Chapter VI

Entrance of the Syrtis — Extensive Lake, or Marsh, described by Strabo — Remarks of Strabo compared with the actual appearance and extent of the Marsh — Remains considered as those of the ancient Naval Station, described by Strabo, at the Mouth of the Lake — Appearance of another Station more to the northward — Gulf of Zuca — Remarks of Signor Della Cella connected with it — Resemblance of the names Zuchis and Zuca — Non-existence of the Gulf of Zuca in the Greater Syrtis — Error of D’Anville and modern Geographers on this point — Remarks of Signor Della Cella on the terms _Marsh_ and _Lake_, as applied to the body of water mentioned by Strabo — Dimensions of the existing Marsh — Alleged danger of crossing it — Insulated spots in several parts of the Marsh, corresponding with the accounts of Strabo — Arrival at Sooleb — Appearance of Pasturage in this neighbourhood — Liberality of Shekh Mahommed — Cause of it ascertained — Sooleb occupies the place assigned in modern charts to the Gulf of Zuca — Continuance of the Marsh — Remains near Mahada called Kusser el Jébbah — Story connected with them related by the Dúbbah — Unwillingness of our Arab Guides to cross the Marsh — Cause of this ascertained — Narrow escape of two of our party — Nature of the soil in this neighbourhood — French Inscription left by the boats of the Chevrette — Another left by the barge of the Adventure — Arrive at Mahàd Hassàn, probably the Turris Hassàn of Edrisi — Remains at Mahàd Hassàn — Arrive at Giraff, where the Marsh terminates altogether — Refractory conduct of our Camel-drivers — Improvement in the appearance of the country — Arrival at Zaffràn — Grateful verdure of its Pasturage — Remains at Zaffràn considered as those of Aspis — Their nature and appearance described — Port called Mersa Zaffràn considered as that of Aspis — Difficulties attending this position — Remains on the Beach — Supposed Date of the Buildings at Zaffràn — Remarks connected with them — Castles mentioned by Leo Africanus — Construction of the Forts at Zaffràn.

On quitting the groves and gardens of Mesurata for the wilds of the Greater Syrtis, the first object which presents itself, in the level tract of country already mentioned, is the extensive marsh described by Strabo as occurring after the Cephalas Promontorium. It has not now the character of an uninterrupted sheet of water, as it appears to have had when seen by this geographer, but spreads itself in pools over a wide tract of country, and communicates occasionally with the sea. Many of these pools, are, however, some miles in extent, and were they deep enough would deserve the appellation of lakes. When we passed along the marsh the rainy _season_ had not commenced although a good deal of rain had fallen, and it is probable that, at the close of it, the greater number of the pools are collected into much larger masses. While at Tripoly, Shekh Mahommed was anxious for our departure chiefly on account of this morass, which he represented as being very dangerous, if not wholly impassable, after the long continuance of heavy rains. The dimensions given by Strabo are three hundred stadia for the length, and seventy for the breadth of the marsh, or lake, which he describes; and these measurements correspond quite sufficiently with the appearance of that which actually exists; its length, from Mesurata to Sooleb, being little less than forty miles, and its breadth, from the sea inland, from nine and ten to fifteen. It does not indeed finish wholly at Sooleb, but is contracted in passing that place, to the narrow limits of two and three miles in width, and then continues as far as Giraff. The great body of the marsh may however be considered as contained between Sooleb and Mesurata; for though it extends much further in length and widens itself again after passing the former place, there is no part where it presents so broad, and uninterrupted a surface, as in the space comprehended within the measurements of Strabo, beginning from the Cephalas Promontorium.

Strabo’s lake is stated to have enclosed several islands and to have possessed an υφορμος or naval station, at the point of communication with the Gulf[1]. Several insulated spots are certainly still observable in various parts of the existing marsh; but there are no remains of building which can be attributed to the station mentioned, except those which occur in the neighbourhood of Mesurata. At the distance of about nine miles from that place, are the remains of a kind of causeway of singular construction, extending inland to a length of three hundred and thirty paces from the sea; and forming, with a rising ground on the opposite side of it, what may be called a στομα or communication with the Gulf. The ruins appear to be those of a landing-place; and consist of a long causeway, or terrace, of about ten feet in breadth[2], which widens itself at regular intervals into squares, from which descend flights of steps on either side of the causeway. One end of it is washed by the sea, which has undermined it considerably, and the whole structure is now little more than a heap of ruins.

If this building have not been a landing-place or quay, we must confess that we know not what use to assign to it; and, admitting it to have been one, it immediately becomes evident that it must have been connected with some station for shipping.

The general character of the land along this part of the coast, which rises higher than the level of the lake or morass, would prevent any communication between the marsh and the sea except in this place and the one which we are about to mention. In this place, particularly, such connexion seems formerly to have existed; for here a passage still remains, through the higher land forming the separation, by means of which the waters of the lake might have emptied themselves into the sea, and on one side of this channel is the structure in question which we have supposed to be a landing place. The small vessels of the ancients might have entered this passage, and have found sufficient shelter behind the high land[3] which formed it; on the inner side of which they might also have been hauled up when the current through the channel was too strong for them to remain afloat[4].

Nearer to Mesurata, a little to the southward of the Marábūt of Sidy Abou Shaifa, are the remains of what seem to have been a small fort or station: its outer walls enclose a square of about an hundred feet and there are vestiges of smaller walls within, which appear to have divided it into several compartments. On the north-western side there are some small blocks of stone, about two feet square, which seem to have been the abutments of arches formerly supporting the roof of the building; and which are about eight feet distant from each other. These remains, forming at present nothing more than an imperfect ground-plan, are situated on a low rising ground close to the sea; and between them and point Abou Shaifa the lake may have communicated with the gulf a little to the southward of the point. There are also some slight remains of building in the neighbourhood of this place, as well as in that of the causeway, occupying the low range which runs along the coast: but from the presence of the landing-place, at the communication first mentioned, we should be disposed to adopt it in preference to that at Abou Shaifa, as the στομα, or mouth, of the lake mentioned by Strabo.

