Chapter M: Paul Cambon to Sir Edward Grey (1)

London, Nov. 23, 1912.

Dear Sir Edward: You reminded me in your letter of yesterday, 22d
November, that during the last few years the military and naval
authorities of France and Great Britain had consulted with each
other from time to time; that it had always been understood that
these consultations should not restrict the liberty of either
Government to decide in the future whether they should lend each
other the support of their armed forces; that, on either side,
these consultations between experts were not and should not be
considered as engagements binding our Governments to take action in
certain eventualities; that, however, I had remarked to you that,
if one or other of the two Governments had grave reasons to fear an
unprovoked attack on the part of a third power, it would become
essential to know whether it could count on the armed support of
the other.

Your letter answers that point, and I am authorized to state that,
in the event of one of our two Governments having grave reasons to
fear either an attack from a third power, or some event threatening
the general peace, that Government would immediately examine with
the other the question whether both Governments should act together
in order to prevent aggression or preserve peace. If so, the two
Governments would deliberate as to the measures which they would be
prepared to take in common. If those measures involved action the
two Governments would take into immediate consideration the plans
of their General Staffs and would then decide as to the effect to
be given to those plans.

Yours, &c.,

PAUL CAMBON.

Government's Acts Beyond Reproach.

In the House of Commons the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs spoke of France, amid the applause of the members, in lofty and impassioned words, which have already elicited genuine response from all French hearts.

In the name of the Government of the Republic I wish, from this rostrum, to thank the British Government for the cordiality of its words, and the French Parliament will join me in this.

The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs made this declaration particularly:

That in case the German fleet entered the Channel or steamed northward in the North Sea to go around the British Isles with the purpose of attacking the French Coast or the French Navy, and to harass the French merchant marine, the English fleet would interfere by giving the French fleet its entire protection, in such manner that from that moment England and Germany would be in a state of war.

Thus, from the present moment, the English fleet is guarding our northern and western coast against German aggression.

Gentlemen, those are the facts. I think that, taken as a close-knit whole, they are sufficient to justify the acts of the Government of the Republic. Nevertheless, I wish to conclude by giving the true meaning of this unprecedented aggression of which France is the victim.

The victors of 1870, as you know, have felt at various times the desire of renewing the blows which they had dealt us. In 1875 the war for finishing vanquished France was prevented only by the intervention of the two powers destined to be united to us later by the ties of alliance and friendship--by the intervention of Russia and Great Britain.

Since then the French Republic, by the restoration of its strength and the making of diplomatic agreements, invariably lived up to, has succeeded in freeing itself from the yoke which Bismarck had been able to impose upon Europe even in days of peace.

It re-established the European balance of power, that guarantee of the liberty and dignity of each nation.

Gentlemen, I do not know whether I am deceiving myself, but it seems to me that it is this work of pacific reparation, liberation, and dignity, definitely sealed in 1904 and 1907 with the support of King Edward VII. of England and of the royal Government, which the German Empire desires to destroy today by an audacious piece of violence.

Germany can reproach us with nothing.

We have made an unprecedented sacrifice to peace by bearing in silence for half a century the wound inflicted by Germany.

We have acquiesced in other sacrifices in all the disputes which, since 1904, imperial diplomacy has systematically provoked either in Morocco or elsewhere, in 1905 as well as in 1906, in 1908 as well as in 1911.

Italy's Attitude.

Russia also has given proof of great moderation, both in the events of 1908 and the present crisis. She acted with the same moderation--and the Triple Entente with her--when, in the Eastern crisis of 1912, Austria and Germany formulated against Servia and Greece demands amenable to discussion, as the result proved.

Useless sacrifices, sterile compromises, futile efforts--today, while actually engaged in efforts at conciliation, we and our allies are suddenly attacked.

Nobody can believe in good faith that we are the aggressors; in vain the sacred principles of law and liberty, which rule nations as well as individuals, are assailed. Italy, with the clear conscience of Latin genius, has informed us that she will remain neutral.

This decision has aroused the sincerest joy throughout France. I made myself the spokesman of this to the Italian Chargé d'Affaires, telling him how delighted I was that the two Latin sisters, who have the same origin and ideals, and a glorious past in common, are not opposed to each other.

What is being attacked, I repeat, gentlemen, is that independence, dignity, and security which the Triple Entente has restored to the balance of power in the service of peace.

What is being attacked are the liberties of Europe, whose defenders France, her allies, and her friends are proud to be.

We shall defend these liberties, for it is they which are in jeopardy; all else is merely a pretext.

France, unjustly provoked, did not desire war. She has done everything to prevent it. But since it is forced upon her, she will defend herself against Germany, and against every power which has not as yet announced its position but which should later on take sides with Germany in the war between the two.

A free and strong nation, strengthened by venerable ideals, firmly united in defense of its existence, a democracy which has known how to discipline its military acts, and which did not fear last year to impose upon itself additional military burdens to offset those of neighboring countries, an armed nation fighting for its own life and for the independence of Europe--that is the spectacle which we are proud to show the witnesses of this formidable struggle, which has been in preparation for some days amid methodical quiet.

We are without reproach. We shall be without fear.

France has often proved, under less favorable conditions, that she is the most formidable adversary when she fights, as she now does, for liberty and right.

