

[502] Vol. II. p. 38.

[503] Cf. references in Vol. II. 38.

[504] Cf. _Studi_, etc., ii. no. 392.

[505] Cf. Desimoni’s _Le carte nautiche Italiane del medio evo a proposito di un libro del Prof. Fischer_ (Genoa, 1888).

[506] Cf. Vol. II. 38 for references; and Lelewel and Santarem’s Atlases.

[507] Cf. _Studi_, etc., vol. ii. pp. viii, 67, 72, with references.

[508] Cf. Pietro Amat in the _Mem. Soc. Geografica_, Roma, 1878; _Studi_, etc., ii. 75; Winsor’s _Bibliog. Ptolemy_, sub anno 1478.

[509] Cf. account of inaugurating busts of Fra Mauro and John Cabot, in _Terzo Congresso Geografico internazionale_ (held at Venice, Sept., 1881, and published at Rome, 1882), i. p. 33.

[510] Asa Gray, in _Darwiniana_, p. 203. Cf. his _Address_ before Amer. Assoc. Adv. Science, 1827.

[511] The subject of these pre-Columbian claims is examined in almost all the general works on early discovery. Cf. Robertson’s _America_; J. S. Vater’s _Untersuchungen über Amerikas Bevölkerung aus dem alten Continent_ (Leipzig, 1810); Dr. F. X. A. Deuber’s _Geschichte der Schiffahrt im Atlantischen Ozean_ (Bamberg, 1814); Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (ch. 2); Major’s _Select Letters of Columbus_, introd.; C. A. A. Zestermann’s _Memoir on the Colonization of America in antehistoric times, with critical observations by E. G. Squier_ (London, 1851); _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (ii. 404); “Les précurseurs de Colomb” in _Études par les Pères de la Compagnie de Jesus_ (Leipzig, 1876); Oscar Dunn in _Revue Canadienne_, xii. 57, 194, 305, 871, 909,—not to name numerous other periodical papers. Paul Gaffarel, in his “Les relations entre l’ancien monde et l’Amérique étaient-elles possibles au moyen âge?” (_Soc. Normande de Géog. Bulletin_, 1881, p. 209), thinks that amid the confused traditions there is enough to convince us that we have no right to determine that communication was impossible.

[512] _MSS. de la bibliothèque royale_ (Paris, 1787), i. 462.

[513] De Costa in _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._ xii. (1880) p. 159, etc., with references.

[514] Humboldt, _Views of Nature_, p. 124. He also notes the drifting of Eskimo boats to Europe.

[515] _Tratado de las cinco zonas habitables._

[516] Respecting these Christian Irish see the supplemental chapters of Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_ (London, 1847); Dasent’s _Burnt Njal_, i. p. vii.; Moore’s _History of Ireland_; Forster’s _Northern Voyages_; Worsaae’s _Danes and Norwegians in England_, 332. Cf. on the contact of the two races H. H. Howorth on “The Irish monks and the Norsemen” in the _Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans._ viii. 281.

[517] Conybeare remarks that jarl, naturalized in England as earl, has been displaced in its native north by graf.

[518] It has sometimes been contended that a bull of Gregory IV, in A.D. 770, referred to Greenland, but Spitzbergen was more likely intended, though its known discovery is much later. A bull of A.D. 835, in Pontanus’s _Rerum Daniarum Historia_, is also held to indicate that there were earlier peoples in Greenland than those from Iceland. Sabin (vi. no. 22,854) gives as published at Godthaab, 1859-61, in 3 vols., the Eskimo text of Greenland Folk Lore, collected and edited by natives of Greenland, with a Danish translation, and showing, as the notice says, the traditions of the first descent of the Northmen in the _eighth_ century.

[519] Known as the Katortuk church.

[520] An apocryphal story goes that one of these churches was built near a boiling spring, the water from which was conducted through the building in pipes for heating it! The Zeno narrative is the authority for this. Cf. Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._ i. 79.