Signor Della Cella, in stating that the lake or marsh which we have mentioned, is the same with that laid down by D’Anville and other modern geographers, under the title of Gulf of Zuca, or Succa, has instanced the passage above quoted from Strabo in confirmation of this opinion. But the Gulf of Zuca is represented as an inlet, or creek, of not more than four miles across in any part of it; while Strabo’s lake is in width more than double that distance, and seems to bear no other resemblance to the gulf than that of having a communication with the sea. If, therefore, the Gulf of Zuca, as D’Anville himself has stated, be actually laid down on the authority of Strabo, we should rather look for its origin in another passage of this geographer which occurs before the one we have quoted. In this passage Strabo describes a Lake Zuchis, to which he attributes the peculiarity of a narrow entrance at the point of communication with the sea; while he merely states, in his description of the lake we have first mentioned, that it emptied itself into the Gulf (of the Greater Syrtis).

The similarity of the names of Zuchis and Zuca and the narrow width which is given to the latter would certainly appear to be in favour of our suggestion; but then the Lake Zuchis is in the _Lesser_ Syrtis, near the town of the same name which Strabo has mentioned as being famous for its purple dye and its saltworks; and in pointing it out as that intended by D’Anville, we must suppose that this geographer has confounded the two passages of Strabo, and, consequently, the two lakes, together. As this, however, appears (at least to us) very probable, from the reasons which we have mentioned above, we will submit to our readers the two passages in question[5], on which our supposition is founded, and proceed to consider the lake first alluded to as wholly distinct from the Gulf of Zuca, to which it has really no sufficient resemblance to authorize us in supposing them to be the same.

We may state at the same time, in positive terms, that no inlet now exists in any part of the Greater Syrtis which resembles the Gulf of Zuca in question; and that it might certainly be altogether expunged from the charts, without the least impropriety; unless indeed its position be shifted from the Greater, to the Gulf of the Lesser, Syrtis.

It must be confessed, at the same time that the reasoning of Signor Della Cella on the words λιμην and υφορμος does not appear to be very satisfactory; for even if we allow that the precise meaning of υφορμος may be open to conjecture, it seems evident that it implied a shelter of some kind for vessels, whether or not it might be considered to mean actually a port; which is the signification that we should be disposed to attach to it in the passage of Strabo in question[6]. We do not, either, see why the word λιμνη in the same passage may not be rendered lake, as well as marsh; for it is certainly used in that sense in many instances as well by Strabo as other Greek writers; and there seems to be no reason why the marsh which we are describing may not have been in Strabo’s time a lake, particularly as he mentions it to have had a naval station (υφορμος) at its entrance, which could scarcely have been the case had it been nothing more than a marsh.

As a general description of the marsh above mentioned, we should say that it commences at Mesurata, and extends southward along the coast as far as Giraff; occupying altogether a space of 101 miles by 15, and narrowing towards its southern termination. A small part of the marsh only was covered with water when we crossed it; but from the alternate laminæ of salt and alluvial deposite as well as from the numerous small shells principally of the trochus kind, which cover its surface, it is evident that the sea at times wholly inundates it. Our guides were always desirous that we should not deviate from the track, and were constantly representing to us the danger there was of sinking, with all the usual hyperbole of Arab description. As we suspected, however, that they only made difficulties in order to save themselves the trouble of attending us in our excursions, we paid but little attention to their observations of this nature; and continued to cross the marsh, whenever our duties rendered it necessary that we should examine either the coast or the country beyond it, taking no other precautions than those of keeping in such places as appeared to ourselves to offer the firmest footing. The crusted surface occasionally gave way under our horses’ feet, and discovered hollow spaces of various depths underneath, at the bottom of which appeared water: but as none of our party ever sank in very deeply, we concluded that these hollows were too trifling to be dangerous, and continued to cross the marsh wherever it seemed practicable, till experience at length convinced us that a portion of truth was mixed up with the exaggerated accounts of our guides, and induced us to use more precaution.

Many insulated spots, both of earth and of sand, are conspicuous in different parts of the marsh; and most of these places are honoured with a name by their Mahometan visitors or occasional inhabitants. The road, if such we may call it, either winds along the margin of these little islands, or traverses them, when necessary for greater security. The first of these which occurs, after leaving Mesurata, is the little oasis called Towergah; lying out of the track at a distance of seven or eight miles from the coast: it has a village, and a considerable plantation of date-trees.

A little beyond this is said to be another small insulated spot called Wady Halfa, where date-trees are also to be found; but this was not in sight from the immediate neighbourhood of the coast. The surface of the marsh, in the direction of these places, presents a smooth, unvaried level, as far as the eye can reach, wholly destitute of any vegetation; it consists entirely of an incrustation of salt and alluvial deposit. In following the route along the coast, the first rising ground which occurs, of any tolerable dimensions, is Melfa[7]; where are the remains of an old, dilapidated Marábūt, and occasionally a patch of vegetation, affording a scanty supply to a few miserable-looking goats.

To this succeeds Sooleb, which we have already pointed out as the southern limit of the marsh, according to the dimensions given by Strabo; and where that part of the low ground, which could, at any time, be covered with water, is too narrow to interfere with the general character of the geographer’s lake. Sooleb has the advantage of some tolerable pasturage, and is in consequence occupied by flocks of sheep and goats, the property of several Arab Shekhs, and which are chiefly tended by negro slaves, who dwell in scattered tents with the animals confided to their charge. The sight of a little vegetation was by no means unwelcome to us after the dismal prospect afforded by the barren flats we had just passed; and the dreary uncultivated wilds of Sooleb assumed, by comparison, some appearance of interest, to which Salisbury plain or Newmarket heath might perhaps be more justly entitled; and which a draught or two of milk, that we were able to procure there, may probably have in some degree contributed to heighten. This refreshment was here more peculiarly welcome, as the water of Sooleb is too bitter, brackish, and stinking, to be drank without the greatest disgust: the purchase of a lamb, also, added meat to our board, which we had not tasted since we left Mesurata. In addition to these luxuries, we received a present from Shekh Mahommed, of a bowl of cuscusu, and another of bazeen; and his liberality was equally extended to the whole of our party.