In placing our acts before you, gentlemen, who are our judges, we have the comfort of a clear conscience and the certainty of having done our duty to help us bear the weight of our heavy responsibility.

* * * * *

BEFORE THE MARNE BATTLE.

Proclamation by the Government Announcing Transfer of Capital to Bordeaux, Sept. 3.

People of France: For several weeks relentless battles have engaged
our heroic troops and the army of the enemy. The valor of our
soldiers has won for them, at several points, marked advantages;
but in the north the pressure of the German forces has compelled us
to fall back.

This situation has compelled the President of the Republic and the
Government to take a painful decision.

In order to watch over the national welfare it is the duty of the
public powers to remove themselves temporarily from the City of
Paris.

Under the command of an eminent chief, a French Army, full of
courage and zeal, will defend the capital and its patriotic
population against the invader.

But the war must be carried on at the same time on the rest of its
territory.

Without peace or truce, without cessation or faltering, the
struggle for the honor of the nation and the reparation of violated
right must continue.

None of our armies is impaired. If some of them have sustained very
considerable losses, the gaps have immediately been filled up from
the reserves, and the appeal for recruits assures us of new
reserves in men and energy tomorrow.

Endure and fight! Such must be the motto of the allied British,
Russian, Belgian, and French Armies.

Endure and fight, while at sea the British aid us, cutting the
communication of our enemy with the world.

Endure and fight, while the Russians continue to advance to strike
the decisive blow at the heart of the German Empire.

It is the duty of the Government of the republic to direct this
stubborn resistance.

Everywhere Frenchmen will rise for their independence; but to
insure the utmost spirit and efficacy in the formidable fight it is
indispensable that the Government shall remain free to act. At the
request of the military authorities, the Government is therefore
temporarily transferring its headquarters to a place where it can
remain in constant touch with the whole of the country.

It requests members of Parliament not to remain away from it, in
order that they may form, with their colleagues, a bond of national
unity.

The Government only leaves Paris after having assured the defense
of the city and of the intrenched camp by every means in its power.

It knows that it does not need to recommend to the admirable
population of Paris that calm, resolution and coolness which it is
showing every day, and which is on a level with its highest
traditions.

People of France, let us all be worthy of these tragic
circumstances. We shall gain the final victory; we shall gain it by
unflagging will, endurance, and tenacity.

A nation which refuses to perish, and which, in order to live, does
not flinch either from suffering or sacrifice, is sure of victory.

The manifesto is signed by President Poincaré and all the
Ministers.

* * * * *

Russia to Her Enemy

Slav Emperor Announces New Policies.

* * * * *

Pledge of Czar Nicholas II. to Russia's Statesmen and Soldiers, in Winter Palace, St. Petersburg, Aug. 2.

War has been forced upon us. I hereby take a solemn pledge not to
conclude peace so long as a single enemy remains on Russian soil.

I wish godspeed to my soldiers represented here by the St.
Petersburg military district, and I am sure that they will fully
justify my confidence in them.

* * * * *

A MANIFESTO.

Czar Outlines Events Leading to War, St. Petersburg, Aug. 3.

By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II., Emperor and Autocrat of all
the Russias, King of Poland, and Grand Duke of Finland, &c., to all
our faithful subjects make known that Russia, related by faith and
blood to the Slav peoples and faithful to her historical
traditions, has never regarded their fates with indifference.

But the fraternal sentiments of the Russian people for the Slavs
have been awakened with perfect unanimity and extraordinary force
in these last few days, when Austria-Hungary knowingly addressed to
Servia claims inacceptable for an independent State.

Having paid no attention to the pacific and conciliatory reply of
the Servian Government and having rejected the benevolent
intervention of Russia, Austria-Hungary made haste to proceed to an
armed attack, and began to bombard Belgrade, an open place.

Forced by the situation thus created to take necessary measures of
precaution, we ordered the army and the navy put on a war footing,
at the same time using every endeavor to obtain a peaceful
solution. Pourparlers were begun amid friendly relations with
Germany and her ally, Austria, for the blood and the property of
our subjects were dear to us.

Contrary to our hopes in our good neighborly relations of long
date, and disregarding our assurances that the mobilization
measures taken were in pursuance of no object hostile to her,
Germany demanded their immediate cessation. Being rebuffed in this
demand, Germany suddenly declared war on Russia.

Today it is not only the protection of a country related to us and
unjustly attacked that must be accorded, but we must safeguard the
honor, the dignity, and the integrity of Russia and her position
among the great powers.

We believe unshakably that all our faithful subjects will rise with
unanimity and devotion for the defense of Russian soil; that
internal discord will be forgotten in this threatening hour; that
the unity of the Emperor with his people will become still more
close, and that Russia, rising like one man, will repulse the
insolent attack of the enemy.

With a profound faith in the justice of our work, and with a humble
hope in omnipotent Providence in prayer, we call God's blessing on
holy Russia and her valiant troops.

NICHOLAS.

* * * * *

CZAR AT THE KREMLIN.

Response to Deputies of Moscow, Aug. 18.

At this stormy, warlike hour, which, suddenly and against my
wishes, has fallen upon my peaceful people, I seek, according to
the custom of my ancestors, to strengthen the forces of my soul in
the sanctuaries of Moscow.

