Chapter I: Front Matter (1)

[Transcriber's Note: Table of Contents and List of Illustrations have been compiled by the transcriber.]

CURRENT HISTORY: THE EUROPEAN WAR

FROM THE BEGINNING TO MARCH 1915

"WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?"

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Published by the _New York Times_

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TABLE OF CONTENTS.

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WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? THE CASE FOR GERMANY

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SPEECHES BY KAISER WILHELM II.
FORGIVES ENEMIES.
SPEECH FROM THE THRONE.
TO THE GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY.
"TO THE LAST BREATH OF MAN AND HORSE."
TO GERMAN WOMEN.
JOY IN GLORIOUS VICTORY.
FIRST SUCCESSFUL BATTLE.
A PRAYER FOR VICTORY.
"UP AND AT THE FOES."
ON VICTORY NEAR METZ.
THE SPIRIT OF THE MEN.
HIS INDISCRETION WAS "CALCULATED."
WILHELM II.'S LETTER TO LORD TWEEDMOUTH.

The Mighty Fate of Europe
"YOUR HEARTS FOR GOD, YOUR FISTS ON THE ENEMY."
AS ONE MAN FOR THE KAISER.
DECLARES FOR WAR.
STATEMENT TO AMERICA.
GERMANY'S ARMAMENTS.

Austria-Hungary's Version of the War
MANIFESTO.
DECLARATION OF WAR.
"DAYS OF WORLD'S HISTORY."
WILL OF WILHELM II. THAT SWUNG THE SWORD.
A PURELY DEFENSIVE WAR.
A DISCORDANT NOTE.

A German Review of the Evidence
I. THE RUSSIAN MOBILIZATION
II. GREY'S OMISSIONS AND ERRORS
III. THE AGREEMENT WITH FRANCE
IV. BELGIAN NEUTRALITY

"Truth About Germany"
HOW THE WAR CAME ABOUT.
REICHSTAG AND EMPEROR.
THE GERMAN MOBILIZATION.
ARMY AND NAVY.
THE ATTITUDES OF GERMANY'S ENEMIES.
LIES ABOUT GERMANY.
GERMANY AND THE FOREIGNER.
COMMERCE AND TRADE RELATIONS
WHO IS TO BE VICTORIOUS?

Speculations About Peace, September, 1914

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WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? CASE FOR THE TRIPLE ENTENTE

* * * * *

FIRST WARNINGS OF EUROPE'S PERIL
Speeches by British Ministers
"A CLOUD OVER EUROPE."
AUSTRO-SERVIAN CRISIS.
A GRAVE SITUATION.
RISK OF A CATASTROPHE.
OPPOSITION CONCURS.
PEACE THE GREAT OBJECT.
RUSSIA'S MOBILIZATION.
THE GERMAN INVASION.
PEACE OF EUROPE CANNOT BE PRESERVED.
Sir Edward Grey - House of Commons - Aug. 3.
GERMANY AND BELGIUM.
UNHESITATING SUPPORT.
CHANGED IRISH FEELING.
GREAT BRITAIN'S ULTIMATUM TO GERMANY.
PENETRATION OF BELGIAN TERRITORY.

Great Britain's Mobilization
KING TO BRITAIN'S FLEET.
NAPOLEONISM ONCE AGAIN.
PACT OF TRIPLE ENTENTE.
A COUNTERSTROKE.
IMPERIAL MESSAGE TO THE BRITISH DOMINIONS.
438,000 MEN RECRUITED.
EARL KITCHENER'S SPEECH ON RECRUITS
PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

Summons of the Nation to Arms
PRIME MINISTER'S LETTER.
MR. ASQUITH IN LONDON.
GERMANY SPEAKS.
GREAT BRITAIN REPLIES.
MR. ASQUITH AT EDINBURGH.
MR. ASQUITH AT DUBLIN.
MR. ASQUITH AT CARDIFF.
LORD CURZON'S EXPERIENCE.
NOW THE WAR HAS COME.
THE GREAT WAR.

Teachings of Gen. von Bernhardi

Entrance of France Into War
NEUTRALIZED STATE RESPECTED.
THE NATION IN ARMS.
POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC.
BEFORE THE MARNE BATTLE.

Russia to Her Enemy
Slav Emperor Announces New Policies.
A MANIFESTO.
CZAR AT THE KREMLIN.
APPEAL TO THE POLES.
THE POLISH RESPONSE.
NO ALLIANCE WITH GERMANY
POLISH AMERICAN OPINION.
RUSSIA AGAINST GERMANY.
DUMA'S MESSAGE TO BRITAIN.
NEW POLICY AND THE JEWS.
WAR ON GERMAN TRADE.
FOE TO GERMAN MILITARISM.
NOT A QUESTION OF SLAV PREDOMINANCE.
RUSSIA'S "LITTLE BROTHER."

"The Facts About Belgium"

Belgo-British Plot Alleged by Germany
GREAT BRITAIN'S DENIAL.
REPLY TO GREAT BRITAIN.
GRAY BOOK'S TESTIMONY.
BELGIUM'S ANSWER.

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WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? ATROCITIES OF THE WAR

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THE POPE'S DYING WORDS.
GERMAN KAISER'S PROTEST.
REPLY TO THE KAISER.
CHARGE AGAINST GERMANY.
M. DELCASSE'S NOTE.
THE BELGIAN MISSION.
M. DE WIART'S ADDRESS.
PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY.
OFFICIAL SUMMARY.
I. Acts at Linsmeau and Orsmael.
II. Report on Aerschot.
III. Destruction of Louvain.
FURTHER REPORTS.
A SUPPLEMENT.
"NOT A WORD OF TRUTH."
GERMANY'S VERSIONS.
LOUVAIN'S ART TREASURES.