We were at a loss, when the smoking dishes were ushered into our tent, escorted by no less a person than the Dúbbah himself, to conjecture what could possibly have occurred to occasion this display of Arab munificence; but we soon learnt that Sooleb was the northern limit of the district of Syrt, and that we had entered the territory over which the Dúbbah presided; who had in consequence taken these means of making us acquainted with the circumstance, and of testifying his friendly disposition, together with his magisterial importance.

After quitting Sooleb, which, we may here observe, occupies the place assigned in modern charts to the Gulf of Zuca, we entered again upon marshy ground, and continued our route to Maháda[8]; a tract of rising ground about forty or fifty feet above the level of the marsh, and terminating in a declivity towards the sea, and in perpendicular cliffs on its inland extremities. Near Maháda we perceived the remains described in Della Cella as those of an old castle. They are situated on a spot of rising ground surrounded by a dangerous marsh, and can only be safely approached by following the few narrow tracks winding along the edges of the hollows which abound in it. This building is a _gusser_[9], or _kusser_, highly venerated by the Arabs of the Syrt, and takes its name of Gusser el Jebha from the son of a celebrated Marábūt, of whom Shekh Mohammed related to us the following story.

Sinessah, a holy man of the neighbouring territory of Esha, possessed of great influence and property, bequeathed to the inhabitants of Esha and Sooleb, some three hundred years since, the privilege of paying no tribute or duty: this charter, we were assured, has continued to the present time, and is said to be still respected by the Bashaw, and to extend itself to the posterity of these people, whether they settle in their native places, or in any other part of the country between Mesurata and Syrt.

Jebha, the son of this celebrated Marábūt, conceived the project of establishing a convenient communication between the two lakes, or marshes, or, more properly speaking, between the two parts of the same marsh, and fixed upon the rising ground which is occupied by the gusser as the spot best qualified for the purpose. He accordingly made known this proposal to his friends, and conducted a little party to establish themselves on the eminence.

But the people of Tówergah, aware of this intention, and jealous of the colony about to be planted by Jebha, stole upon them in the night, and attacking them unexpectedly, massacred the whole of the party. To commemorate the project of the unfortunate Jebha, and the tragical event which attended it, the little structure in question was raised by the people of Esha, and called after the name of their benefactors; while he, and the party which accompanied him, were buried round the consecrated building. Gusser el Jebha consists of three narrow, vaulted chambers, parallel and communicating with each other, and which are entered by a door in the central one.

They are about twenty feet in length, and no more than five in breadth, and are rudely constructed with unhewn stones arranged with tolerable regularity. The cement is mud with a little mixture of lime, and the vaulted ceilings are coated with plaster from the spring of the arch upwards, and ornamented with a pattern raised from the surface; the lower parts of the interior walls are at present wholly bare, and do not appear to have been coated. The outer parts of the building are now a mass of ruin, and the form of the external roof is not to be ascertained; at least we were not able to make it out.

A day or two before our arrival at Jebha, Chaous Mahmoud, one of the Arabs of the Dúbbah’s party, had stoutly refused to accompany us across the marsh; but after having been severely reprimanded, and threatened with the loss of his pay, the punishment most dreaded by an Arab, he consented to go, provided we would allow him to leave his own horse with the camels, and take one belonging to our party.

This arrangement being acceded to, we trotted on in advance, telling him to follow as soon as he was mounted; but he continued to busy himself about the saddle and stirrups, making one little difficulty after another, till we were nearly out of sight; and then, mounting the horse which he had exchanged for his own, he galloped round the marsh in another direction, to meet us as we arrived on firmer ground.

On coming up with us he began to make excuses for his conduct, and declared, like a true Arab, that his life was at our service, and that he was ready to risk it for us on all occasions; but his horse, he said, was his friend and companion, and he could not bear the idea of losing him in the marsh, which he was certain he should have done if he had rode him across it in the direction which we had pointed out. His regard for our property had at the same time, he added, prevented him from risking the horse he then rode, and not any regard for his own personal safety, which was at all times indifferent to him in the performance of his duty. Perceiving, however, that this gasconade, delivered with all the vehemence which he could muster for the occasion, was not producing the effect which he desired, he called the Prophet to witness the truth of his assertions, and swore that we had had a most miraculous escape in having been enabled to reach the ground we then stood upon in safety. There was nothing to be said against such solemn asseverations; and we contented ourselves with telling him, in the language of his own religion, that what is destined to happen cannot be averted; that there was no occasion to fear, either for his horse or himself, if the time of their deaths were not come; and that if the fatal hour had really arrived, no precautions whatever could retard it.

At the same time we declared that the marsh, in our opinion, was not so dangerous as he had represented, and that we thought he might cross it, in most directions, without incurring the charge of tempting Providence too far. Mahmoud shook his head as if he did not believe it, but said no more upon the subject; and he perhaps thought we were more obstinate than wise in having so often refused to be regulated by his advice.

Repeated success will, however, at all times give confidence, even under the consciousness of danger; and it is not to be wondered at that we should so often have attempted the passage of the marsh, believing, as we did, that there was little risk in doing so. But an accident which occurred in the neighbourhood of Jebha convinced us that more caution was necessary on these occasions; and we were afterwards surprised, not only at our numerous escapes, but at our want of penetration in not having sooner perceived the danger to which the nature of the marsh had exposed us. It is probable that the frequent attempts of our guides to excuse themselves from any service of difficulty or exertion, had prepared us to distrust them on all subjects equally, and to overlook dangers for no other reason than because they were mentioned to us by them. Truth is so little regarded by an Arab, that when his interest or his comfort will be promoted by a breach of it, he is always prepared with a falsehood; and it is difficult, even for those who are well acquainted with his character, to tell when he is sincere in his assertions. One of two things must necessarily result from this want of proper feeling: they who place too much confidence in Arab sincerity will continually be deceived and imposed upon, or they who distrust it too far will on some occasions be liable to wish that they had been less obstinate in their disbelief.