Within the walls of the old Kremlin I greet in you, inhabitants of
Moscow, my beloved ancient capital, all my people, who everywhere,
in the villages of their birth, in the Duma, and in the Council of
the Empire, unanimously replied to my appeal and rose with vigor
throughout the country, forgetting all private differences, to
defend the land of their birth and the Slav race.

In a powerful common impulse all nationalities, all tribes of our
vast empire, have united. Russia, like myself, will never forget
these historic days.

This union of thought and sentiment in all my people affords me
deep consolation and a calm assurance for the future. From here,
from the heart of the Russian land, I send a warm greeting to my
gallant troops and to our brave Allies who are making common cause
with us to safeguard the down-trodden principles of peace and
truth. May God be with us.

* * * * *

APPEAL TO THE POLES.

By Grand Duke Nicholas, Generalissimo of the Russian Forces, St. Petersburg, Aug. 15.

Poles: The hour has sounded when the sacred dream of your fathers
and your grandfathers may be realized. A century and a half has
passed since the living body of Poland was torn in pieces, but the
soul of the country is not dead. It continues to live, inspired by
the hope that there will come for the Polish people an hour of
resurrection, and of fraternal reconciliation with Great Russia.
The Russian Army brings you the solemn news of this reconciliation
which obliterates the frontiers dividing the Polish peoples, which
it unites conjointly under the sceptre of the Russian Czar. Under
this sceptre Poland will be born again, free in her religion and
her language. Russian autonomy only expects from you the same
respect for the rights of those nationalities to which history has
bound you. With open heart and brotherly hand Great Russia advances
to meet you. She believes that the sword, with which she struck
down her enemies at Grünwald, is not yet rusted. From the shores of
the Pacific to the North Sea the Russian armies are marching. The
dawn of a new life is beginning for you, and in this glorious dawn
is seen the sign of the cross, the symbol of suffering and of the
resurrection of peoples.

* * * * *

THE POLISH RESPONSE.

Statement Issued by Four Political Parties, Aug. 16.

The representatives of the undersigned political parties, assembled
in Warsaw on the 16th August, 1914, welcome the Proclamation issued
to the Poles by his Imperial Highness the Commander in Chief of the
Russian forces as an act of the foremost historical importance, and
implicitly believe that upon the termination of the war the
promises uttered in that proclamation will be formally fulfilled,
that the dreams of their fathers and forefathers will be realized,
that Poland's body, torn asunder a century and a half ago, will
once again be made whole, that the frontiers severing the Polish
nation will vanish.

The blood of Poland's sons, shed in united combat against the
Germans, will serve equally as a sacrifice, offered upon the altar
of her resurrection.

THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL PARTY.

THE POLISH PROGRESSIVE PARTY.

THE REALIST PARTY.

THE POLISH PROGRESSIVE UNION.

* * * * *

NO ALLIANCE WITH GERMANY

Editorial Appeal in the Gazeta Warszawska, Aug. 15.

Fellow-countrymen! A danger threatens us, greatest, perhaps, among the many calamities which war brings to a country; the misdirection of the nation's mind and understanding.

Various instigations are pressing the Poles to go against their own instinct and the dictates of political reason in their attitude toward the armies now invading our Polish lands, armies ringing with German words of command, which even resound through Galician detachments lured into belief that Poland may be saved through alliance with the Germans. Various agitators on both the German and Austrian sides, having their own interests at stake, are seeking to make our people take active part in the terrific conflicts now to be fought out upon our soil.

To attain this end by throwing dust into our eyes, various manifestos signed by the leaders of the armies beyond the frontier have promised the Poles extensive liberties and privileges at the close of the war. Certain Polish organizations, having lost, in the general excitement, their healthy sense of judgment, are doing likewise. Do not let yourselves be hoodwinked by these promises. They are lies. Neither of the invading armies has any intention of fighting for Poland's sake. Each is fighting in the interests of its own empire, and to those empires we are of no account. They only want, in a moment of necessity, to make the Poles passive instruments serving their own ends. Whoever tells you that Austria in alliance with Prussia intends to build up Poland once again is a blinded dreamer. The result of a victory for the Germans and Austrians would mean a new partitioning of Poland, a yet greater wreckage of our nation. Grasp this, listen to no seducers. Remain passive, watchful, insensible to temptation.

During the coming struggle the Kingdom of Poland will be the marching ground of various armies, we shall see temporary victors assuming lordship for a while; but change of authority will follow, and inevitable retaliation; this several times, perhaps, in the course of the campaign. Therefore every improvident step will meet with terrible revenge. By holding firm through the present conflict you best can serve the Polish cause. In the name of the love you bear your country, of your solicitude for the nation's future, we entreat you, fellow-countrymen, to remain deaf to evil inspirations, unshakable in your determination not to expose our land to yet greater calamities, and Poland's whole future to incalculable perils.

* * * * *

POLISH AMERICAN OPINION.

Kazinirz Jaworowski, Manager Polish National Alliance, New York, Aug. 16.

The Poles are treated better in Russia now than they are in Germany. Although Russia has done its best to Russianize Poland by crushing the Polish national feeling, imprisoning Polish patriots, and attempting even to suppress the Polish language, Germany has gone still further in its efforts to Germanize its Polish territory.