Bombardment of Rheims Cathedral
POPE BENEDICT SILENT.
ATTACK NOT WILLFUL.
"SPARE THE CATHEDRAL."
THE FRENCH ARE BLAMED
THE DAMAGE DONE.

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WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY? THE SOCIALISTS' PART

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HOW INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISTS ARMED AGAINST EACH OTHER.
"ENVOY OF MY PARTY."
MINISTER JULES GUESDE.
"REVOLUTION!"
COMPOSURE IS NECESSARY.
PRESSURE FOR PEACE.
HUGO HAASE AT BRUSSELS.
HAASE IN THE REICHSTAG.
GERMAN SOCIALISTS DIVIDED.
SOCIALISTS STILL GERMANS.
"CRITIQUE OF WEAPONS."
SOCIALISTS OF ITALY FIRM.
BRITISH MANIFESTO.
KEIR HARDIE'S QUESTIONS.
REPLY TO MINISTER GREY.
MR. MACDONALD REPENTS.

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

WILHELM II.

AUGUSTA VICTORIA

T. VON BETHMANN-HOLLWEG

COUNT LEOPOLD BERCHTOLD.

SIR EDWARD GREY

W.L. SPENCER CHURCHILL

RENE VIVIANI

STATE COUNCILLOR SAZONOF

HIS HOLINESS THE LATE POPE PIUS X.

WOODROW WILSON

ALBERT KING OF THE BELGIANS

CARTON DE WIART

PHILIPP SCHEIDEMANN

JULES GUESDE

EMIL VAN DER VELDE

KEIR HARDIE M.P.

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WHO BEGAN THE WAR, AND WHY?

THE CASE FOR GERMANY

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SPEECHES BY KAISER WILHELM II.

* * * * *

From the Balcony of the Palace, Berlin, July 31, 1914.

A fateful hour has fallen for Germany.

Envious peoples everywhere are compelling us to our just defense.

The sword is being forced into our hand. I hope that if my efforts
at the last hour do not succeed in bringing our opponents to see
eye to eye with us and in maintaining peace we shall with God's
help so wield the sword that we shall restore it to its sheath
again with honor.

War would demand enormous sacrifices of blood and property from the
German people, but we should show our enemies what it means to
provoke Germany.

And now I commend you to God. Go to church. Kneel down before God
and pray for His help for our gallant Army.

* * * * *

* * * * *

FORGIVES ENEMIES.

Kaiser Wilhelm's Speech from the Balcony of the Palace, Berlin, Aug. 2.

I thank you for the love and loyalty shown me. When I enter upon a
fight let all party strife cease. We are German brothers and
nothing else. All parties have attacked me in times of peace. I
forgive them with all my heart. I hope and wish that the good
German sword will emerge victorious in the right.

* * * * *

SPEECH FROM THE THRONE.

Kaiser Wilhelm II., Opening Special Session of the Reichstag in White Room of the Royal Palace, Berlin, Aug. 4.

Honored Sirs: It is in an hour fraught with fate that I have
assembled about me all the representatives of the German people.
For almost half a century we have been able to keep to the path of
peace. The attempts to attribute a warlike temperament to Germany
and to circumscribe its position in the world have often put to
severe tests the patience of our people. With unswerving honesty,
my Government, even in provoking circumstances, has pursued as its
highest aim the development of all moral, spiritual, and economic
powers. The world has been witness how tirelessly we strove in the
first rank during the pressure and confusion of the last few years
to spare the nations of Europe a war between the great powers.

The very grave dangers which had arisen owing to the events in the
Balkans appeared to have been overcome, but then the murder of my
friend, the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, opened up a great abyss. My
high ally, the Emperor and King Francis Joseph, was compelled to
take up arms to defend the security of his empire against dangerous
intrigues from a neighboring State. In the pursuit of her proper
interests the Dual Monarchy has found her path obstructed by the
Russian Empire. Not only our duty as an ally calls us to the side
of Austria-Hungary, but on us falls also the mighty task of
defending the ancient community of culture of the two kingdoms and
our own position in the world against the attack of hostile powers.
With a heavy heart I have been compelled to mobilize my army
against a neighbor with whom it has fought side by side on so many
fields of battle. With sincere sorrow I saw a friendship broken of
which Germany had given faithful proofs. The Imperial Russian
Government, yielding to the pressure of an insatiable nationalism,
has taken sides with a State which by encouraging criminal attacks
has brought on the evil of this war. That France, also, placed
herself on the side of our enemies could not surprise us. Too often
have our efforts to arrive at friendlier relations with the French
Republic come in collision with old hopes and ancient malice.

Honored Sirs: What human insight and power could do to arm a people
against the last extremities has been done with your patriotic
help. The hostility which has been smouldering for a long time in
the East and in the West has now burst into bright flames. The
present situation did not proceed from transient conflicts of
interest or diplomatic entanglements, it is the result of an ill
will which has for many years been active against the strength and
the prosperity of the German Empire. We are not incited by lust for
conquest, we are inspired by the unyielding determination to keep
for ourselves and all future generations the place which God has
given us.

From the proofs which have been given you, you will see how my
Government, and especially my Chancellor, strove up to the last
moment to avert the worst. We grasp the sword in compulsory
self-defense, with clean hands and a clean conscience.

To the peoples and races of the German Empire my call goes forth to
defend with all their strength and in brotherly co-operation with
our ally that which we have created by peaceful labor. After the
example of our fathers, firmly and faithfully, sincerely and with
chivalry, humbly before God and battling joyfully before the enemy,
let us place our trust in the eternal Omnipotence, and may He
strengthen our defense and bring it to a good end!

To you, honored sirs, the whole German people, assembled about its
Princes and its leaders, look this day. Make your decision
unanimously and quickly. That is my heartfelt wish.