As two of our party were making their way across the marsh (a few days after the conversation just related) to something which bore the appearance of a ruin, the ground suddenly gave way beneath the feet of the foremost horse, and discovered a hollow of ten or twelve feet in depth, at the bottom of which appeared water. The animal, who was galloping at the time, feeling the insecurity of his footing, sprang violently forward with all the energy of terror, and by this sudden exertion saved himself and his rider from destruction; for it would not have been possible to extricate either from such a place, had there even been more persons at hand to attempt it: the ground continued to crack and break away for some distance farther, as the horse galloped on from the hole, and a large aperture was soon formed in the crusted surface of the marsh as the pieces fell in one after another. The whole extent of the danger was not at first perceived by the rider who had so narrowly escaped; but the person who was following saw the chasm which had been made, and wheeling his horse round in another direction was just in time to avoid plunging into it. As this accident occurred near the middle of the marsh, it was difficult to decide upon the best path to be pursued, the surface being everywhere in appearance the same; but, in order that the weight might be more equally divided, both riders dismounted, and continued to lead their horses till they reached a firmer place. This was however no easy matter; as the poor animals were so terrified with their repeated stumbles, that they could with difficulty be pulled along, and they trembled so violently as to be almost incapable of keeping their legs, for the surface frequently cracked and partially gave way in places which appeared to be secure, and the parties were so often obliged to alter their direction, that they almost despaired of being able to bring off their horses. After much winding and turning, this was, however, at length effected, and both horses and riders were heartily glad to find themselves once more on firm ground. Nothing was said to our guides of this accident, but it served to convince us that their apprehensions of the marsh were not groundless, and we afterwards took the precaution of dismounting when we had occasion to cross any part which was considered to be dangerous. We found on examination that many hollow spaces of considerable depth and extent existed in various parts of the marsh; and that the crust of salt and mud which covered them was sometimes no more than two inches, and an inch and a half, in thickness.

These usually occurred in the most level parts, but as the crust was everywhere in appearance the same, there were no means of ascertaining where they existed, but by breaking the surface which concealed them.

The water contained in these hollows was invariably salt, or very brackish; it was usually clear, and was in some places deep: the depth of mud below the water must also have been sometimes considerable, and the vacant space contained between the outer surface of the marsh and the water was in various instances observed to be as much as twelve and fifteen feet in depth. We had no means of ascertaining the depth of the water in the hollow alluded to above; but the space between its surface and that of the marsh appeared to be more than twelve feet, and, from the sound occasioned by the fall of the pieces into it, its depth could scarcely have been less than six or eight feet. In that part of the marsh which surrounds the Gusser el Jebha the nature of these pits is very apparent; for the ground being unequal, and overgrown with reeds and brushwood, no crust has been formed over them, and their dimensions are therefore easily ascertained. They are here very numerous, and it would be scarcely possible to escape falling into them after dark, as the paths which wind among them are sometimes not two feet in breadth, and the edges of the pits are often concealed by the vegetation which surrounds them; indeed many of these hollows are wholly overgrown, and would not be perceived by a casual observer. In crossing to the Gusser, we could not at first account for the obstinacy of our horses in refusing to quit the path, which to us appeared to wind in a most unnecessary manner, and made our ride five or six times as long as it would have been if we could have crossed to the ruin in a straight direction. But we soon found that the animals were more quick-sighted than ourselves, and that the brushwood through which we attempted to push them concealed pits of the nature already described, from many of which we could in all probability have never been extricated, had we persevered in the attempt to force our horses into them.

In our journey along the beach abreast of Maháda, we passed many fragments of wrecks which the violence of the surf had thrown far upon the shore; and observed a block of marble erected near the sea, with the following inscription:—

LA GABORE DU ROI

LA CHEVRETTE

1821.

LAT. 31° 35′, LONG. 13° 18′.

This had evidently been placed by the crew of the Chevrette, which had quitted Tripoly a few months before, to survey the gulf of the Greater Syrtis; and we afterwards learned that one of the boats of this vessel had been round it.