Bismarck's idea was to force German civilization upon the world and the most extreme measures have been taken to enforce this policy in German Poland. Taking advantage of every possible pretext, the Germans have dispossessed the Poles of their land and handed it over to Germans. The Russians have not gone so far as this. They, as a general rule, have allowed the Poles to keep their land.

For my own part, I would do anything to defeat Germany, and I think the Poles of Germany and Austria for the most part wish to see France and Russia successful The Poles are Slavs. The fight is between the Germans and the Slavs.

I hope that if the Czar is successful, he carries out his promises to reunite Poland and grant it autonomy. That would not mean Poland would be free, but it would enjoy more freedom than now. The Czar would be the King of Poland and the Government of Poland undoubtedly would be carried on largely by men appointed by the Czar. However, if Poland got the right to have a share in its Government, even if the Czar remained supreme, the country would be greatly benefited.

Autonomy would mean that efforts to suppress the Polish language, the Polish national spirit, and the Polish traditions would be at an end. Under a despotic government in Russia and under more despotic governments still in Germany and Austria, the Polish race has existed under the most crushing of burdens. Reunited and granted partial liberty and the right to live under fair conditions, it would flourish and again take its place as a great race.

* * * * *

RUSSIA AGAINST GERMANY.

By Prince Eugene Troubetskoi, Ex-Member of the Imperial Cabinet, St. Petersburg, Aug. 15.

Russia against Germany is an instance of real patriotism against the curse of nationalism. Our people are athrill now, not from hate but from an ardent desire to serve and protect. Our war cry does not result from the ancient pagan conception of the self-sufficiency of the State, but from the desire for the well-being of all men.

Our people are not filled by that fierce and implacable lust for power which leads a nation into the gulf whose depths reach down to hell. With us God is not conceived as merely a tribal deity, but the father of all. Upon these things, upon this supernational impulse which has now set our people on fire, we rely for victory, and in our victory we expect to see a great step taken in the coming freedom of the world.

* * * * *

DUMA'S MESSAGE TO BRITAIN.

President Rodzianko of the Imperial Duma's Telegram to the House of Commons, Aug. 26.

The Duma of the empire, assembled in extraordinary session in view
of the exceptional events passing in the civilized world, begs the
House of Commons of Great Britain to accept their warm and sincere
greeting and sentiments of profound friendship which unite our two
great nations. The whole of Russia has welcomed with enthusiasm the
resolution of the British people to give their support to the
friendly nations in the historic struggle which is developing at
this moment. May God bless the armies of the friendly nations of
the Triple Entente! Long live his Majesty King George and his
valiant people! Long live the British Parliament, and long live
Great Britain!

* * * * *

NEW POLICY AND THE JEWS.

Special Cable to The New York Times, London, Aug. 18.

Ever since the Czar's promise of autonomy to Poland reports have been current that the next step likely to be taken by the Russian Government along the same lines of initiative will be a proclamation assuring the Jews of equal civil and political rights. A Paris dispatch today goes the length of stating that such a proclamation is shortly to be issued.

From inquiries made in authoritative quarters THE NEW YORK TIMES is able to state that, while there is no official authority for such a prediction, there is good reason to believe that some measure of reform along the lines indicated is likely. Both in France and England, Russia's reactionary policy is the only element which has aroused any misgivings regarding what it is hoped in the two first-named countries will be the results of the war.

The enthusiasm aroused in France by the decree affecting Poland gives the measure of relief caused by the removal of these misgivings, so far as one section of the non-orthodox subjects of the Czar are concerned. Equal relief would be felt among a large and representative body of the British public were definite action taken by the Russian Government to remove the disabilities under which the Jews in Russia labor. I have authority for stating that steps have been taken to bring this point of view to the attention of the Russian Government.

Officially, the British Government can take no action which could be regarded as an interference with the domestic affairs of a friendly power, and certain overzealous representations which have been made to Sir Edward Grey overshoot the mark. Sir Edward Grey's liberal principles are sufficiently well recognized to make it certain that what he is able to do he is doing to remove all causes for the misgivings with which a good number of his fellow-citizens regard the Russian alliance in its moral aspect and its possible ultimate developments.

Great hopes are felt that these very delicate representations will meet with success. Predictions are made that the final outcome of the combined grant of autonomy to Poland and the removal of at least some of the civil and religious disqualifications now weighing upon the Jews in Russia will be the growth of a new State, in which the Jew and the Pole will find an equal place in the sun and flourish exceedingly.

* * * * *

WAR ON GERMAN TRADE.

M. Sazonof, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Correspondent of The London Times, Petrograd, Sept. 15.

The eyes of the world just now are fixed on the fortunes of the armies in the field. It is, perhaps, not spectacular from the point of view of the average newspaper reader to speak at this time of mere business and trade relations. I quite well realize that it is accounts of victories and routs, acts of heroism and magnificent assaults by troops that sell the newspapers, but beyond and above all this there now exists a situation and an opportunity in trade and commerce with Russia which to England and America may mean more in decades to come than it is easy to realize.