[521] The Westribygd, or western colony, had in the fourteenth century 90 settlements and 4 churches; the Eystribygd had 190 settlements, a cathedral and eleven churches, with two large towns and three or four monasteries.

[522] R. G. Haliburton, in the _Popular Science Monthly_, May, 1885, p. 40, gives a map in which Bjarni’s course is marked as entering the St. Lawrence Gulf by the south, and emerging by the Straits of Belle Isle.

[523] Dated 1135, and discovered in 1824.

[524] Distinctly shown in the diverse identifications of these landmarks which have been made.

[525] On the probabilities of the Vinland voyages, see Worsaae’s _Danes and Norwegians in England_, etc., p. 109.

[526] _Grönland’s Hist. Mindesmaeker_, iii. 9.

[527] The popular confidence in this view is doubtless helped by Montgomery, who has made it a point in his poem on Greenland, canto v. De Courcy (_Hist. of the Church in America_, p. 12) is cited by Howley (_Newfoundland_) as asserting that the eastern colony was destroyed by “a physical cataclysm, which accumulated the ice.” On the question of a change of climate in Greenland, see J. D. Whitney’s _Climatic Changes_ (_Mus. Comp. Zoöl. Mem._, 1882, vii. 238).

[528] Rink (_Danish Greenland_, 22) is not inclined to believe that there has been any material climatic change in Greenland since the Norse days, and favors the supposition that some portion of the finally remaining Norse became amalgamated with the Eskimo and disappeared. If the reader wants circumstantial details of the misfortunes of their “last man,” he can see how they can be made out of what are held to be Eskimo traditions in a chapter of Dr. Hayes’s _Land of Desolation_.

Nordenskjöld (_Voyage of the Vega_) holds, such is the rapid assimilation of a foreign stock by a native stock, that it is not unlikely that what descendants may exist of the lost colonists of Greenland may be now indistinguishable from the Eskimo.

Tylor (_Early Hist. Mankind_, p. 208), speaking of the Eskimo, says: “It is indeed very strange that there should be no traces found among them of knowledge of metal-work and of other arts, which one would expect a race so receptive of foreign knowledge would have got from contact with the Northmen.”

Prof. Edward S. Morse, in his very curious study of _Ancient and Modern Methods of Arrow Release_ (Salem, 1885,—_Bull. Essex Inst._, xvii.) p. 52, notes that the Eskimo are the only North American tribe practising what he calls the “Mediterranean release,” common to all civilized Europe, and he ventures to accept a surmise that it may have been derived from the Scandinavians.

[529] Given by Schlegel, Egede (citing Pontanus), and Rafn; and a French version is in the _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog._, 2d series, iii. 348. It is said to be preserved in a copy in the Vatican. M. F. Howley, _Ecclesiastical Hist. of Newfoundland_ (Boston, 1888), p. 43, however, says “Abbé Garnier mentions a bull of Pope Nicholas V, of date about 1447, concerning the church of Greenland; but on searching the Bullarium in the Propaganda library, Rome, in 1885, I could not find it.”

[530] Laing’s _Heimskringla_, i. 146.

[531] E. B. Tylor on “Old Scandinavian Civilization among the modern Esquimaux,” in the _Journal of the Anthropological Inst._ (1884), xiii. 348, shows that the Greenlanders still preserve some of the Norse customs, arising in part, as he thinks, from some of the lost Scandinavian survivors being merged in the savage tribes. Their recollection of the Northmen seems evident from the traditions collected among them by Dr. Rink in his _Eskimoiske Eventyr og Sagn_ (Copenhagen, 1866); and their dress, and some of their utensils and games, as it existed in the days of Egede and Crantz, seem to indicate the survival of customs.

[532] _Cosmos_, Bohn’s ed., ii. 610; _Examen Crit._, ii. 148.