In order to compare longitudes with Captain Gautier who commanded the Chevrette, an able and scientific officer, a base was measured at this place, and reduced to the spot where the block of marble was erected; both were then reduced to the conspicuous position of Gusser el Jebha, and the comparisons were very satisfactory. A few miles farther, we perceived a piece of timber placed upright on the beach, and on examining it found some writing upon it in English, which stated that, on the 24th of October, His Majesty’s ship Adventure was lying eighteen miles to the northward of it. This we knew must have been left by the barge of the Adventure, which had been despatched by Captain Smyth, under the command of Mr. Elson, to proceed along the coast as far as it might be practicable; and we were glad to perceive, in these dreary and desolate regions, some traces of our English friends. Our party was soon collected round this old shattered post, and every one employed in searching for more writing, with all the eagerness of an antiquary poring over some valuable inscription. Nothing more was, however, to be discovered, and we took our leave of it with an interest at which we could not help smiling, when we looked at the ragged piece of timber which had excited it. On the evening of this day we pitched the tents at Jereed, a name bestowed by the Arabs upon some low and barren hills of sand-stone, for everything with them has a name: off this place lie some dangerous shoals, which broke, although the sea was tolerably quiet[10]. As the wind was blowing on shore, and the shoals beginning to shew themselves distinctly, we were desirous of remaining a day at Jereed, in order to mark their direction more minutely in the chart, particularly as it appeared, from the erection of the post above mentioned, that Captain Smyth had left the coast; but we found upon inquiry, that our horses would in this event be four days without drinking, and we were consequently obliged to proceed. We continued our route along the base of a low ridge of hills, at the back of which we observed a continuation of the great marsh, which was here very considerably narrowed; and arrived in the evening at Mahad Hassan, a little oasis which rises from the bed of the marsh, and consists of a few hills partially covered with pasturage. In the valleys between these we observed some wild olive-trees, and many remains of buildings were scattered over the ground in all directions[11]. Mahad Hassan is the first place after the long tract of marshy land which has any appearance of an ancient site. Its remains consist of a number of small quadrangular buildings, similar to the fortresses observable at the different stations all the way from this point to Derna. They are in a very dilapidated state, and it is difficult to say for what purpose they were intended. They seem to be too numerous and too close together to have been forts, though their form very closely resembles them; and they are by no means well calculated for dwelling-houses, unless we suppose it to have been necessary that every family should have its castle, unconnected with that of its neighbour, in which it was regularly intrenched. These little structures occupy the plains as well as the rising ground, and are in general from fifty to seventy and a hundred feet square; their height cannot now be ascertained, even from a computation of the quantity of rubbish with which each is surrounded, for the Arabs remove the stones to different places in the neighbourhood to build the rude tombs of their Marábūts and relations; many of which are raised on the site of the buildings themselves, and might sometimes be confounded with the original plan. Shrubs and bushes have overgrown the greater part of these ruins, and rooted themselves firmly in the masses of fallen stones, frequently at the height of twelve and fifteen feet from the ground. None of them are at present more than rude heaps of shattered stones, and the eye in passing over the spot would scarcely detect any regular plan, which is only indeed observable on attentive examination. Among the buildings may be seen a few wells, in one of which we had been told we should probably find a little sweet water, a luxury we had not enjoyed since we left Arár, as the water in the marshy ground is both salt and stinking. We were rather disappointed, however, on reaching it, to find that we had been anticipated by our Arab escort, who had rode on before on pretence of reconnoitring the country, and of endeavouring to procure some provision. It was evident at the same time, by the print of their horses’ hoofs, that they had not been contented with allaying their own thirst, but had satisfied also that of their horses, till the last drop of water was expended. At Mahad Hassan we found an Arab tent, and managed to procure a little milk from an old woman who dwelt in it with her two sons. These people were the only living things we had seen, jackalls, gazelles, and water-fowl excepted, since we quitted the little encampment at Sooleb. Sixteen miles south of Mahad Hassan, the marsh finishes at Giraff; we arrived there on the night of the 11th, and pitched the tents upon some sand-hills bordering a plain thickly covered with low brushwood, which extended as far as the eye could reach, and from its green appearance seemed to promise some signs of habitation. Our journey across the marsh had been monotonous and uninteresting in the extreme; no objects had appeared to enliven the scene, and no sounds were heard but the voices of our own camel-drivers, and the tiresome unvaried songs of our Arab escort, which usually consisted of no more than three or four words, repeated eternally without any change of tone, and apparently without the consciousness of the performers themselves.

The only sounds which broke in upon the stillness of the night were the prayers of our friend the Dúbbah as he chanted them at intervals in a low and drousy tone, and the howlings of his namesakes[12], who prowled about the tents, occasionally mingled with the shriller cries of the jackalls.

We had passed a tolerably comfortable night at Giraff, and were preparing to proceed early on our journey the following morning, when, to our no small surprise, we found that the camel-drivers refused to load their camels, and, on inquiring the cause of this strange behaviour, we were told they would not proceed any farther, unless we paid them their wages each day in advance. As this had not been our agreement with the Shekh of Mesurata, who had hired them for us at that place, we refused to comply with this ill-timed demand, for which there appeared to be no reason whatever. We well knew the impolicy of paying Arabs in advance, which is in fact giving up the best hold which can be acquired upon their conduct; and had the demand been even made with a much better grace, we should not certainly have complied with it. In the present case we refused it most decidedly, and told the mutineers that we should abide by our agreement and expected that they would keep theirs: we added that we were determined at all events to proceed, and that if they persisted in refusing to load the camels we should do so without farther ceremony ourselves. They made no reply, but instead of doing their duty, they all walked away together to a little eminence a few yards distant, where they were presently joined by all our Arab escort, with the exception of the Dúbbah; and began to prime their guns very ceremoniously, charging such of them with ball as did not happen to be already loaded. We took no other notice of this Arab manœuvre than by having our own fire-arms in readiness, and proceeded immediately to load the camels ourselves, in which we were assisted by the Bashaw’s Chaous, the Dúbbah all the while recommending us to comply with the demands of the malcontents. This we told him, however, we were determined not to do; and reproached him at the same time with the unfriendly part which he was himself taking on the occasion. It here became evident how little dependence was to be placed upon Shekh Mahommed el Dúbbah and his company, and we were glad to have discovered this circumstance so early, as it might prevent us from relying upon their co-operation, in cases of greater importance. We did not much expect that the Arabs would proceed to extremities, but our party, at all events, was quite as strong as theirs, and we were determined to carry our point. When the Camels were loaded, and we were about to drive them off, the warmth of our opponents had abated; for an Arab very easily makes up his mind to submission when he finds that the chances are not greatly in his favour; and they followed our party without offering further resistance, resuming by degrees their customary occupations. A little beyond Giraff is a small ravine or wady, called Ghebaiba, the banks of which present the only cultivation which is to be found in this neighbourhood; and near it, on a little rising ground, are the remains of some building, too much in ruin to admit of any satisfactory description, and which bears the same name as the wady. As we passed over the plain which occurs after Giraff, the country began to assume a more pleasing aspect. Instead of the dreary, level surface of the marsh over which we had lately travelled, we now passed over a succession of undulating ground, covered with pasturage, among which appeared flocks of sheep and goats, and here and there an Arab tent. But the most welcome objects which this change of soil afforded were the wells of sweet water which presented themselves at Zaffran, near one of which we encamped for the night; and after a few copious draughts, we soon forgot the nauseous flavour of that which we had lately been drinking, which nothing but necessity could have induced any one to swallow. We drew plentifully from the wells, which were very deep, and allowed our horses and camels to drink freely; a luxury which the poor animals had not enjoyed since leaving Mesurata, as their allowance even of the bad water had been necessarily limited, and for the last four days they had been without any. This privation, though not unusual in the Syrtis, was nevertheless severely felt by both horses and camels; and their breath during these intervals, particularly that of the camel, became extremely heated and offensive[13].

