Chapter XXXVIII: Section 4: Order of Songs

The Indian songs or, more accurately, chants, with which pictography is connected, have been preserved in their integrity by the use of pictured characters. They are in general connected with religious ceremonies, and are chiefly used in the initiation of neophytes to secret religious orders. Some of them, however, are used in social meetings or ceremonies of cult societies, though the distinction between social or any other general associations and those to be classified as religious is not easily defined. Religion was the real life of the tribes, permeating all their activities and institutions.

The words of these songs are invariable, even to the extent that by their use for generations many of them have become archaic and form no part of the colloquial language. Indeed, they are not always understood by the best of the shaman songsters, which fact recalls the oriental memorization of the Veda ritual through generations by the priests, who thus, without intent, preserved a language. The sounds were memorized, although the characters designating or, more correctly, recalling them, were not representations of sound, but of idea.

Practically, the words--or sounds, understood or not, which passed for words--as well as the notes, were memorized by the singers, and their memory, or that of the shaman, who acted as leader or conductor or precentor, was assisted by the charts. Exoteric interpretation of any ideographic and not merely conventional or purely arbitrary characters in the chart, which may be compared for indistinctness with the translated libretto of operas, may suggest the general subject-matter, perhaps the general course, of the chant, but can not indicate the exact words, or, indeed, any words, of the language chanted.

A simple mode of explaining the amount of symbolism necessarily contained in the charts of the order of songs is by likening them to the illustrated songs and ballads lately published in popular magazines, where every stanza has at least one appropriate illustration. Let it be supposed that the text was obliterated forever, indeed, the art of reading lost, the illustrations remaining, as also the memory to some persons of the words of the ballad. The illustrations, kept in their original order, would always supply the order of the stanzas and also the particular subject-matter of each particular stanza, and that subject-matter would be a reminder of the words. This is what the rolls of birchbark supply to the initiated Ojibwa. Schoolcraft pretended that there is intrinsic symbolism in the characters employed, which might imply that the words of the chants were rather interpretations of those characters than that the latter were reminders of the words. But only after the vocables of the actual songs and chants have been learned can the mnemonic characters be clearly understood. Doubtless the more ideographic and the less arbitrary the characters the more readily can they be learned and retained in the memory, and during the long period of the practical use of the mnemonic devices many exhibiting ideography and symbolism have been invented or selected.

ORDER OF SONGS--OJIBWA.]

The ceremonial songs represented pictorially in Pl. XVII, A, B, C, and D, were obtained from Ojibwa shamans at White Earth, Minnesota, by Dr. Hoffman, and pertain to the ceremony of initiating new members into the Midē' wiwin or Grand Medicine Society. The language, now omitted, differs to some extent from that now spoken. The songs and ritual are transmitted from generation to generation, and although an Indian who now receives admission into the society may compose his own songs for use in connection with his profession, he will not adopt the modern Ojibwa words, but employs the archaic whenever practicable. To change the ancient forms would cause loss of power in the charms which such songs are alleged to possess.

The translation of the songs was given by the Ojibwa singers, while the remarks in smaller type further elucidate the meaning of the phrases, as afterwards explained by the shaman.

The characters were all drawn upon birch bark, as is usual with the “medicine songs” of the Ojibwa, and the words suggested by the incisions were chanted. The incompleteness of some of the phrases was accounted for by the shaman by the fact that they are gradually being forgotten. The ceremonies are now of infrequent occurrence, which tends to substantiate this assertion.

One song, as presented on a single piece of birch bark, really consists of as many songs as there are mnemonic characters. Each phrase, corresponding to a character, is repeated a number of times; the greater the number of repetitions the greater will be the power of inspiration in the singer. One song or phrase may, therefore, extend over a period of from two to ten or more minutes.

The song covers much more time when dancing accompanies it, as is the case with the first one presented below. The dancing generally commences after a pause, designated by a single vertical bar.

The following characters are taken from A, Pl. XVII, and are here reproduced separately to facilitate explanation:

The earth, spirit that I am, I take medicine out of the earth.