Gentlemen (addressing the Deputies directly): You have read what I
said to my people the other day from the balcony of my castle. I
repeat now that I no longer know any parties. I know only Germans.
And in order to testify that you are firmly resolved without
distinction of party to stand by my side through danger and death,
I call upon the leaders of the different parties in this House to
come forward and lay their hands in mine as a pledge.

* * * * *

TO THE GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY.

Proclamation by Kaiser Wilhelm II.

After three and forty years of peace I call the men of Germany to
arms.

It has become necessary to protect our most sacred possessions, the
Fatherland, our very hearths against ruthless destruction.

Enemies on every hand! That is the situation. A mighty struggle, a
great sacrifice confronts us.

I trust that the old spirit of battle still lives on in the German
people, that powerful spirit of battle which grapples with the foe
wherever it meets it, be the cost what it may, which has ever been
the terror and fear of our enemies.

Soldiers of Germany, in you I place my trust! In each one of you
lives the passionate will to conquer, which nothing can subdue.
Each one of you knows, if need be, how to die a hero's death.

Remember our great and glorious past!

Remember that you are Germans!

God help us!

WILHELM.

Berlin, Schloss, Aug. 6, 1914.

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TO GERMAN WOMEN.

An Appeal from the Kaiserin.

On the summons of the Emperor our people are preparing for an
unprecedented struggle, which it did not invoke and which it is
only carrying on in its defense. Whoever can bear arms will
joyfully hasten to the colors to defend the Fatherland with his
blood. The struggle will be gigantic and the wounds to be healed
innumerable, therefore I call upon you women and girls of Germany,
and all to whom it is not given to fight for our beloved home, for
help. Let every one now do what lies in her power to lighten the
struggle for our husbands, sons, and brothers. I know that in all
ranks of our people, without exception, the will exists to fulfill
this high ideal, but may the Lord God strengthen us in our holy
work of love, which summons us women to devote all our strength to
the Fatherland in its decisive struggle.

The organizations primarily concerned who should be supported first
have already sent out notices regarding the mustering of volunteers
and the collection of gifts of all kinds.

AUGUSTE VICTORIA.

Berlin, Aug. 6.

* * * * *

"TO THE LAST BREATH OF MAN AND HORSE."

Proclamation by Kaiser Wilhelm II.

Since the foundation of the empire it has been for forty-three
years the object of the efforts of myself and my ancestors to
preserve the peace of the world and to advance by peaceful means
our vigorous development. But our adversaries were jealous of the
successes of our work. There has been latent hostility on the east
and on the west and beyond the sea. It was borne by us till now, as
we were aware of our responsibility and power. Now, however, these
adversaries wish to humiliate us, asking that we should look on
with crossed arms and watch our enemies preparing themselves for a
coming attack. They will not suffer that we maintain resolute
fidelity to our ally who is fighting for its position as a great
power and with whose humiliation our power and honor would equally
be lost. So the sword must decide.

In the midst of perfect peace the enemy surprises us. Therefore to
arms! Any dallying, any temporizing would be which our fathers
founded; to be or not to be, is the question for the empire which
our fathers founded. To be or not to be German power and German
existence. We shall resist to the last breath of man and horse, and
shall fight out the struggle even against a world of enemies. Never
has Germany been subdued when it was united. Forward with God, who
will be with us as He was with our ancestors!

Berlin, Aug. 6. WILHELM.

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JOY IN GLORIOUS VICTORY.

Speech of Kaiser at a Parade During Swift German Advance Toward Paris.

Comrades: I have gathered you around me here in order to take joy
with you in the glorious victory which our comrades have in several
days of hot battle won with their swords. Troops out of every nook
and cranny of the empire helped one another in invincible bravery
and unshakable loyalty to win great results. There stood together
under the leadership of the son of the Bavarian King and fought,
with equal blades, troops of all ages, active, reservists, and
landwehr.

For our victory we are thankful, in the first place, to our God,
(unserem alten Gott.) He will not desert us, since we stand for a
holy cause. Many of our comrades have already fallen in battle.
They died as heroes for the Fatherland. We will think of them with
honor here, and shout to the honor of those still in the field.
Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!

We still have many a bloody battle before us. Let us hope for
further successes like this. We shall not relent, and we shall get
to the enemy's hide. We shall not lose our faith and trust in our
good old God up there, (unserem guten alten Gott dort oben.) We are
determined to win, and we must win.

* * * * *

FIRST SUCCESSFUL BATTLE.

Telegram from Kaiser Wilhelm II. to Chief of Troops in Upper Alsace, Aug. 15.

Grateful to God, Who was with us. I thank you and your troops for
the first victory. Please convey to all the troops which took part
in the fight my imperial thanks in the name of the Fatherland.

YOUR CHIEF WAR CAPTAIN.

* * * * *

A PRAYER FOR VICTORY.

By the Kaiser's Order to Supreme Council of the Evangelical Church--To Be Included in the Liturgy Throughout the War.

Almighty and merciful God! God of the armies! We beseech Thee in
humility for Thy almighty aid for our German Fatherland. Bless the
entire German war force, lead us to victory, and give us grace that
we may show ourselves to be Christians toward our enemies as well.
Let us soon arrive at the peace which will everlastingly safeguard
our free and independent Germany.

* * * * *

"UP AND AT THE FOES."

Kaiser's Farewell Speech to First Regiment of Foot Guards at Potsdam.

I draw the sword that with God's help I have kept all these years
in the scabbard. I have drawn the sword, which without victory and
without honor I cannot sheath again. All of you will see to it that
only in honor is it returned to the scabbard. You are my guarantee
that I can dictate peace to my enemies. Up and at the foes, and
down with the enemies of Brandenburg!

* * * * *

ON VICTORY NEAR METZ.

From Cabinet Order of Kaiser Wilhelm II., Published in Berlin Aug. 23.