It is in this neighbourhood that we must look for the Aspis of Strabo, which is mentioned by that geographer as occurring _after_ the lake, and for a port which he describes as the best in the Syrtis. “After the lake (are his words) is a place (called) Aspis, and a port (which is) the best of those in the Syrtis[14].” The first remains of building which occur after Sooleb (where the great body of the lake has already been said to finish) are those at Mahád Hassan, which is evidently an ancient site. To these remains succeed those of Zaffran, which are more important, and are placed in a much more desirable situation. They occur immediately after Giraff where the marsh finishes altogether, and are situated in a country abounding with pasturage, and furnished with a plentiful supply of sweet water. Zaffrán has been evidently a military station; and it is there that we began to perceive more clearly the nature of those numerous quadrangular buildings which are scattered in all directions over the Syrtis, in passing from Sooleb to Bengazi. These structures may be said to commence at Mahad Hassan; but they assume at Zaffran the appearance of regular forts, and may there be considered as the commencement of a chain of fortified posts extending itself through the whole of the Syrtis[15]. They usually occupy the higher grounds, although some of them are situated in the plains, and are generally so placed as to have been originally seen from each other. Indeed no opportunity appears to have been neglected by the ancients of securing the advantages of pasturage and water which occur in the regions of the Syrtis; wherever these exist we find fortresses erected, or regular stations established, which would materially contribute to facilitate the march of troops and to prevent at the same time the predatory incursions of the Arabs and the establishment of their tribes in these desirable positions.

If it be considered necessary to fix the sight of the τοπος Ασπις at the _first_ place where remains of ancient building are found, after the lake which is laid down by Strabo, we must place it at Mahad Hassan; but if it must be identified with the port mentioned with it, which does not seem, indeed, to be necessary, we are then obliged to fix it at the first place where a port is to be met with, after the termination of the marsh, and this will bring us to Mersa Zaffran[16]. The little port of this name is the first which occurs in passing eastward from the Cephalas Promontorium, and the remains of building which are found there, on the beach, will authorize the conclusion that it has been used as such by the ancients[17].

Its present appearance will however by no means entitle it to the distinction of καλλιστος, (bestowed by Strabo upon Aspis, or the port which succeeds it); for the Gulf of Syrtis, though ill supplied with conveniences of this nature, has certainly ports of more consideration than Mersa Zaffran.

We must at the same time recollect that the space required for the vessels of the ancients was much less than would be necessary for those of the present day, and the depth of water required for them comparatively inconsiderable. The port at Zaffran is also much less than formerly, and, like that at Lebida, nearly filled up with sand; so that although it cannot now be considered as a good one (nor, indeed, in the present acceptation of the term, as any port at all) it may certainly have afforded very good shelter and accommodation for vessels such as those of the ancients[18]. The remains on the beach are constructed with larger stones than are usually employed in the Syrtis, and, from what we could perceive of them, for the tops only appear above the sand, have been built with more than common attention to workmanship and regularity. Traces of building may also be observed for nearly a mile from the Mersa to the eastward, and the whole place is strewed with fragments of pottery. Several stone troughs are lying on the beach, some of them in an unfinished state; they do not appear to have been intended for sarcophagi, as their lengths vary from five to eight feet; while their breadth remains nearly the same, or from fifteen to eighteen inches. Had our time and means allowed it we should have remained a few days to excavate at Mersa Zaffran, and we had marked it as one of the places to be examined on our return: there is little to remove but sand, and it is by no means improbable that the results of excavation at this place would be interesting. As Mersa Zaffran appears to have been used as a port by the ancients, and is the first which occurs after the marsh, we may fairly consider it as that mentioned by Strabo with Aspis; and the remains at Zaffran are probably those of Aspis itself, which we may conclude to have been a military post from the nature of the buildings which are found there; although the word τοπος applied to it by Strabo, does not necessarily imply any idea of fortification. No place worth selecting for any advantages which it might afford could, however, have been secure without some fortification; and accordingly we find every desirable position in the Syrtis provided with forts for its defence, which ensured, at once, the possession of the local advantages and a communication with the adjacent inhabited places.

It is difficult to fix any precise date to these buildings, but we may perhaps conclude, with some appearance of reason, that the greater number of them were erected by the Romans under the emperors, who possessed, at various times, the whole of the north coast of Africa, and kept open an extensive communication along the shores of the Mediterranean, as well as with some parts of the interior[19]. The quadrangular form of these structures is the same as that used by the Romans in their stations and encampments; and the small number of troops which was allotted by the empire for the defence of Africa, made it peculiarly necessary that their garrisons should be well intrenched[20]. It has been calculated that a square of seven hundred yards was sufficient, according to the Roman method of encampment, for containing a body of twenty thousand men; and a square of one hundred feet would, at that rate, suffice for the accommodation of nine hundred and fifty. The habitable parts of the forts above mentioned very rarely exceeded a square of that size, and this portion of the structure, in by far the greater number of them, seldom amounted to sixty feet. As the nature of the country rendered it necessary to lay up stores of provision, a part of each fortress must have been set aside for that purpose, and it is probable that the greater number of the forts did not contain more than from fifty to two hundred men. The most perfect of those now remaining may perhaps have been constructed in the time of the emperor Justinian, when the victories of Belisarius and Solomon had restored the Roman authority in Africa: for it would then have been advisable to secure, by means of forts, the advantages which arms had obtained. The privations which were experienced by the army of Marcus Cato, in its march across the regions of the Syrtis, make it appear extremely probable that no stations or resting-places, had at that time been erected within their limits; and we may perhaps also infer that the fortresses of Euphrantas and Automala were not then available as places of accommodation. Should this have been the case, some of the forts and stations now existing, in various parts of the country in question, may be reasonably attributed to the well-founded policy of the emperors Augustus and Hadrian.