The upper figure represents the arm reaching down toward the
earth, searching for hidden remedies.

(Because of) a spirit that I am, my son.

The headless human figure emerging from the circle is a
mysterious being, representing the power possessed by the speaker.
He addresses a younger and less experienced Midē' or shaman.

Bar or rest.

The vertical line denotes a slight pause in the song, after
which the chant is renewed, accompanied by dancing.

They have pity on me, that is why they call us to the Grand Medicine.

The inner circle represents the speaker’s heart; the outer
circle, the gathering place for shamans, while the short lines
indicate the directions from which the shamans come together.

I want to see you, medicine man.

The figure of a head is represented with lines running downward
(and forward) from the eyes, donating sight. The speaker is looking
for the shaman, spoken to, to make his appearance within the sacred
structure where the Midē' ceremonies are to take place.

My body is a spirit.

The character is intended to represent the body of a bear, with
a line across the body, signifying one of the most powerful of the
sacred Man'idōs or spirits, of the Midē' wiwin or “Grand Medicine
Society.”

You would [know] it, it being a spirit.

The figure of a head is shown with lines extending both upward
and downward from the ears, denoting a knowledge of things in realm
of the Man'idōs above, and of the secrets of the earth beneath.

As I am dressed, I am.

The otter is emerging from the sacred Midē' inclosure; the otter
typifies the sacred Man'idō who received instruction for the people
from Mi'nabō'zho, the intermediary between the “Great Spirit” and
the Ânîshinâbeg.

That is what ails me, I fear my Midē' brothers.

The arm reaching into a circle denotes the power of obtaining
mysterious influence from Kítschi Man'idō, but the relation between
the pictograph and the phrase is obscure; unless the speaker fears
such power as possessed by others.

The following is the order of another Midē' song. The general style of the original resembles the specific class of songs which are used when digging medicines, i. e., plants or roots. The song is shown in Pl. XVII, B as the character appears on the bark.

As I arise from [slumber].

The speaker is shown as emerging from a double circle, his
sleeping place.

What have I unearthed?

The speaker has discovered a bear Man'idō, as shown by the two
hands grasping that animal by the back.

Down is the bear.

The bear is said to have his legs cut off, by the outline of the
Midē' structure, signifying he has become helpless because he is
under the influence of the shamans.

Big, I am big.

The speaker is great in his own estimation; his power of
obtaining gifts from superior beings is shown by the arm reaching
for an object received from above; he has furthermore overcome the
bear Man'idō and can employ it to advantage.

You encourage me.

Two arms are shown extended toward a circle containing spots
of mī'gis, or sacred shells. The arms represent the assistance of
friends of the speaker encouraging him with their assistance.

I can alight in the medicine pole.

The eagle or thunder-bird is perched upon the medicine pole
erected near the shamans’ sacred structure. The speaker professes
to have the power of flight equal to the thunder-bird, that he may
transport himself to any desired locality.

The following is another example of a pictured Midē' song, and is represented in Pl. XVII, C.

I know you are a spirit.

The figure is represented as having waving lines extending
from the eyes downward toward the earth, and indicating search for
secrets hidden beneath the surface of the earth. The hands extending
upward indicate the person claims supernatural powers by which he is
recognized as “equal to a spirit.”

I lied to my son.

The signification of the phrase could not be explained by the
informant, especially its relation to the character, which is an
arm, reaching beyond the sky for power from Ki'tshi Man'idō. The
waving line upon the arm denotes mysterious power.

Spirit I am, the wolf.

The speaker terms himself a wolf spirit, possessing peculiar
power. The animal as drawn has a line across the body signifying its
spirit character.

At last I become a spirit.

The circle denotes the spot occupied by the speaker; his hands
extended are directed toward the source of his powers.

I give you the mī'gis.

The upper character represents the arm reaching down giving a
sacred shell, the mī'gis, the sacred emblem of the “Grand Medicine
Society.” The “giving of the mī'gis” signifies its “being shot” into
the body of a new member of the society to give him life and the
power of communing with spirits, or Man'idōs.