For years past Germany has been steadily and vigorously pushing her trade into all quarters of the Russian Empire, and now sells us above £60,000,000 worth of products yearly. The ground has been broken by Germany, and these enormous markets for machinery, chemicals, and all sorts of manufactured products are now suddenly cut off from the avenues through which they have been supplied. Herein lies the greatest commercial opportunity for England and America that has ever been offered.

It has been said in the Maxims of Pascal that to govern is to foresee. This is not only true of politics and affairs of government, but applies as well to trade relations. It is that country which foresees the situation commercially in Russia that will reap the enormous benefits that these markets now offer.

It is not merely sufficient that merchants and manufacturers should offer their goods here. They that would profit permanently by the new trade conditions of this empire must take up the task seriously. Experts should be sent here now, even while the war is still in progress, to study and examine the wants of our country. Our duties, our manner of doing business, our present and future wants and growing demands, should be studied scientifically and fundamentally, so that when peace comes those channels which have for decades flowed deeply with German products may continue to flow with products from America and England.

For America especially does Russia open an opportunity for an industrial outlet such as can hardly be overestimated. We have an empire of 170,000,000 souls, and the £60,000,000 yearly that we have been paying Germany is but the beginning of a demand that will soon make Russia among the most desirable and valuable markets in the world. Railroad building and new developments everywhere are a prelude to an era of prosperity in this country such as has never been seen here before.

I cannot too emphatically express the hope that merchants abroad will realize this wonderful opportunity and act promptly, for when the war is over will come realization of this situation everywhere, and he who would profit should take the first steps with the least possible delay.

* * * * *

FOE TO GERMAN MILITARISM.

Statement to Americans by Prince Imeretinsky, Sept. 10.

We are a peace-loving people as you in America are, but, of course, the people of Russia are not so well educated as you are.

Russia did not want this war, but she has known for years that it was coming and consequently was preparing for it. It is her determination, now that it has been brought on by Germany, to see it through, no matter how long it takes or how much it costs.

Russia is waging war against militarism. If continued, this militarism would economically cripple all Europe. The burden is too heavy for people to bear, and Russia means to put an end to militarism as expounded by Germany.

* * * * *

NOT A QUESTION OF SLAV PREDOMINANCE.

Statement by Baron Korff, Imperial Russian Vice Consul, New York, Sept. 6.

The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria at Serajevo, in the light of present conditions, appears to be the pretext which led to the present great European war, involving the Empires of Germany and Russia, the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Belgium, and the Republic of France. It is rather difficult for the average American to find the real causes that have led to this struggle of nations, as they lie solely in the conditions and latest developments of the political life of Middle Europe generally, and Germany and Austria particularly.

In order to ascertain the real cause it will be necessary for me to explain the policy of the above-named two Governments on one side and the evolution of the character of the German Nation on the other side. In glancing at the map of Germany, and particularly her frontiers and geographical position, she being wedged in between two powerful neighbors, Russia in the east and France backed up by England in the west, it is apparent that her situation is very delicate, owing to the lack of marked natural boundaries.

Tremendous military power and highly developed diplomatic ability are the two necessary elements to create friendly relations with her neighbors. After the creation of the great German Empire in 1870, Prince Bismarck succeeded in establishing and maintaining for Germany friendly relations with the other great powers. It was his policy to acquire colonies for Germany outside of Europe, and to carefully avoid any territorial encroachments on the neighboring States. He sounded his warning to his countrymen not to try to increase German territory at the expense of Russian territory.

Germany's colonial acquisitions created a new era in her policy, and, if I may be permitted to so express myself, changed completely the face of the German Empire. The protection and development of her colonial possessions and her commerce required a strong navy. England's competition of the commerce controlled by Germany started the tremendous growth of England's naval power, and gave Germany second place. Her rivalry with England compelled Germany to increase her army, too, and we observed how from a quiet, inoffensive, modest State Germany gradually became very strong and endeavored to play the first violin in the concert not only of all Europe, but also of the whole world. Such seems to be the fate of all nations that acquire sudden power--they get conceited and aggressive.

The political events of the last ten years prove sufficiently the aggressiveness of the German policy--the events at Agadir, the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria, the ultimatum sent by the latter to Servia are only passing instances in the growing conceit of the German policy. It should be remembered that in March, 1909, Chancellor von Bülow announced to the German Reichstag that Germany would support Austria in her annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by force, even if the whole of Europe were to oppose it.

Europe at that time did not oppose the Germans, but it seems to me that just then Europe began to realize how dangerous and unsafe it was to have in the heart of that Continent a power with such bellicose and driving intentions. Her political acts were too uncanny and alarmed the whole of Europe, which began to seek ways and means to get rid of this German hegemony, coupled with its rough militarism and unscrupulous ways of acting.

The military and economical developments of Germany induced her to go further in her tendency to enlarge her territory. Emperor William feels that his empire is not big enough to suit his ambition and for the part which he intends to play in Europe. He therefore endeavors to enter into an agreement with the heir of the Austrian throne, Franz Ferdinand, a man of great energy and wide political views, to the effect to mold out of Austria an exclusive Slavish power and to surrender to Germany the Archduchy of Austria with Vienna and Tyrol, and annex Servia to Austria.