A regular and uninterrupted communication was, under these princes, beginning to be firmly established with all parts of the Roman empire; and the intercourse which then existed between the eastern and western parts of Northern Africa was much greater than that which had obtained under the governments of the Greeks and Carthaginians. The numerous native tribes who inhabited the coast were perpetually at variance with their foreign invaders, and ever ready to avail themselves of the slightest opportunity of harassing their oppressors, or of recovering their ancient inheritance. It must also be observed, that, however worthless and insignificant the regions of the Syrtis might possibly appear, to the inhabitants of more favoured countries, there are parts of them which must always have been eagerly coveted by the wanderers of the desert which bounds them to the southward; since the advantages which they are occasionally found to afford, though consisting merely in a little fresh water, and a few spots of scanty vegetation, would naturally be objects of great attraction to those who had seldom the opportunity of finding either. From the sudden, but unskilful, attacks of these people, the forts and stations of the Syrtis would have been sufficient defence; and they would also have been more convenient for the troops than the usual Roman encampment, greatly contributing at the same time, to facilitate the communication of one part of the country with another, by ensuring a good supply of water, and serving as depôts for stores and provisions. We must not, however, venture decidedly to assert, that the Syrtis was unprovided with buildings of this nature before the occupation of the country by the Romans; for, without mentioning those of Euphrantas and Automala, we find that castles were in use among the natives of Northern Africa before that period; and if they are known to have been previously erected in other parts of the coast, they might equally have existed in the Syrtis[21].

Many buildings of this nature appear to have remained in a tenable state long after the conquest of Africa by the Mahometans; for they are frequently mentioned by Arab writers as having been occupied by the natives; and wells still continued to be found within the works, which could not be approached without the consent of the garrison.

An instance in point may here be given from Leo Africanus, who tells us that three castles were accidentally discovered, far in the desert of Libya, about eighteen years before the time when he related the following story:—“The guide of a caravan (whose name was Hámar) had missed the usual track, in consequence of a complaint in his eyes; and there being no other person in the whole caravan who knew the road they ought to take but himself, he went on, upon his camel, in advance of the party, and at every mile they made he caused a handful of sand to be presented to him, which he smelt, and then continued his journey. In this manner the caravan continued to advance till they came within forty miles of the castles above mentioned, near which there were five or six little hamlets, and a profusion of excellent dates. The guide then addressed himself to those who were about him, and assured them that they were in the neighbourhood of some inhabited place, but few of the party believed what he said, for as they were at least four hundred and eighty miles from Egypt, it was imagined, if indeed the assertion should be true, that they must have moved back upon Augela.”

“On the third day, however, after this notice, they came in sight of the three castles above mentioned; and the people of the place, surprised and alarmed at the appearance of so many strangers, retreated to the castles, where they shut themselves up, and refused to supply the caravan with water, of which they were greatly in need. As the wells were within the fortifications, there was nothing left for the caravan, under these adverse circumstances, but to carry the forts, and to supply themselves by force, or to continue their journey across the desert, at the risk, perhaps the certainty, of perishing with thirst. They soon determined to make an attack upon the castles, which, after a slight engagement, they succeeded in carrying; and having obtained from the wells as much water as was necessary, they proceeded on their route across the desert[22].”

In many of the forts which we visited in the Syrtis, one or two, and sometimes more, wells were still visible within the works (although, for the most part, they were filled up with mud and sand, or with the rubbish of the fallen materials of the buildings); and it is probable that all of them were originally provided with a convenience so essential to the garrison. In some cases we found wells decidedly without the works, in places which appeared to be wholly undefended; except we may suppose them to have been within range of the archers and slingers from the walls, which did not always appear to have been the case.

In such instances, however, we must not conclude that there were originally no wells within the forts, because none are found there at present; for a single century of neglect would in many cases be sufficient to account for the disappearance of a well altogether.

We may observe with regard to the structure of these forts, that some of them have the habitable part of the building (which is always of a quadrangular form, and placed in the centre) surrounded by a double wall of very solid work; leaving a space between the walls, of ten, twenty, and thirty feet, sometimes of more, in which wells are occasionally found, and which may have served for the accommodation of the horses, sheep, or cattle of the garrison. Others have been built in one solid mass, with sloping sides, resembling the base of a pyramid, having only a square space left in the centre for the accommodation of the troops and the stowage of stores and provision. On these there is always a platform, and sometimes two, the sides of which form a glacis at a slope of from thirty to forty-five degrees, some of them being steeper than others: it seems probable that a parapet originally existed on the platforms of some of the forts, behind which the troops might more securely encounter their enemies; but on most of them there are now no traces of any defence of this nature, and the platform is left exposed. The lower platform is usually raised about ten and fifteen feet from the ground, and the upper one about eight or twelve feet above that. Trenches are rarely seen round the last mentioned buildings, but those enclosed within walls usually possessed that additional defence. Both are constructed with stone found in the neighbourhood, generally without any cement, particularly the sloping ones, although a very good cement may sometimes be observed in them: the most considerable forts are built with large and regularly-shaped stones, while the more unimportant are composed of stones of unequal forms and sizes, care being always taken, however, to leave a smooth surface on the slope of the glacis, in order to make the ascent more difficult. If we suppose that the greater number of these fortresses were built as defences against the attacks of the predatory natives, and not to resist the regular siege of a disciplined army, it may certainly be allowed that they were well calculated to afford security to their garrisons on such occasions; but their resources must soon have been exhausted by a continued blockade, the space enclosed being inadequate to contain many stores or much provision. As, however, there could scarcely have been any accommodation for horses or cattle in the pyramidal-shaped forts, which are by far the most numerous, more provision might certainly have been stowed in them than would at first sight be imagined. From the extreme height of the habitable part of these buildings in proportion to its breadth, we may conclude that it possessed an upper story, or, it may be, two; for otherwise a great portion of space would be thrown away: this fact, however, from their ruined state, could not be properly ascertained.