The mobilization and concentration of the army is now complete, the
German railways having carried out the enormous transport movements
with unparalleled certainty and punctuality. With a heart filled
with gratitude my first thoughts turn to those who since 1870-71
have worked quietly upon the development of an organization which
has emerged from its first serious test with such glorious success.
To all who have co-operated with them I wish to express my imperial
thanks for their loyal devotion to duty in making possible in
obedience to my call the transportation of armed masses of German
troops against my enemies. The present achievement [near Metz]
convinces me that the railways of the country will be equal to the
heaviest demands that might be made upon them during the course of
the gigantic struggle in which we are engaged for the future of the
German Nation.

* * * * *

THE SPIRIT OF THE MEN.

Kaiser's Telegram from Dresden to the King of Saxony, Oct. 2.

I am very glad to be able to send you the best reports of the
Nineteenth Army Corps and the Twelfth Reserve Corps. I visited
yesterday the Third Army and greeted especially the brave 181st
Regiment, to which I expressed my recognition. I found your third
son and your brother Max as well as Laffert and Kirchbach in the
best of health. The spirit among the men is splendid. With such an
army we shall be able to complete victoriously the rest of our
difficult task. To this end may the Almighty stand by us.

WILHELM.

* * * * *

HIS INDISCRETION WAS "CALCULATED."

Interview With Kaiser Wilhelm II., Oct. 28, 1908, and Its Consequences.

_An interview between the German Emperor and "a representative Englishman, who long since passed from public to private life," appeared in The London Telegraph on Oct. 28, 1908, and was the next day authenticated by the German Foreign Office in Berlin with the comment that it was "intended as a message to the English people." This last expression of the Kaiser toward Great Britain--until his declarations on the eve of the present war--deeply stirred the German people in protest and resulted in the Kaiser's pledge to Chancellor von Buelow that henceforth the imperial views would be subject to the bridle of the Ministry and the Council of the Empire. The interview as recorded by the "representative Englishman" was as follows:_

Moments sometimes occur in the history of nations when a calculated
indiscretion proves of the highest public service. It is for this
reason that I have decided to make known the substance of a lengthy
conversation which it was my recent privilege to have with the
Emperor.

I do so in the hope that it will help to remove that obstinate
misconception of the character of the Emperor's feelings toward
England, which I fear is deeply rooted in the ordinary Englishman's
breast. It is the Emperor's sincere wish that it should be
eradicated. He has given repeated proofs of his desire by word and
deed. But, to speak frankly, his patience is sorely tried now; he
finds himself so continually misrepresented and has so often
experienced the mortification of finding that any momentary
improvement in relations is followed by renewed outbursts of
prejudice and a prompt return to the old attitude of suspicion.

His Majesty spoke with impulsive and unusual frankness, saying:
"You English are as mad, mad, mad as March hares. What has come
over you that you are completely given over to suspicions that are
quite unworthy of a great nation? What more can I do than I have
done? I declared with all the emphasis at my command in my speech
at the Guildhall that my heart was set upon peace and that it was
one of my dearest wishes to live on the best terms with England.
Have I ever been false to my word? Falsehood and prevarication are
alien to my nature. My actions ought to speak for themselves, but
you will not listen to them, but to those who misinterpret and
distort them."

Resents a Personal Insult.

"This is a personal insult which I resent; to be forever misjudged,
to have my repeated offers of friendship weighed and scrutinized
with jealous, mistrustful eyes taxes my patience severely. I have
said time after time that I am a friend of England, and your press,
or at least a considerable section of it, bids the people of
England to refuse my proffered hand and insinuates that the other
hand holds a dagger. How can I convince a nation against its will?"

Complaining again of the difficulty imposed on him by English
distrust, his Majesty said: "The prevailing sentiment of large
sections of the middle and lower classes of my own people is not
friendly to England. I am, therefore, so to speak, in the minority
in my own land, but it is a minority of the best element, just as
it is in England respecting Germany."

The Englishman reminded the Kaiser that not only England but the
whole of Europe viewed with disapproval the recent sending of the
German Consul at Algiers to Fez and forestalling France and Spain
by suggesting the recognition of Sultan Mulai Hafid. The Kaiser
made an impatient gesture and exclaimed: "Yes? that is an excellent
example of the way German actions are misrepresented," and with
vivid directness he defended the aforesaid incident, as the German
Government has already done.

The interviewer reminded the Kaiser that an important and
influential section of the German newspapers interpreted these acts
very differently, and effusively approved of them because they
indicated that Germany was bent upon shaping events in Morocco.

"There are mischief makers," replied the Emperor, "in both
countries. I will not attempt to weigh their relative capacity for
misrepresentation, but the facts are as I have stated. There has
been nothing in Germany's recent action in regard to Morocco
contrary to the explicit declaration of my love of peace made both
at the Guildhall and in my latest speech at Strassburg."

Kaiser and the Boer War.

Reverting to his efforts to show his friendship for England, the Kaiser said they had not been confined to words. It was commonly believed that Germany was hostile to England throughout the Boer war. Undoubtedly the newspapers were hostile and public opinion was hostile. "But what," he asked, "of official Germany? What brought to a sudden stop, indeed, to an absolute collapse, the European tour of the Boer delegates, who were striving to obtain European intervention?"

"They were fêted in Holland. France gave them a rapturous welcome.
They wished to come to Berlin, where the German people would have
crowned them with flowers, but when they asked me to receive them I
refused. The agitation immediately died away and the delegates
returned empty handed. Was that the action of a secret enemy?

"Again, when the struggle was at its height, the German Government
was invited by France and Russia to join them in calling upon
England to end the war. The moment had come, they said, not only to
save the Boer republics, but also to humiliate England to the dust.
What was my reply? I said so far from Germany joining in any
concerted European action to bring pressure against England and
bring about her downfall Germany would always keep aloof from
politics that could bring her into complications with a sea power
like England.