Franz Ferdinand could afford to agree to this plan most readily, because he knew that Austria in her present state could not continue her existence, as she was on the brink of an insurrection of 25,000,000 Austrian Slavs against the continuance of a Government over them of 9,000,000 Austrian Germans. There is no doubt that this question was fully discussed at the conference at Konopish, where the German Emperor, accompanied by Admiral von Tirpitz, went to pay a visit to Franz Ferdinand one month before the latter was assassinated.

The tragedy of Serajevo found Germany after a course of action already had been agreed upon, and the sending of the ultimatum by Austria to Servia can be explained only by the desire of the two nations to fully complete their preparations.

Now, why do we find at this important moment of the world's history such opposition not only against Germany but also an upheaval of other nations?

The German press of the United States endeavors to prove that the underlying reason for the struggle is the eventual triumph in Europe either of Teutonic or Slavish civilization, and denounces Russian barbarism and extols German culture.

I will not discuss the respective merits of Teutonic and Slavic culture and civilization, as in my opinion these are questions absolutely foreign to the events leading up to the war. The Russian, French, English, and Servian nations are not fighting against German culture, as represented by intellectual giants, such as Goethe, Wagner, and many others, but against German militarism, accompanied by systematic oppression of the individual residing in German territory.

This internal German policy created a national spirit against which the Allies now are fighting--the national spirit of Germany, which the whole world knows, and which is rough, conceited, arrogant, and intolerant toward foreigners beyond all measures, and admits nothing good unless it is German or made in Germany. This kind of German national spirit is in the majority in the empire of Germany and particularly in Prussia; the real cultured, good-hearted, sentimental German is about to die out completely, and the few remaining representatives of this type have no voice in Germany.

The pronounced antipathy to the above-described present majority type of Germans united all European nations against Germany, and supports their respective Governments in their efforts to put a stop to the furor teutonicus of the twentieth century.

For this reason the task of the allied Governments will find unlimited support of the nations and this war against Germany in Europe will prove to be most popular.

* * * * *

RUSSIA'S "LITTLE BROTHER."

Statement by George Bakhmeteff, Russian Ambassador to the United States, New York, Oct. 11.

It will be a long time, I suppose, before the American will be able fully to understand Russia's reasons for entering the present war and the great racial thought that lies back of it. The whole situation in a nutshell is that Germany entered the war from racial hate and motives of commercial greed, while Russia drew her sword out of motives of humane and kindly sympathy for a small and oppressed nation of her own kindred. Germany had been grabbing and wished to grab more; Russia rose in arms to stand by and protect her "little brother."

Indeed you are quite right when you say that there are spiritual forces back of Russia's deeds in battle far more than there can be in the case of any other of the warring nations. The reasons lie deep within our national life, and I doubt if any American will be able fully to comprehend them without coming to see us in our own country and seeing us as we are. The great and really wonderful achievements of the German are visible and material, while ours are things of the spirit--invisible, modest, resigned. The representative spirit of Germany's materialism and heartless aggressiveness is that of the megalomaniac Nietzsche and his followers, Treitschke and von Bernhardi. The spokesmen of what is more truly Russian today are Tolstoy and Dostoievski, who have recorded forever the spirit of self-sacrifice, humility and piety in the Russian soul.

Yes, it is true that those who have learned to know us in Russia are aware that the epithets of "Hun" and "barbarian" used against us are stark lies promulgated by bitter enemies who take ignoble advantage of the tradition in America fostered by the melodramatic exploitation of the Jewish problem and the occasional brutalities by our drunken soldier to make you believe that a Russian is a sort of treacherous bandit with a knife in his teeth ready to betray and slay. We regret exceedingly that that tradition has taken root in the United States. We admire and emulate Americans because they have mellowed and complemented their industrial and political achievements with national charity and religious ideals.

In Russia the Jewish question, as such, has not arisen since the opening of the war. Political promises have been made to Poland and these promises will be kept. It is a mistaken idea here that any overtures have been made to the Jews as a class. You think we are as anxious as all that to have them enlist as soldiers? No. We do not wish to make them any special inducements to enlist. You are well aware that nobody hates the Jews more cordially than the Pole himself. Our offer was to the Poles, who have a national entity and a country and home of their own. The Jews have none of these things.

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"The Facts About Belgium"

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Statement Issued by the Belgian Legation at Washington.

_The Belgian Legation at Washington has compiled the following statement of the Belgian case, in the present European War, in answer to the many inquiries that have been received on the subject._

By the treaty of April 19th, 1839, Prussia, France, England, Austria, and Russia declared themselves guarantors of the treaty concluded on the same day between the King of the Belgians and the King of the Netherlands. This treaty provides:

Belgium forms an independent State of perpetual neutrality.

That is to say, Belgium was forbidden, in case of war, to take the part of any of the belligerents.

Since then Belgium has fulfilled all her neutrality obligations; she has acted in a spirit of absolute impartiality. She has left nothing undone to maintain and make respected her neutrality. Germany's obligation to respect Belgian neutrality was even more emphatically affirmed by one of Germany's greatest men, by the creator of the empire. Prince, then Count, Bismarck, wrote to Baron Nothomb, Belgian Minister in Berlin, on the 22nd of July, 1870, as follows:

In confirmation of my verbal assurances, I have the honor to give
in writing a declaration which, in view of the treaties in force,
_is quite superfluous_, that the Confederation of the North and its
allies will respect the neutrality of Belgium on the understanding,
of course, that it is respected by the other belligerents.