You are speaking to me.

An arm is extended toward a circle containing a smaller one, the
latter representing the spot occupied by Midē' friends.

The characters next explained are taken from the last line, D, of the series given in Pl. XVII. The speaker appears to have great faith in his own powers as a Midē'.

Spirit I am, I enter.

The otter, which Man'idō, the speaker, professes to represent,
is entering the sacred structure of Midē' lodge.

Midē' friends, do you hear me?

The circles denote the locality where the Midē' are supposed to
be congregated. The waving lines signify hearing, when, as in this
case, attached to the ears.

The first time I heard you.

The speaker asserts that he heard the voices of the Man'idōs
when he went through his first initiation into the society. He is
still represented as the otter.

The spirit, he does hear (?)

The interpretation is vague, but could not be otherwise
explained. The lines from the ears denote hearing.

They, the Midē' friends, have paid enough.

The arm in the attitude of giving, to Ki'tshi Man'idō, signifies
that the Midē' have made presents of sufficient value to be enabled
to possess the secrets, which they received in return.

They have pity on me, the chief Midē'.

The arms of Ki'tshi Man'idō are extended to the Midē' lodge,
giving assistance as besought.

The song mnemonically represented in Pl. XVIII A (reproduced from Pl. X A. of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. of Ethn.) is sung by the Ojibwa preceptor who has been instructing the candidate for initiation. It praises the preceptor’s efforts and the character of the knowledge he has imparted. Its delivery is made to extend over as much time as possible.

MNEMONIC SONGS--OJIBWA.]

The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas'sigĕ, and are a copy of an old birchbark scroll, which has for many years been in his possession, and which was a transcript of one in the possession of his father Baiédzĭk, one of the leading Midē' at Mille Lacs, Minnesota.

My arm is almost pulled out with digging medicine. It is full of medicine.

The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously
designated “medicine.”

Almost crying because the medicine is lost.

The lines extending downward from the eye signify weeping;
the circle beneath the figure, the place where the “medicine”
is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some
information has been forgotten through death of those who possessed
it.

Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for.

Refers to that which is yet to be taught.

Yes, I see there is plenty of it.

The Midē' has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but
reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run
to various medicines which he perceives or knows of.

Rest.

When I come out the sky becomes clear.

When the otter-skin Midē' sack is produced the sky becomes
clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed.

The spirit has given me power to see.

The Midē' sits on a mountain the better to commune with the good
Man'idō.

I brought the medicine to bring life.

The Midē' Man'idō, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the
plants--by causing the rains to fall--returns to the sky. The short
line represents part of the circular line usually employed to
designate the imaginary vault of the sky.

I too, see how much there is.

His power elevates the Midē' to the rank of a Man'idō, from
whose position he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.

I am going to the medicine lodge.

The vertical, left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the
Midē'wigân.

I take life from the sky.

The Midē' is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from
Ki'tshi Man'idō' the means of prolonging life. The circle at the top
denotes the sacred migis or shell.

Let us talk to one another.

The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midē') and
the hearer (Ki'tshi Man'idō), the short lines signifying magic
influences, the Midē' occupying the left hand and smaller seat.

The spirit is in my body, my friend.

The mī'gis, given by Ki'tshi Man'idō, is in contact with the
Midē'’s body, and he is possessed of life and power.

In the order of song, Pl. XVIII, B, reproduced from Pl. IX, C, of the Seventh Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the preceptor appears to feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, and therefore tells him that the Midē' Man'idō announces to him the assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises of the fulfillment of his highest desires:

I hear the spirit speaking to us.

The Midē'-singer is of superior power, as designated by the
horns and pointer upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate
hearing.

I am going into the medicine lodge.

The Midē'wigân is shown with a line through it, to signify
that the preceptor is going through it in imagination, as in the
initiation.

I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live.

The disks indicate the sacred objects sought for, which are
successively obtained by the speaker, who represents the officiating
shaman.

I give you medicine, and a lodge, also.