"Posterity will one day read the exact terms of a telegram, now in
the archives of Windsor Castle, in which I informed the sovereign
of England of the answer I returned to the powers which then sought
to compass her fall. Englishmen who now insult me by doubting my
word should know what my actions were in the hour of their
adversity.

"Nor was that all. During your black week in December, 1899, when
disasters followed one another in rapid succession, I received a
letter from Queen Victoria, my revered grandmother, written in
sorrow and affliction and bearing manifest traces of the anxieties
which were preying upon her mind and health. I at once returned a
sympathetic reply. I did more. I bade one of my officers to procure
as exact an account as he could obtain of the number of combatants
on both sides and the actual positions of the opposing forces.

"With the figures before me I worked out what I considered the best
plan of campaign in the circumstances and submitted it to my
General Staff for criticism. Then I dispatched it to England. That
document likewise is among the State papers at Windsor awaiting the
serenely impartial verdict of history.

"Let me add as a curious coincidence that the plan which I
formulated ran very much on the same lines as that actually adopted
by Gen. Roberts and carried by him into successful operation. Was
that the act of one who wished England ill? Let Englishmen be just
and say."

The German Navy.

Touching then upon the English conviction that Germany is increasing her navy for the purpose of attacking Great Britain, the Kaiser reiterated the explanation that Chancellor von Bülow and other Ministers have made familiar, dwelling upon Germany's worldwide commerce, her manifold interests in distant seas, and the necessity for being prepared to protect them. He said:

"Patriotic Germans refuse to assign any bounds to their legitimate
commercial ambitions. They expect their interests to go on growing.
They must be able to champion them manfully in any quarter of the
globe. Germany looks ahead. Her horizons stretch far away. She must
be prepared for any eventualities in the Far East. Who can foresee
what may take place in the Pacific in the days to come, days not so
distant as some believe, but days, at any rate, for which all
European powers with Far Eastern interests ought to steadily
prepare?

"Look at the accomplished rise of Japan. Think of a possible
national awakening in China, and then judge of the vast problems of
the Pacific. Only those powers which have great navies will be
listened to with respect when the future of the Pacific comes to be
solved, and if for that reason only Germany must have a powerful
fleet. It may even be that England herself will be glad that
Germany has a fleet when they speak together in the great debates
of the future."

The interviewer concludes:

"The Emperor spoke with all that earnestness which marks his manner
when speaking on deeply pondered subjects. I ask my
fellow-countrymen who value the cause of peace to weigh what I have
written and revise, if necessary, their estimate of the Kaiser and
his friendship for England by his Majesty's own words. If they had
enjoyed the privilege of hearing them spoken they would no longer
doubt either his Majesty's firm desire to live on the best of terms
with England or his growing impatience at the persistent mistrust
with which his offer of friendship is too often received."

The Consequences.

On Nov. 17 following Prince von Bülow met the Kaiser at Kiel, taking with him evidence of the feeling in Germany regarding the Emperor's published interview and setting forth:

First, that the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Bundesrat, or
Federal Council, is firm in the opinion formulated at the meeting
held yesterday that it would be wiser for the Emperor not to
express views affecting the relations of the empire with other
countries except through his responsible Ministers. This
expression, derives weight from the fact that the Governments of
Bavaria, Württemberg, and Saxony were represented on the committee.

Second, that the entire Reichstag assented to the declarations made
by the speakers on Tuesday that the Emperor had exceeded his
constitutional prerogatives in private discussion with foreigners
concerning Germany's attitude on controverted questions.

Third, that the feeling of the people at large on this matter was
accurately indicated by the press of the country.

The Kaiser's reply was published on the same date in the Reichsanzeiger, in the form of a communication, which read:

During today's audience granted to the Imperial Chancellor, his
Majesty, the Emperor and King, listened for several hours to a
report by Prince von Bülow. The Imperial Chancellor described the
feeling and its causes among the German people in connection with
the article published in The Daily Telegraph. He also explained the
position he had taken during the course of the debates and
interpellations on this subject in the Reichstag. His Majesty the
Emperor received the statements and explanations with great
earnestness, and then expressed his will as follows:

"Heedless of the exaggerations of public criticism, which are
regarded by him as incorrect, his Majesty perceives that his
principal imperial task is to insure the stability of the policies
of the empire, under the guardianship of constitutional
responsibilities. In conformity therewith, his Majesty the Emperor
approves the Chancellor's utterances in the Reichstag, and assures
Prince von Bülow of his continued confidence."

* * * * *

WILHELM II.'S LETTER TO LORD TWEEDMOUTH.

Published by The Morning Post of London, Oct. 30, 1914.

The subjoined letter written to the late Lord Tweedmouth by the German Emperor is made public for the first time. It is a literal transcript of the original document in which occur a few slight errors in spelling. The existence of the document was first made known to the public by the military correspondent of The Times, who published a letter on the subject on March 6, 1908, but its contents were not divulged.

The significance of the letter can be understood only in the light of the naval and political situation six years ago. During the preceding year, 1907, The Hague Conference, ostensibly convened in the interests of international peace, had resolved itself into a committee to determine how to diminish the severities of war. There was a section of opinion in this country which was persuaded that the only method of seeking peace was to reduce the navy and army. At the same time the Imperial German Navy was making swift and steady progress, and its menace to British supremacy aroused considerable alarm in this country. Although the British Navy held superiority over the German Navy in ships not of the dreadnought type, the balance in dreadnoughts was virtually even.

Dreadnought Supremacy.

It was stated in Parliament that in the year 1916 Germany, according to her naval law, would have thirty-six dreadnoughts, a number which would involve the building by this country of forty-four such vessels in the same period, toward which the Government was only providing two in the current year. It was also stated that in the year 1911 Germany would possess thirteen dreadnoughts and Great Britain only twelve, which statement was founded upon reasonable assumptions. Could Germany reckon upon the continuance of such a relative position, the advantage to her would be very great.