[533] Cf. _Geographie de Edrisi, traduite de l’arabe en français d’après deux manuscrits de la bibliothèque du Roi, et accompagnée de notes, par G. Amédée Jaubert_ (Paris, 1836-40), vol. i. 200; ii. 26. Cf. _Recueil des Voyages et Mémoires de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, vols. v., vi. The world-map by Edrisi does not indicate any knowledge of this unknown world. Cf. copies of it in St. Martin’s _Atlas_, pl. vi; Lelewel, _Atlas_, pl. x-xii; Peschel’s _Gesch. der Erdkunde_, ed. by Ruge, 1877, p. 144; _Amer. Geog. Soc. Journal_, xii. 181; _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, ix. 292; Gerard Stein’s _Die Entdeckungsreisen in alter und neuer Zeit_ (1883).

Guignes (_Mém. Acad. des Inscriptions_, 1761, xxviii. 524) limits the Arab voyage to the Canaries, and in _Notices et Extraits des MSS. de la bibliothèque du Roi_, ii. 24, he describes a MS. which makes him believe the Arabs reached America; and he is followed by Munoz (_Hist. del Nuevo Mondo_, Madrid, 1793). Hugh Murray (_Discoveries and Travels in No. Amer._, Lond., 1829, i. p. II) and W. D. Cooley (_Maritime Discovery_, 1830, i. 172) limit the explorations respectively to the Azores and the Canaries. Humboldt (_Examen Crit._, 1837, ii. 137) thinks they may possibly have reached the Canaries; but Malte Brun (_Géog. Universelle_, 1841, i. 186) is more positive. Major (_Select Letters of Columbus_, 1847) discredits the American theory, and in his _Prince Henry_ agrees with D’Avezac that they reached Madeira. Lelewel (_Géog. du Moyen Age_, ii. 78) seems likewise incredulous. S. F. Haven (_Archæol. U. S._) gives the theory and enumerates some of its supporters. Peschel (_Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, 1858) is very sceptical. Gaffarel (_Etudes_, etc., p. 209) fails to find proof of the American theory. Gay (_Pop. History U. S._, i. 64) limits their voyage to the Azores.

[534] Given as A.D. 1380; but Major says, 1390. _Journal Royal Geog. Soc._, 1873, p. 180.

[535] De Costa, _Verrazano the Explorer_ (N. Y., 1880), pp. 47, 63, contends that Benedetto Bordone, writing his _Isole del Monde_ in 1521, and printing it in 1528, had access to the Zeno map thirty years and more earlier than its publication. This, he thinks, is evident from the way in which he made and filled in his outline, and from his drawing of “Islanda,” even to a like way of engraving the name, which is in a style of letter used by Bordone nowhere else. Humboldt (_Cosmos_, Bohn’s ed., ii. 611) has also remarked it as singular that the name Frislanda, which, as he supposed, was not known on the maps before the Zeni publication in 1538, should have been applied by Columbus to an island southerly from Iceland, in his _Tratado de las cinco zonas habitables_. Cf. De Costa’s _Columbus and the Geographers of the North_ (1872), p. 19. Of course, Columbus might have used the name simply descriptively,—cold land; but it is now known that in a sea chart of perhaps the fifteenth century, preserved in the Ambrosian library at Milan, the name “Fixlanda” is applied to an island in the position of Frislanda in the Zeno chart, while in a Catalan chart of the end of the fifteenth century the same island is apparently called “Frixlanda” (_Studi biog. e bibliog. della soc. geog. ital._, ii. nos. 400, 404). “Frixanda” is also on a chart, A.D. 1471-83, given in fac-simile to accompany Wuttke’s “Geschichte der Erdkunde” in the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde_ (Dresden, 1870, tab. vi.).

[536] Irving’s _Columbus_ takes this view.

[537] J. P. Leslie’s _Man’s Origin and Destiny_, p. 114, for instance.