On July 31 of the present year the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Secretary General of the Foreign Office had a long conversation with the German Minister in Brussels. It was pointed out to him that in the course of the controversy raised in 1911 by the introduction of the Dutch project for the fortification of the Scheldt, that his predecessor, Herr von Flotow, had assured the Belgian Government that in the event of a Franco-German war Germany would not violate Belgian neutrality; that Mr. Bethmann-Hollweg, the Imperial Chancellor, had given similar assurance; that in 1913 Herr von Jagow, the German Foreign Secretary, had made similar statements of a reassuring character in the budget committee of the Reichstag concerning the neutrality of Belgium; to which the German Minister replied that he was aware of the conversation with his predecessor, and that "he was certain that the sentiments expressed at that epoch had not changed."

On August 2nd, in the course of the day, the German Minister in Brussels, M. De Below Saleske, gave an interview to the newspaper Le Soir, and declared that Belgium had nothing to fear from Germany. He went so far as to employ this expression:

You will see, perhaps, your neighbor's house on fire, but your
house will remain intact.

The same day, at 7 o'clock in the evening, he communicated the following note to the Belgian Government:

The German Note.

The German Government has received unimpeachable news to the effect
that the French forces have the intention of marching on the Meuse
by Givet and Namur. This news leaves no doubt as to the intention
of France to march upon Germany from Belgian territory. The
Imperial Government of Germany cannot help fearing that Belgium, in
spite of the best intentions, will not be in a position to repulse
without help an incursion by the French of such great magnitude. In
this case it is sufficiently certain that Germany is seriously
threatened. It is the urgent business of Germany to forestall this
attack on the part of the enemy. The German Government would be
filled with lively regret if Belgium were to regard as an act of
hostility against her the fact that her precautionary measures
oblige her to violate on her side Belgian territory.

In order to avoid the possibility of misunderstanding, the German
Government makes the following comment:

1st. Germany contemplates no act of hostility against Belgium. If
Belgium consents to assume in the war which is about to commence
the attitude of friendly neutrality toward Germany, the German
Government on its side engages, when peace is restored, to
guarantee the integrity of the kingdom and its possessions.

2nd. Germany engages herself, on the aforesaid conditions, to
evacuate Belgian territory as soon as peace is concluded.

3rd. If Belgium observes a friendly attitude, Germany is ready, in
co-operation with the authorities of the Government of Belgium, to
buy for cash everything that is necessary for her troops, and to
pay indemnities for damage done in Belgium; but if Belgium behaves
in a hostile manner against the troops, and in particular places
difficulties in the way of their advance by opposition by the
fortifications of the Meuse, or by the destruction of roads,
railways, tunnels, or other works, Germany will be obliged to
consider Belgium as an enemy.

In that case Germany will enter into no agreement with the kingdom,
but will allow the further relationship of the two States to be
left to the decision of arms. The German Government feels that it
is justified in hoping that this eventuality will not materialize
and that the Belgian Government will know how to take appropriate
measures to prevent its materialization. In that case the friendly
relations which unite the two neighboring States will become closer
and more lasting.

Such is the German note. It will be noticed that there is no question of the alleged entry of French aviators and officers into Belgium, as has been stated in several papers here. The document, in fact, knocks that fable on the head. The only reason given for the violation of Belgian territory is the alleged intention of the French Army to march upon Givet and Namur. This assertion is supported by no proof, and is denied by the French Government, which officially declared to Belgium and England its intention of not violating Belgian territory. On the contrary, the premeditated intention of Germany to violate Belgian neutrality is proved in the most irrefutable way, namely, by the affirmation of the German Secretary of State himself, and by that of the German Chancellor.

To the request of Sir William Goschen, the English Ambassador in Berlin, to be allowed to know if Germany would pledge herself to respect the neutrality of Belgium, the German Secretary of State replied that "this neutrality had already been violated by Germany." Herr von Jagow went again into the

reasons why the Imperial Government had been obliged to take this
step, namely, that they had to advance into France by the quickest
and easiest way so as to be able to get well ahead with their
operations and endeavor to strike some decisive blow as early as
possible. It was a matter of life and death to them, for, if they
had gone by the more southern route, they could not have hoped, in
view of the paucity of the roads and the strength of the
fortresses, to have got through without formidable opposition
entailing great loss of time. This loss of time would mean time
gained by the Russians for the bringing up of their troops to the
German frontier. Rapidity of action was the great German asset,
while that of Russia was the inexhaustible supply of troops.
[Official Report of the British Ambassador in Berlin to the British
Government.]

"A Scrap of Paper."

This conversation preceded by a few minutes that in which the German Chancellor, giddy at the sight of the abyss into which Germany was falling, uttered these celebrated words:

Just for a word, NEUTRALITY, a word which in war times has been so
often disregarded; just for A SCRAP OF PAPER, Great Britain is
going to make war on a kindred nation. At what price would that
compact [neutrality] have been kept? Has the British Government
thought of that?

Sir William Goschen replied, that fear of consequences would hardly be regarded as an excuse for breaking a solemn engagement. [Official report of the British Ambassador in Berlin to his Government.]