The Midē', as the personator of Makwá Man'idō, is empowered to
offer this privilege to the candidate.

I am flying into my lodge.

Represents the thunder-bird, a deity flying into the arch of the
sky, the abode of spirits or Man'idōs. The short lines cutting the
curve are spirit lines.

The spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it.

The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates
that the sacred objects fall in scattered places.

I have the medicine in my heart.

The singer’s heart is filled with knowledge relating to sacred
objects from the earth.

The song depicted in Pl. XVIII C, was drawn by “Little Frenchman,” an Ojibwa Midē' of the first degree, who reproduced it from a bark record belonging to his preceptor. “Little Frenchman” had not yet received instruction in these characters, and consequently could not sing the songs, but from his familiarity with mnemonic delineations of the order of the Grand Medicine of ideas he was able to give an outline of the signification of the figures and the phraseology which they suggested to his mind. In the following description the first line pertaining to a character is the objective description, the second being the explanation.

It is furthermore to be remarked that in this chart and the one following the interpretation of characters begins at the right hand instead of the left, contrary to rule. The song is reproduced from. Pl. XXII, A, of the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology:

From the place where I sit.

A man, seated and talking or singing.

The big tree in the middle of the earth.

Tree; inclosure represents the world as visible from a given
spot of observation--horizon.

I will float down the fast running stream.

Stream of water; the spots indicate progress of traveler, and
may be rude indications of canoes or equally rude foot tracks, the
usual pictograph for traveling.

The place that is feared I inhabit; the swift running stream.

A spirit surrounded by a line indicating the shore.

You who speak to me.

Two spirits communing.

I have long horns.

Horned water monster.

Rest; dancing begins with next character.

I, observing, follow your example.

Man listening to water monster (spirit).

You are my body; you see anybody; you see my nails are worn off in grasping the stone (from which medicine is taken).

Bear, with claws, scratching; depression shown by line under
claws, where scratching has been done.

You (i. e., the spirits who are there), to whom I am speaking.

Spirit panther.

I am floating down smoothly.

Spirit otter, swimming; outer lines are river banks.

Rest.

I have finished my drum.

Spirit holding drum; sound ascending.

My body is like unto you.

This is the mī'gis shell--the special symbol of the Midē' wiwin.

Hear me, thou, who art talking to me.

Listening, and wanting others (spirits) to hear.

See what I am taking.

Spirit (Midē') taking “medicine root.”

See me whose head is out of the water.

Otters, two spirits, the left-hand one being the “speaker.”

The Midē' song, Pl. XVIII, D, was also copied by “Little Frenchman” upon birchbark, from one in the possession of his preceptor, but upon which he had not yet received careful instruction; hence the incompleteness of some of his interpretations. It is reproduced from Pl. XXII, B, of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology.

I am sitting down with my pipe.

Man sitting, holding a pipe. He has been called upon to “make
medicine.” The short lines beneath the body represent that he is
seated. He holds a filled pipe which he is not yet smoking.

I, me the spirit, the spirit of the owl.

Owl, held by Midē'; arm above bird. This character appears upon
the Grand Medicine chart from Red Lake, as passing from the midē'
lodge to the ghost lodge.

It stands, that which I am going after.

Tree; showing tracks made by bear spirit. The speaker terms
himself equal with this spirit and represents himself seeking
remedies.

I, who fly.

Medicine bag, flying. The figure is that of the thunder bird
(eagle) whose skin was used for a bag. The trees beneath show the
bird to have ascended beyond their tops.

Kibinan is what I use--the magic arrow.

An arrow, held by hand.

I am coming to the earth.

Otter spirit. Circle denotes the surrounding sky in which is the
spirit. The earth is shown by the horizontal line above which is the
Indian hut. The speaker likens himself to the otter spirit who first
received the rites of the Midē' initiation.

I am feeling for it.

Man (spirit) seeking for hidden medicine. The circle represents
a hole in the earth.

I am talking to it.

Medicine bag made of an owl skin is held by shaman; latter is
talking to the magic elements contained therein.

They are sitting in a circle (“around in a row”).