[538] Brevoort (_Hist. Mag._, xiii. 45) thinks that the “Isola Verde” and “Isle de Mai” of the fifteenth-century maps, lying in lat. 46° north, was Newfoundland with its adjacent bank, which he finds in one case represented. Samuel Robertson (_Lit. & Hist. Soc. Quebec, Trans._ Jan. 16) goes so far as to say that certain relics found in Canada may be Basque, and that it was a Basque whaler, named Labrador, who gave the name to the coast, which the early Portuguese found attached to it! We find occasional stories indicating knowledge of distant fishing coasts at a very early date, like the following:—

“In the yeere 1153 it is written that there came to Lubec, a citie of Germanie, one canoa with certaine indians, like unto a long barge, which seemed to have come from the coast of Baccalaos, which standeth in the same latitude that Germanie doth” (_Galvano_, Bethune’s edition, p. 56).

[539] W. D. Whitney, _Life and Growth of Language_, p. 258, says: “No other dialect of the old world so much resembles in structure the American languages.” Cf. Farrar’s _Families of Speech_, p. 132; Nott and Gliddon’s _Indigenous Races_, 48; H. de Charencey’s _Des affinités de la langue Basque avec les idiomes du Nouveau Monde_ (Paris and Caen, 1867); and Julien Vinson’s “La langue basque et les langues Américaines” in the _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_ (Nancy, 1875), ii. 46. On the other hand, Joly (_Man before Metals_, 316) says: “Whatever may be said to the contrary, Basque offers no analogy with the American dialects.”

These linguistic peculiarities enter into all the studies of this remarkable stock. Cf. J. F. Blade’s _Etude sur l’origine des Basques_ (Paris, 1869); W. B. Dawkins in the _Fortnightly Review_, Sept., 1874, and his _Cave Hunting_, ch. 6, with Brabrook’s critique in the _Journal Anthropological Institute_, v. 5; and Julien Vinson on “L’Ethnographie des Basques” in _Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie, Session de 1872_, p. 49, with a map.

[540] But see Vol. III. 45; IV. 3. Forster (_Northern Voyages_, book iii. ch. 3 and 4) contends for these pre-Columbian visits of the European fishermen. Cf. Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1508. The same currents and easterly trade-winds which helped Columbus might easily have carried chance vessels to the American coasts, as we have evidence, apparently, in the stern-post of a European vessel which Columbus saw at Guadaloupe. Haven cites Gumilla (_Hist. Orinoco_, ii. 208) as stating that in 1731 a bateau from Teneriffe was thrown upon the South American coast. Cf. J. P. Casselius, _De Navigationibus fortuitis in Americam, ante Columbum factis_ (Magdeburg, 1742); Brasseur’s _Popul Vuh_, introd.; Hunt’s _Merchants’ Mag._ xxv. 275.

[541] Francisque-Michel, _Le Pays Basque_, 189, who says that the Basques were acquainted with the coasts of Newfoundland a century before Columbus (ch. 9).

Humboldt (_Cosmos_, Eng. ed. ii. 142) is not prepared to deny such early visits of the Basques to the northern fishing grounds. Cf. Gaffarel’s _Rapport_, p. 212. Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, 80) goes back very far: “The Basques and Northmen, we feel confident, visited these shores as early as the seventh century.”

There are some recent studies on these early fishing experiences in Ferd. Duro’s _Disquisiciones nauticas_ (1881), and in E. Gelcich’s “Der Fischgang des Gascogner and die Entdeckung von Neufundland,” in the _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_ (1883), vol. xviii. pp. 249-287.

[542] Cf. M. Hamconius’ _Frisia: seu de viris erbusque Frisiæ illustribus_ (Franckeræ, 1620), and L. Ph. C. v. d. Bergh’s _Nederlands annspraak op de ontdekking van Amerika voor Columbus_ (Arnheim, 1850). Cf. Müller’s _Catalogue_ (1877), nos. 303, 1343.