It is very clear from these documents that Germany had for a long time premeditated the violation of the neutrality of Belgium and that she has even reconciled herself to the terrible danger of war with Great Britain, rather than renounce the advantages she thought she would gain by not respecting the treaty. In the face of these confessions the allegations that France wished to violate the neutrality of Belgium, an allegation supported by no proof, falls to the ground.

To continue the analysis of the German note:

If Belgium consents to assume in the war which is about to commence
the attitude of friendly neutrality toward Germany, the German
Government, on its side, engages, when peace is restored, to
guarantee the integrity of the kingdom and its possessions.

Could Belgium, without being false to her duties of neutrality, take up the position which the German Government calls "friendly neutrality"? That is to say, could she allow the German armies to pass without opposition through her territory? Can the German Government itself answer that question?

It is enough to reread the conversation given above between the British Ambassador and the German Secretary of State to come to a clear conclusion in that respect. If the violation of Belgian territory was to procure so signal an advantage to Germany that she had no fear of bringing on war with England to attain it, then for Belgium to lend herself to the passage of German troops must have meant the certainty of fatal consequences for France. Thus for Belgium to have yielded to the German ultimatum would _ipso facto_ have conferred a considerable advantage to Germany, to the detriment of the other belligerent, and would have constituted a breach of neutrality.

Germany concludes her note by threats. She engages, on the condition already defined, to evacuate Belgian territory at the conclusion of peace. If Belgium behaves in a hostile manner [_that is to say, if she does her duty_] Germany will be obliged to consider Belgium as an enemy. She would then leave the ultimate arrangements of the relations of the two States to the decision of arms. In other words, if Belgium does not agree to violate the treaty, Germany will treat her as an enemy, and she adds a veiled threat of annexing a part or the whole of her territory.

The moral fibre of nations is not always measured by their size or power. Belgium is small and weak, but her answer bears witness to her love of justice and to her respect of the right. She would rather die with honor than live dishonored.

That was made clear by the answer of her Government. The answer was as follows:

Reply to German Note.

The German note has been a painful surprise to the Belgian
Government. The intentions which the note attributes to France are
in contradiction to the formal declarations which were made to us
on the 1st of August in the name of the republic. Besides, if
contrary to our expectations, France is about to violate the
neutrality of Belgium, Belgium would be prepared to fulfil its
neutrality obligations, and her army would offer to the invader the
most vigorous resistance. The treaties of 1839, confirmed by the
treaties of 1870, commit to the guarantee of the powers and notably
to the Government of his Majesty the King of Prussia the
independence and neutrality of the Kingdom of Belgium.

The Chancellor of the German Empire said in a sitting of the Reichstag on the 4th of August:

We are in a state of legitimate defense _Necessity knows no law_.
Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and have perhaps already
penetrated into Belgium. This is against the law of nations.
France, it is true, has declared to Brussels that she is determined
to respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as her adversary
respects it, but we know that France was ready to invade Belgium.
France can afford to wait; we cannot. A French attack on our flank
in the region of the lower Rhine might have been fatal. It is for
that reason we have been compelled to ignore the just protests of
the Governments of Luxemburg and Belgium. The _injustice_ which we
thus commit we will _repair_ as soon as our military object has
been attained.

It has been shown how much value can be attached to the assertion of the alleged intention of France to invade Belgium. That intention, and the realization of that intention belongs exclusively to Germany and they must be left in her possession. This is especially the case in view of the fact that the military dispositions undertaken by France absolutely refute the allegations of the German Chancellor. So true is this that when the violation of Belgian territory became an accomplished fact, and when the King of Belgium appealed under the terms of the treaty of 1839 for support, in maintaining the neutrality of Belgium which these powers had guaranteed, France was so little prepared to invade Belgium that it took her more than ten days to get her troops into the country.

The world is familiar with the way Germany has repaired in Belgium the injustice of which she was guilty, to use the words of the German Chancellor.

Atrocities in Belgium.

Under the pretext that her troops were attacked by civilians, and even under no pretext at all, whole villages have been razed to the ground. Important towns whose boast it was to represent part of the common inheritance of civilization were not spared. Their monuments, which have been respected during the centuries in all of the constant wars of which Belgium has been the theatre, were deliberately destroyed. Open cities were bombarded. Exorbitant taxation was imposed upon conquered towns, and when the inhabitants were unable to pay the taxes, a large number of their houses were set on fire. That is what happened to Wavre, among other cities, whose 8,500 inhabitants were unable to pay a tax of $600,000. Termonde, with 10,000 inhabitants, was utterly destroyed. On the 15th of September, there only remained in that town 282 houses out of 1,400. The town of Aerschot, with 8,000 inhabitants, is now nothing but a mass of ruins and more than 150 of its inhabitants have been shot. Dirigible balloons have thrown bombs at night upon Antwerp. It cannot be maintained by those who were in the balloons that they were trying to hit the forts, as the forts are outside the boundaries of the town, and a good distance outside them as well. Nor could the bombs thrown have had any effect upon the forts, which are even stronger than those of Liége. There was no warning of this bombardment, a fact which constitutes a violation of Article 26 of the Fourth Convention of The Hague, and more than a dozen people were killed, all of them non-combatants and several of them women and children.