It was at this critical moment that the German Emperor indited his letter to the First Lord of the Admiralty, which is printed below. When the fact became known there was a good deal of public feeling aroused both in this country and abroad. Lord Tweedmouth stated that the letter was a private letter and purely personal. Prince von Bülow informed the Reichstag that the letter was of both a private and political character, adding some remarks concerning the "purely defensive character of our naval programme which," said the Chancellor, "cannot be emphasized too frequently."

The German Foreign Office officially announced that "in his letter the Emperor merely corrected certain erroneous views prevalent in England regarding the development of the German fleet."

Readers are now in a position to judge for themselves the accuracy of these statements. It should be remembered that the reduced navy estimates of 1908-9 were followed by national alarm and the publication of Admiral Lord Charles Beresford's shipbuilding programme and large increase in estimates of the following year. Here is the letter:

The Kaiser's Letter.

Berlin, 14th-2, 1908.

My Dear Lord Tweedmouth--May I intrude on your precious time and
ask for a few moments' attention to these lines I venture to submit
to you? I see by the daily papers and reviews that a battle royal
is being fought about the needs of the navy. I therefore venture to
furnish you with some information anent the German naval programme,
which it seems is being quoted by all parties to further their ends
by trying to frighten peaceable British taxpayers with it as a
bogy.

During my last pleasant visit to your hospitable shores I tried to
make your authorities understand what the drift of German naval
policy is, but I am afraid that my explanations have been either
misunderstood or not believed, because I see "German danger" and
"German challenge to British naval supremacy" constantly quoted in
different articles. This phrase, if not repudiated or corrected,
sown broadcast over the country and daily dinned into British ears,
might in the end create the most deplorable results.

I therefore deem it advisable, as Admiral of the Fleet, to lay some
facts before you to enable you to see clearly that it is absolutely
nonsensical and untrue that the German naval bill is to provide a
navy meant as a challenge to British naval supremacy. The German
fleet is built against nobody at all; it is solely built for
Germany's needs in relation with that country's rapidly growing
trade. The German naval bill was sanctioned by the Imperial
Parliament and published ten years ago, and may be had at any large
bookseller's. There is nothing surprising, secret, or underhand in
it, and every reader may study the whole course mapped out for the
development of the German Navy with the greatest ease.

Thirty to Forty Battleships in 1920.

The law is being adhered to, and provides for about thirty to forty
ships of the line in 1920. The number of ships fixed by the bill
included the fleet then actually in commission, notwithstanding its
material being already old and far surpassed by contemporary types.
In other foreign navies the extraordinary rapidity with which
improvements were introduced in types of battleships, armaments,
and armor made the fleet in commission obsolete before the building
programme providing additions to it was half finished.

The obsolete fleet had to be struck off the list, thus leaving a
gap, lowering the number of ships below the standard prescribed by
the bill. This gap was stopped by using the finished ships to
replace the obsolete ones instead of being added to them as
originally intended. Therefore, instead of steadily increasing the
standing fleet by regular additions it came to a wholesale
rebuilding of the entire German Navy. Our actual programme in
course of execution is practically only the exchange of old
material for new, but not an addition to the number of units
originally laid down by the bill of ten years ago, which is being
adhered to.

It seems to me that the main fault in the discussions going on in
the papers is the permanent ventilating of so-called two to three
or more power standard and then only exemplifying on one power,
which is invariably Germany. It is fair to suppose that each nation
builds and commissions its navy according to its needs and not only
with regard to the programme of other countries. Therefore, it
would be the simplest thing for England to say: "I have a
world-wide empire and the greatest trade of the world, and to
protect them I must have so and so many battleships, cruisers, &c.,
as are necessary to guarantee the supremacy of the sea to me, and
they shall, accordingly, be built and manned."

That is the absolute right of your country, and nobody anywhere
would lose a word about it, and whether it be 60 or 90 or 100
battleships, that would make no difference and certainly no change
in the German naval bill. May the numbers be as you think fit,
everybody here would understand it, but the people would be very
thankful over here if at last Germany was left out of the
discussion, for it is very galling to the Germans to see their
country continually held up as the sole danger and menace to Great
Britain by the whole press of the different contending parties,
considering that other countries are building, too, and there are
even larger fleets than the German.

Fears German Retaliation.

Doubtless, when party faction runs high there is often a lamentable
lack of discrimination in the choice of weapons, but I really must
protest that the German naval programme should be only one for her
exclusive use, or that such a poisoned view should be forged as a
German challenge to British supremacy of the sea. If permanently
used mischief may be created at home, and the injured feeling
engendering the wish for retaliation in the circle of the German
Naval League as a representative of the nation which would
influence public opinion and place the Government in a very
disagreeable position by trying to force it to change its programme
through undue pressure, difficult to ignore.

In a letter which Lord Esher caused to be published a short time
ago he wrote that every German, from the Emperor down to the last
man, wished for the downfall of Sir John Fisher. Now I am at a loss
to tell whether the supervision of the foundations and drains of
royal palaces is apt to qualify somebody for the judgment of naval
affairs in general. As far as regards German affairs, the phrase is
a piece of unmitigated balderdash, and has created immense
merriment in the circles of those here who know. But I venture to
think that such things ought not to be written by people who are
high placed, as they are liable to hurt public feelings over here.

Of course I need not assure you that nobody here dreams of wishing
to influence Great Britain in the choice of those to whom she means
to give the direction of her navy or to disturb them in the
fulfillment of their noble task. It is expected that the choice
will always fall on the best and ablest, and their deeds will be
followed with interest and admiration by their brother officers in
the German Navy.