Midē' lodge; Midē' sitting around. The crosses represent the
persons present.

You who are newly hung, and you who have reached half, and you who are now full.

Full moon, one half, and quarter moon.

I am going for my dish.

Footprints leading to dish (ghost society dish). The circular
objects here each denotes a “feast,” usually represented by a “dish.”

I go through the medicine lodge.

Grand medicine lodge; tracks leading through it. The speaker,
after having prepared a feast, is entitled to enter for initiation.

Let us commune with one another.

Two men conversing; two Midē'.

MNEMONIC SONGS--OJIBWA.]

The mnemonic order of song, Pl. XIX a, is another example from Red Lake, prepared by the Ojibwa last mentioned:

“Carved images.”

Carved images. These represent the speaker to say that he
prepares fetishes for hunting, love, etc.

I am holding my grand medicine sack.

Man holding “medicine bag.”

“Wants a woman.” [No interpretation was ventured by “Little Frenchman.”]

Hear me, great spirit.

Lines from the ears, to denote hearing.

I am about to climb.

Medicine tree at grand lodge. The marks on either side are bear
tracks, the footprints of the bear spirit--the speaker representing
him.

I am entering the grand medicine lodge.

The Midē'wigân, showing footprints of the bear Man'idō which are
simulated by the boastful shaman.

I am making my tracks on the road.

Footprints on the path.

I am resting at my home.

Human figure, with “voice” issuing--singing.

Pl. XIX b is a similar song, also made by “Little Frenchman,” and relates to magic remedies and his powers of incantation:

The stars.

Stars, preceded by a mark of rest or beginning. It may be
noticed that one star has eight and the other six rays, showing that
their number is not significant.

The wolf that runs.

Wolf; the banded tail distinguishes it from the otter.

See me what I have; what I have (goods given in the midē' wigwân).

Man holding bow.

See what I am about to do.

Arm, holding a gun.

The house of the beaver.

Beaver, in his house.

I, who make a noise.

A frog, croaking, shown by “voice” lines.

My white hair.

Head with hair. The signification of white hair is great age,
though there is no way to ascertain this without oral statement by
the singer.

The house of the otter.

Otter in his burrow.

Hear me, you, to whom I am talking.

Mī'gis, spoken to by man, lines showing hearing. The sacred
emblem of the Midē'wiwin is implored for aid in carrying out a
desired scheme.

I stoop as I walk.

An old man. Age is denoted by the act of walking with a staff.

I stand by the tree.

Standing near medicine tree. The speaker knows of valued
remedies which he desires to dispose of for payment.

I am raising a rock.

Man with stone for Midē' lodge. Carrying stone to Midē' lodge,
against which to place a patient.

I am holding my pail.

Vessel of medicine; arm reaching down to it.

My arrow point is of iron, and about to kill a male bear.

Bear, above arrow. Bow--lower character.

I am about to speak to the sky.

Speaking to the “sky.” Power of communing with the Great Spirit,
Ki'tshi Man'idō'.

I am about to depart; I will liken myself to a bear.

Bear, tracks and path.

I am walking on the hard sand beach.

Body of water, and lynx. The ellipse denotes a lake.

Another song of a similar character, reproduced from birchbark on Pl. XIX c, is explained below. It was also made by “Little Frenchman,” and relates to the searching for and preparation of objects used in sorcery.

It is fiery, that which I give you.

Vessel, with flames on top. Contains strong water wi-bīn', a
magical decoction.

It is growing, the tree.

Midē'wigân, with trees growing around it at four corners.

I cover the earth with my length.

Snakes; guardians of the first degree.

The bear is contained within me.

Bear spirit within the man--i. e., the speaker. This indicates
that he possesses the power of the Bear Man'idō, one of the most
powerful of the guardians of the Midē' society.

He has Man'idō (spirit) in his mouth.

Possessing the power of curing by “sucking” bad spirits from
patient’s body. This is the practice of the lower shamans, known as
Jēs'sakkīd'.

The hawk genus et sp.