[543] Watson’s bibliog. in Anderson, p. 158.

A Biscayan merchant, a subject of Navarre, is also said to have discovered the western lands in 1444. Cf. André Favyn, _Hist. de Navarre_, p. 564; and G. de Henao’s _Averignaciones de las Antigüedades? de Cantabria_, p. 25.

Galvano (Hakluyt Soc. ed., p. 72) recounts the story of a Portuguese ship in 1447 being driven westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to an island with seven cities, where they found the people speaking Portuguese; who said they had deserted their country on the death of King Roderigo. “All these reasons seem to agree,” adds Galvano, “that this should be that country which is called Nova Spagna.”

It was the year (1491) before Columbus’ voyage that the English began to send out from Bristol expeditions to discover these islands of the seven cities, and others having the same legendary existence. Cf. Ayala, the Spanish ambassador to England, in _Spanish State Papers_, i. 177. Cf. also Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xxiv., and Gaffarel’s _Etude sur la rapports_, etc., p. 185.

[544] See Vol. II. p. 34.

[545] See Vol. II. p. 34, where is a list of references, which may be increased as follows: Bachiller y Morales, _Antigüedades Americanas_ (Havana, 1845). E. de Freville’s _Mémoire sur le Commerce maritime de Rouen_ (1857), i. 328, and his _La Cosmographie du moyen age, et les découvertes maritimes des Normands_ (Paris, 1860), taken from the _Revue des Sociétés Savantes_. Gabriel Gravier’s _Les Normands sur la route des Indes_, (Rouen, 1880). Cf. _Congrès des Américanistes in Compte Rendu_ (1875), i. 397.

[546] “Ethnography and Philology of America,” in H. W. Bates, _Central America, West Indies, and South America_ (Lond., 1882). This was the opinion of Prescott (_Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., iii. 398), and he based his judgment on the investigations of Waldeck, Voyage dans la Yucatan, and Dupaix, _Antiquités Méxicaines_. Stephens (_Central America_) holds similar views. Cf. Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_, i. 327; ii. 43. Dall (_Third Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 146) says: “There can be no doubt that America was populated in some way by people of an extremely low grade of culture at a period even geologically remote. There is no reason for supposing, however, that immigration ceased with these original people.”

[547] Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft’s _Native Races_, v. 39; _Amerika’s Nordwest Küste; Neueste Ergebnisse ethnologischer Reisen_ (Berlin, 1883), and the English version, _The Northwest Coast of America. Being Results of Recent Ethnological Researches from the collections of the Royal Museums at Berlin. Published by the Directors of the Ethnological Department_ (New York, 1883).

[548] Cf. his _Observations on some remains of antiquity_ (1796).

[549] Different shades of belief are abundant: F. Xavier de Orrio’s _Solucion del gran problema_ (Mexico, 1763); Fischer’s _Conjecture sur l’origine des Américaines_; Adair’s _Amer. Indians;_ G. A. Thompson’s _New theory of the two hemispheres_ (London, 1815); Adam Hodgson’s _Letters from No. Amer._ (Lond., 1824); J. H. McCulloh’s _Researches_ (Balt., 1829), ch. 10; D. B. Warden’s “Recherches sur les Antiquités de l’Amérique” in the _Antiquités Méxicaines_ (Paris, 1834), vol. ii.; E. G. Squier’s _Serpent Symbol_ (N. Y., 1851); Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Hist. des Nations Civilisées_, i. 7; José Perez in _Revue Orientale et Américaine_ (Paris, 1862), vol. viii.; Bancroft’s _Native Races_, v. 30, 31, with references; Winchell’s _Preadamites_, 397; a paper on Asiatic tribes in North America, in _Canadian Institute Proceedings_ (1881), i. 171. Dabry de Thiersant, in his _Origine des Indiens du nouv. monde_ (Paris, 1883), reopens the question, and Quatrefages even brings the story of Moncacht-Ape (see _post_, Vol. V. p. 77) to support a theory of frequent Asiatic communication. Tylor (_Early Hist. Mankind_, 209) says that the Asiatics must have taught the Mexicans to make bronze and smelt iron; and (p. 339) he finds additional testimony in the correspondence of myths, but Max Müller (_Chips_, ii. 168) demurs. Nadaillac, in his _L’Amérique préhistorique_, discussed this with the other supposable connections of the American people, and generally disbelieved in them; but Dall, in the English translation, summarily dismisses all consideration of them as unworthy a scientific mind; but points out what the early Indian traditions are (p. 526).