It is, therefore, preposterous to infer that the German authorities
work for or against persons in official positions in foreign
countries. It is as ridiculous as it is untrue, and I hereby
repudiate such calumny. Besides, to my humble notion, this
perpetual quoting of the German danger is utterly unworthy of the
great British Nation, with its world-wide empire and mighty navy.
There is something nearly ludicrous about it. The foreigners in
other countries might easily conclude that Germans must be an
exceptionally strong lot, as they seem to be able to strike terror
into the hearts of the British, who are five times their superiors.

I hope your Lordship will read these lines with kind consideration.
They are written by one who is an ardent admirer of your splendid
navy, who wishes it all success, and who hopes that its ensign may
ever wave on the same side as the German Navy's, and by one who is
proud to wear a British naval uniform of Admiral of the Fleet,
which was conferred on him by the late great Queen of blessed
memory.

Once more the German naval bill is not aimed at England and is not
a challenge to British supremacy of the sea, which will remain
unchallenged for generations to come. Let us all remember the
warning Admiral Sir John Fisher gave to his hearers in November,
when so cleverly he cautioned them not to get scared by using the
admirable phrase "if Eve had not always kept her eye on the apple
she would not have eaten it, and we should not now be bothered with
clothes."

I remain yours truly,

WILLIAM I. R.,
Admiral of the Fleet.

* * * * *

Attacks Kaiser's Veracity.

The Morning Post, commenting on the letter of the Kaiser, says:

It is not usual for an Emperor to address a Minister of a foreign
country with reference to the affairs of his department. It is a
fact that it is not done. Lord Tweedmouth said the letter was a
private letter. The German Chancellor, Prince von Bülow, said the
letter partook of both a private and a political character. The
fact remains that it involved an extraordinary breach of etiquette.
There is no reflection cast upon the late Lord Tweedmouth. No one
can help receiving a letter from an Emperor if that monarch
condescends to dispatch it. Few persons, perhaps, could help being
influenced, albeit unconsciously influenced, by the perusal of such
an epistle.

Perhaps the German Emperor reflected upon that psychological
contingency; for to what conclusion is the whole tenor of the
letter directed? That the German Navy existed solely for purposes
of defense in case of aggression and for the protection of German
commerce, and that it was no part of German policy, and never had
been, to menace the sea power of Britain.

Now turn to the notorious preamble of the German navy law of 1900,
which in his letter the Emperor cites as a guarantee of good faith.
It is there stated that the German Navy must be made so powerful
that it would be dangerous for any nation, even the strongest
maritime nation, to attack it.

If that is not a challenge, what is? Had it not been in terms a
challenge the preamble would surely have run that it was not the
intention to make the German Navy so strong that the strongest
naval power could not attack it without danger to that power.

* * * * *

The Mighty Fate of Europe

As Interpreted by Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, German Imperial Chancellor.

* * * * *

"YOUR HEARTS FOR GOD, YOUR FISTS ON THE ENEMY."

Speech from Balcony of Chancellor's Official Residence, Berlin, Aug. 1.

At this serious hour in order to give expression to your feelings
for your Fatherland you have come to the house of Bismarck, who
with Emperor William the Great and Field Marshal von Moltke welded
the German Empire for us.

We wished to go on living in peace in the empire which we have
developed in forty-four years of peaceful labor.

The whole work of Emperor William has been devoted to the
maintenance of peace. To the last hour he has worked for peace in
Europe, and he is still working for it. Should all his efforts
prove vain and should the sword be forced into our hands we will
take the field with a clear conscience in the knowledge that we did
not seek war. We shall then wage war for our existence and for the
national honor to the last drop of our blood.

In the gravity of this hour I remind you of the words of Prince
Frederick Charles to the men of Brandenburg:

"Let your hearts beat for God and your fists on the enemy."

* * * * *

AS ONE MAN FOR THE KAISER.

Speech from Balcony of Royal Palace, Berlin, Aug. 2.

All stand as one man for our Kaiser, whatever our opinions or our
creeds. I am sure that all the young German men are ready to shed
their blood for the fame and greatness of Germany. We can only
trust in God, Who hitherto has always given us victory.

* * * * *

DECLARES FOR WAR.[01]

Speech Delivered in the Reichstag, Berlin, Afternoon of Aug. 4.

A mighty fate has descended upon Europe. Because we were struggling
for the esteem of the German Empire in the world, we have for
forty-four years lived in peace and safeguarded the peace of
Europe. In peaceful industry we have become strong and mighty and
in consequence envied. With patience we have borne that, under the
pretext that Germany was desirous of war, hostility toward us was
being nursed and chains forged for us both in the East and in the
West.

We wished to continue to live in peaceful industry, and, like an
unexpressed vow, there was passed on from Kaiser to the youngest
soldier: "Only in defense of a righteous cause shall our sword be
drawn." (Hearty applause.) The day when we must draw it has
appeared, contrary to our desire, contrary to our honest efforts to
avoid it. Russia has applied the firebrand to the house. We find
ourselves in a forced war with Russia and France.

Gentlemen, a series of documents, composed in the rush of events,
is in your hands. Allow me to place before you the facts which
characterize our attitude.

From the very beginning of the Austrian conflict we strove and
worked toward the end that this trouble remain confined to
Austria-Hungary and Servia. All Cabinets, especially that of
England, take the same stand; only Russia declares that she must
have a word in the decision of this conflict. Therewith the danger
of European entanglements arises. As soon as the first authentic
reports of the military preparations in Russia reached us we
declared in a friendly but emphatic manner in St. Petersburg that
war measures and military preparations would force us also to
prepare, and that mobilization is closely akin to war.

Russia asserts in what is an apparently friendly manner that she is
not mobilizing against us. In the meantime England tries to mediate
between Vienna and St. Petersburg, in which she is warmly supported
by us. On July 28 the Kaiser telegraphed the Czar, asking him to
consider that Austria-Hungary has the right and that it is her duty
to defend herself against Servian intrigues, which threaten to
undermine her existence. The Kaiser called the attention of the
Czar to their common monarchical interests with regard to the
Serajevo outrage, and asked him personally to support him in order
to establish harmony between Vienna and St. Petersburg.