Ki-ni-en', the hawk from which “medicine” is obtained.

I, who am about to talk.

Head of man; lines from mouth denote speech.

The interpretation now again proceeds from right to left.

I am about to walk.

Bear spirit, talking. The lines upon the back indicate his
spirit character.

I am crawling away.

Mī'gis shell. The sacred emblem of the Midē' society.

Rest.

From this, I wish to be able to walk.

Taking “medicine” trail (behind man). The speaker is addressing
a Man'idō which he holds.

I am being called to go there.

Sacred lodges, with spirits within.

I am going.

Footprints, leading toward a wigwam.

Rest.

The Ojibwa chart, used in the “Song for the Metai, or for Medicine Hunting,” is taken from Tanner’s (_a_) Narrative and reproduced in Fig. 165. It should be noted that the Metai of Tanner’s interpretation, which follows, is the same as the Midē' in the foregoing interpretations:

_a_. Now I hear it, my friends of the Metai, who are sitting about me.

This and the three following are sung by the principal chief of the Metai, to the beat of his bwoin ah-keek, or drum. The line from the sides of the head of the figure indicate hearing.

_b._ Who makes this river flow? The Spirit, he makes this river flow.

The second figure is intended to represent a river, and a beaver swimming down it.

_c._ Look at me well, my friends; examine me, and let us understand that we are all companions.

This translation is by no means literal. The words express the boastful claims of a man who sets himself up for the best and most skillful in the fraternity.

_d._ Who maketh to walk about, the social people? A bird maketh to walk about the social people.

By the bird the medicine man means himself; he says that his voice has called the people together. Weej-huh nish-a-nauba, or weeja-nish-a-nau-ba seems to have the first syllable from the verb which means to accompany. The two lines drawn across, between this figure and the next, indicate that here the dancing is to commence.

_e._ I fly about and if anywhere I see an animal, I can shoot him.

This figure of a bird (probably an eagle or hawk) seems intended to indicate the wakefulness of the senses and the activity required to insure success in hunting. The figure of the moose which immediately follows, reminding the singer of the cunning and extreme shyness of that animal, the most difficult of all to kill.

_f._ I shoot your heart; I hit your heart, oh, animal--your heart--I hit your heart.

This apostrophe is mere boasting and is sung with much gesticulation and grimace.

_g._ I make myself look like fire.

This is a medicine man disguised in the skin of a bear. The small parallelogram under the bear signifies fire, and the shamans, by some composition of gunpowder, or other means, contrive to give the appearance of fire to the mouth and eyes of the bear skin, in which they go about the village late at night, bent on deeds of mischief, oftentimes of blood. We learn how mischievous are these superstitions when we are informed that they are the principal men of the Metai, who thus wander about the villages in the disguise of a bear, to wreak their hatred on a sleeping rival or their malice on an unsuspecting adversary. But the customs of the Indians require of anyone who may see a medicine man on one of these excursions to take his life immediately, and whoever does so is accounted guiltless.

_h._ I am able to call water from above, from beneath, and from around.

Here the medicine man boasts of his power over the elements, and his ability to do injury or benefit. The segment of a circle with dots in it represents water and the two short lines touching the head of the figure indicate that he can draw it to him.

_i._ I cause to look like the dead, a man I did.

I cause to look like the dead, a woman I did.

I cause to look like the dead, a child I did.

The lines drawn across the face of this figure indicate poverty, distress, and sickness; the person is supposed to have suffered from the displeasure of the medicine man. Such is the religion of the Indians. Its boast is to put into the hands of the devout supernatural means by which he may wreak vengeance on his enemies whether weak or powerful, whether they be found among the foes of his tribe or the people of his own village. This Metai, so much valued and revered by them, seems to be only the instrument in the hands of the crafty for keeping in subjection the weak and the credulous, which may readily be supposed to be the greater part of the people.

_k._ I am such, I am such, my friends; any animal, any animal, my friends, I hit him right, my friends.