A good deal of stress has been laid at times on certain linguistic affiliations. Barton, in his _New Views_, sought to strengthen the case by various comparative vocabularies. Charles Farcy went over the proofs in his _Antiquités de l’Amérique: Discuter la valeur des documents relatifs à l’histoire de l’Amérique avant la conquête des Européens, et déterminer s’il existe des rapports entre les langues de l’Amérique et celles des tribus de l’Afrique et de l’Asie_ (Paris, 1836). H. H. Bancroft (_Native Races_, v. 39) enumerates the sources of the controversy. Roehrig (_Smithsonian Report_, 1872) finds affinities in the languages of the Dakota or Sioux Indians. Pilling (_Bibliog. of Siouan languages_, p. 11) gives John Campbell’s contributions to this comparative study. In the _Canadian Institute Proceedings_ (1881), vol. i. p. 171, Campbell points out the affinities of the Tinneh with the Tungus, and of the Choctaws and Cherokees with the Koriaks. Cf. also _Ibid_., July, 1884. Dall and Pinart pronounce against any affinity of tongues in the _Contributions to Amer. Ethnology_ (Washington), i. 97. Cf. Short, _No. Amer. of Antiq._, 494; Leland’s _Fusang_, ch. 10.

[550] Behring’s Straits, first opened, as Wallace says, in quaternary times, are 45 miles across, and are often frozen in winter. South of them is an island where a tribe of Eskimos live, and they keep constant communication with the main of Asia, 50 miles distant, and with America, 120 miles away. Robertson solved the difficulty by this route. Cf. _Contributions to Amer. Ethnology_ (1877), i. 95-98; Warden’s _Recherches_; Maury, in _Revue des deux Mondes_, Ap. 15, 1858; Peschel’s _Races of Men_, p. 401; F. von Hellwald in _Smithsonian Report_, 1866; Short, p. 510; Bancroft, _Native Races_, v. 28, 29, 54; and Chavanne’s _Lit. of the Polar Regions_, 58, 194—the last page shows a list of maps. Max Müller (_Chips_, ii. 270) considers this theory a postulate only.

[551] _Contrib. to Amer. Ethnology_, i. 96; Lyell’s _Principles of Geology_, 8th ed., 368; A. Ragine’s _Découverte de l’Amérique du Kamtchatka et des îles Aléoutiennes_ (St. Petersburg, 1868, 2d ed.); Pickering’s _Races of Men_; Peschel’s _Races of Men_, 397; Morgan’s _Systems of Consanguinity_. Dall (_Tribes of the Northwest_, in Powell’s _Rocky Mountain Region_, 1877, p. 96) does not believe in the Aleutian route.

On the drifting of canoes for long distances see Lyell’s _Principles of Geology_, 11th ed., ii. 472; Col. B. Kennon in Leland’s _Fousang; Rev. des deux Mondes_, Apr., 1858; Vining, ch. 1. Cf. Alphonse Pinart’s “Les Aléoutes et leur origine,” in _Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie, session de 1872_, p. 155.

[552] Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, v. 54. We have an uncorroborated story of a Tartar inscription being found. Cf. Kalm’s _Reise_, iii. 416; _Archæologia_ (London, 1787), viii. 304.