At about the same hour in which this telegram was sent the Czar
asked the Kaiser for his support and requested him to advise Vienna
to be moderate in its demands. The Kaiser assumed the role of
mediator. Hardly had he begun his activity when Russia mobilized
its entire fighting force against Austria-Hungary. Austria-Hungary,
however, had mobilized only those army corps which were directed
against Servia; in the north there were only two army corps and
these far from the Russian border.

The Kaiser immediately called the attention of the Czar to the fact
that this mobilization of his forces against Austria-Hungary made
his position as mediator difficult or absolutely impossible. In
spite of this we continued our mediatorial activities in Vienna,
going to the utmost limits of consistency with the terms of our
federal treaty. ["Very true! Hear, hear!"] During this time Russia
again spontaneously assured us that her military preparations were
not directed against us. ["Hear, hear, fie!"]

The 31st of July arrived. In Vienna the decision was to be made. In
the meantime we had succeeded with our negotiations to reaching a
point where Vienna resumed intercourse with St. Petersburg, which
for some time had been discontinued, but before the final decision
was reached in Vienna the news arrived that Russia had mobilized
its entire fighting force, which meant also against us. ["Hear,
hear!"]

Russia's Mobilization.

The Russian Government, which from repeated admonitions knew what
mobilizing on our borders meant, did not notify us of this
mobilization and gave us absolutely no explanation. ["Hear! hear!"]
Not until the afternoon of July 31 did the Kaiser receive a message
from the Czar in which he assured him that the attitude of his army
was not hostile toward us. ["Hear! hear!" and laughter.]

However, the mobilization against us on the Russian border was on
the night of July 31 already in full progress. While we, at the
request of Russia, were mediating in Vienna, the Russian Army
appeared on our long, almost entirely open border. France, although
not yet mobilizing, was making preparations for war. And we, up to
this point, had intentionally not then called a single soldier of
the reserve, for the sake of European peace. ["Bravo!"]

Should we continue to wait with patience until the powers by which
we are surrounded choose the moment for attack? ["No!"] To expose
Germany to this danger would have been criminal! [Stormy,
concerted, prolonged "Very true and bravo!"--also from the Social
Democrats.] Therefore, on July 31 we demanded that Russia
demobilize, this being the only measure which could save the peace
of Europe. [Hearty approval.] The Imperial Ambassador received,
furthermore, the order to declare to the Russian Government that in
case they did not comply with our demands they should consider that
a state of war exists.

The Imperial Ambassador performed this mission. Up till the present
we have not learned Russia's answer to this demand. ["Hear, hear!"]
Telegraphic reports concerning it have not yet reached us, although
the wire still transmits less important messages. ["Hear, hear!"]
Therefore, on Aug. 1, at 5 o'clock, when the appointed period of
grace was long past, the Kaiser considered it necessary to
mobilize.

At the same time we had to make sure of the position France would
take. To our direct question whether in case of a German-Russian
war she would remain neutral, France answered that she would do
what she had to do in her own interests. [Laughter.] That was an
evasive if not a negative answer to our question.

Declares France Began War.

In spite of this the Kaiser gave the order that the French border
should be respected. The command was strictly enforced, with a
single exception. France, which mobilized simultaneously with us,
declared that she would respect a zone of ten kilometers from the
border. ["Hear, hear!"] And what happened in reality? There were
bomb-throwing flyers, cavalry patrols, invading companies in the
Reichsland, Alsace-Lorraine. ["Unheard of!"] Thereby France,
although the condition of war had not yet been declared, had
attacked our territory.

Concerning the French complaints in regard to violations of the
border, I have received from the Chief of the General Staff the
following report: Only one offense has been committed. Contrary to
an emphatic order a patrol of the Fourteenth Army Corps, led by an
officer, crossed the border on Aug. 2. They apparently were killed.
Only one man returned. However, long before the crossing of the
border French flyers were dropping bombs in Southern Germany, and
at Schluchtpass the French troops had attacked our border troops.

Until the present our troops have confined their activity to the
protection of our borders. They are now on the defense, and
necessity recognizes no law. ["Very true!"]

Our troops have occupied Luxemburg, and perhaps have also found it
necessary to enter Belgian territory. [Hearty applause.] This is
contrary to international law. The French Government has declared
in Brussels they will respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as
she respects the opponent. We knew, however, that France was ready
to invade Belgium. ["Hear, hear!"] France could wait; we, however,
could not, because a French invasion in our lower Rhein flank
would have proved fatal.

So we were forced to disregard the protests of the Luxemburg and
Belgian Governments. We shall try to make good the injustice we
have committed as soon as our military goal has been reached.
[Applause.] Who like we are fighting for the highest, must only
consider how victory can be gained. [Enthusiastic applause in
entire house.]

Gentlemen, we are standing shoulder to shoulder with
Austria-Hungary. With reference to England, the declaration which
Sir Edward Grey made in the House of Commons yesterday plainly
shows our attitude. We have assured England that as long as she
remains neutral our fleet will not attack the northern coast of
France and that the territorial integrity and independence of
Belgium will not be violated. This declaration I repeat before the
whole world, and I can add that so long as England remains neutral
we are prepared in case of reciprocity to refrain from all hostile
operations against French merchant vessels. [Applause.]

Gentlemen, so much for the events. I repeat the words of the
Kaiser: "With a clear conscience Germany goes to the battlefield."
[Enthusiastic approval.] We are fighting for the fruits of our
peaceful industry, for the inheritance of a great past, and for our
future.

The fifty years of which Moltke spoke, and in which we should stand
armed and ready to protect our inheritance and the acquisitions of
1870, have not yet passed. The hour of trial for the German nation
has struck, but we are facing it with confidence. [Stormy
approval.]