This boast of certain success in hunting is another method by which he hopes to elevate himself in the estimation of his hearers. Having told them he has the power to put them all to death, he goes on to speak of his infallible success in hunting, which will always enable him to be a valuable friend to such as are careful to secure his good will.

The following chart for the “Song for beaver hunting and the Metai,” is taken from the same author, loc. cit., and reproduced in Fig. 166, with interpretations as follows:

_a._ I sit down in the lodge of the Metai, the lodge of the Spirit.

This figure is intended to represent the area of the Metai-we-gaun, or medicine lodge, which is called also the lodge of the Man'idō, and two men have taken their seats in it. The matter of the song seems to be merely introductory.

_b._ Two days must you sit fast, my friend; four days must you sit fast, my friend.

The two perpendicular lines on the breast of this figure are read ne-o-gone (two days), but are understood to mean two years; so of the four lines drawn obliquely across the legs, these are four years. The heart must be given to this business for two years, and the constrained attitude of the legs indicates the rigid attention and serious consideration which the subject requires.

_c._ Throw off, woman, thy garments, throw off.

The power of their medicines and the incantations of the Metai are not confined in their effect to animals of the chase, to the lives and health of men; they control also the minds of all and overcome the modesty as well as the antipathies of women. The Indians firmly believe that many a woman who has been unsuccessfully solicited by a man is not only by the power of the Metai made to yield, but even in a state of madness to tear off her garments and pursue after the man she before despised. These charms have greater power than those in the times of superstition among the English, ascribed to the fairies, and they need not, like the plant used by Puck, be applied to the person of the unfortunate being who is to be transformed; they operate at a distance through the medium of the Miz-zin-ne-neens.

_d._ Who makes the people walk about? It is I that calls you.

This is in praise of the virtue of hospitality, that man being most esteemed among them who most frequently calls his neighbors to his feast.

_e._ Anything I can shoot with it (this medicine) even a dog, I can kill with it.

_f._ I shoot thy heart, man, thy heart.

He means, perhaps, a buck moose by the word e-nah-ne-wah, or man.

_g._ I can kill a white loon, I can kill.

The white loon (rara avis nigroque similimo cygno) is certainly a rare and most difficult bird to kill; so we may infer that this boaster can kill anything, which is the amount of the meaning intended in that part of his song recorded by the five last figures. Success in hunting they look upon as a virtue of a higher character, if we may judge from this song, than the patience under suffering or the rakishness among women, or even the hospitality recommended in the former part.

_h._ My friends——

There seems to be an attempt to delineate a man sitting with his hands raised to address his friends; but the remainder of his speech is not remembered. This is sufficient to show that the meaning of the characters in this kind of picture writing is not well settled and requires a traditional interpretation to render it intelligible.

_i._ I open my wolf skin and the death struggle must follow.

This is a wolf skin used as a medicine bag and he boasts that whenever he opens it something must die in consequence.

Tanner’s Narrative (_b_) says of musical notation drawn on bark by Ojibwas:

Many of these songs are noted down by a method probably peculiar
to the Indians, on birch bark, or small flat pieces of wood: the
ideas being conveyed by emblematic figures, somewhat like those * *
* used in communicating ordinary information.

Rev. P. J. De Smet (_a_) gives an account of the mnemonic order of songs among the Kickapoo and Pottawatomi. He describes a stick 1-1/2 inches broad and 8 or 10 long, upon which are arbitrary characters which they follow with the finger in singing the prayers, etc. There are five classes of these characters. The first represents the heart, the second heart and flesh (chair), the third life, the fourth their names, and the fifth their families.

A. W. Howitt (_b_) says:

The makers of the Australian songs, or of the combined songs and
dances are the poets or bards of the tribe and are held in great
esteem. Their names are known to the neighboring peoples, and their
songs are carried from tribe to tribe until the very meaning of the
words is lost as well as the original source of the song.

Such an instance is a song which was accompanied by a carved
stick painted red, which was held by the chief singer. This traveled
down the Murray river from some unknown source. The same song,
accompanied by such a stick, also came into Gippsland many years ago
from Melbourne and may even have been the above mentioned one on its
return.