The roofs were most probably arched, for no wood is to be found in the Syrtis, and large blocks of stone could not always be procured, and would at any rate have been less convenient to employ than the small ones, which might be used in the arches[23]. From the circumstance of finding no aperture in the sides of the buildings, we may conclude that the light was admitted from above; and it is by no means improbable that a space was left uncovered in the centre for that purpose, this mode of building being common in hot climates, and it would at all times have been easy to guard against the inconvenience of rain, as the surface exposed would have been inconsiderable.

No appearance of doors, or of apertures of any kind, is observable in the sides of these structures; and they must either have been entered from the top, or by some subterranean communication. There are instances still remaining, in the eastern parts of the Syrtis, of fortresses more difficult of access than these, where they who entered have evidently been drawn up with ropes by the persons already stationed above; and we may conclude, as no traces of any subterranean entrance were discernible in the forts, which we have just described, that they were entered in a similar manner. In the walled forts we found entrances to the _outer_ works by means of gates, but could in no instance discover any door in the habitable part.

We often wished for an opportunity of excavating some of these buildings, that we might be enabled to give their plans more correctly; but, as it was important to secure the coast-line before the rainy season set in, we did not think ourselves justified in delaying the advance of the party any longer than was necessary for the attainment of that object.

As a general remark, we may here observe, that, in passing from west to east of the Greater Syrtis, the fortresses were found to be more perfect as we advanced towards the Cyrenaica; their interest may be said to begin at Zaffran, to increase at Medīnét Sultàn, and to continue, from thence, in almost a regular progression, to become stronger at every step that is made towards Bengazi.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Εισπλεοντι δη την μεγαλην Συρτιν, ενδεξια μετα τας Κεφαλας, εστι λιμνη τριακοσίων που σταδιων το μηκος, εβδομηκοντα δε το πλατος, εκδιδουσα εις τον κολπον, εχουσα και νησια και υφορμον προ του στοματος.—Lib. 17, § 20.]

[Footnote 2: The measurements are taken roughly, on account of the ruined state of the structure.]

[Footnote 3: No part of this land can properly be called high—but only by comparison with the lower level of the marsh.]

[Footnote 4: It was not, however, necessary, in places of this kind, that the vessels should be drawn upon shore; for υφορμος is the term here employed by Strabo, and the ορμοι, or υφορμοι, were somewhat similar to our own docks, and consisted of walls parallel with each other, between which vessels would be perfectly secure from wind and waves, as well as from the effects of strong current.]

[Footnote 5: Μετα δε την Συρτιν (the Lesser Syrtis is here meant,) Ζουχις εστι λιμνη σταδιων τετρακοσιων, στενον εχουσα εισπλουν, και παρ᾽ αυτην πολις ομωνυμος πορφυροβαφεια εχουσα και ταριχειας παντοδαπας·—(Lib. 17, § 18.)

D’Anville’s words are these—“Strabon parle d’un grand lac debouchant dans la Syrte, et ce lac forme une _saline_ dont l’entrée est nommée la _Succa_.”—(Géog. Ancienne, tom. 3, p. 70.)

The circumstance of there being saltworks in the Mesurata lake, as well as in that of the Lesser Syrtis, will tend to strengthen the idea of their having been confounded.]

[Footnote 6: We even fear that to make the reasoning of Signor Della Cella at all consistent with itself, we must be obliged to suppose that he has again stated exactly the contrary of what he appears to have intended. His words are, “Quanto alla stazione che rimaneva probabilmente alla sua imboccatura (meaning the mouth of the lake, or marsh in question). Non può realmente dirsi che fosse _porto_, servendosi Strabone della voce υφορμον per _porto_ e non di λιμνη (λιμην is intended) la qual voce malamente trovasi tradutta da Buonacciuoli per _molo_. Cosi passo e passo a conto di Strabone si è fatto un porto e non è tosto mancato che le ha guarnito di molo.” (p. 75-6.) As υφορμον, and not λιμην, is the word used by Strabo in the passage in question, the deduction of Signor Della Cella may scarcely be made without reversing the words as we have stated.

Strabo distinguishes between λιμην and υφορμος in the following passage—speaking of the coast of the Cyrenaica from Apollonia to the Catabathmos—ου πανυ ευπαραπλους και γαρ λιμενες ολιγοι και υφορμοι και κατοικιαι και υδρειαι.—(Lib. 17, § 22.)]

[Footnote 7: Arar occurs before Melfa; but, though a good deal above the level of the marsh, it cannot well be considered as an island, but is rather a continuation of the little range of high land which we have mentioned as running along the coast in the neighbourhood of the causeway. It consists wholly of heaps of sand, overspread occasionally with vegetation, and is remarkable as possessing a tall and solitary date-tree, the only one to be met with on the coast of the Syrtis, in a tract of more than four hundred miles.]

[Footnote 8: The noxious qualities of the night air in these swampy regions were occasionally severely felt by our party; one of our servants was seized with a fever while at Sooleb, and we were apprehensive that he would not be able to proceed for some days; but after being bled rather copiously he found himself better, and was the next day in condition to travel with the camels. The atmosphere after sunset was always very chilly in the Syrtis, and there was usually a heavy deposit of dew; a very offensive smell was also experienced in many parts of the marsh.]

[Footnote 9: Gusser is a term indiscriminately applied by the Arabs to ruins of every description.]

[Footnote 10: Monsieur Lautier has some remarks upon this part of the gulf, which do not appear to be very intelligible.—See the account of his voyage in Della Cella, p. 216. These observations are alluded to in the hydrographic remarks attached to the journal.]

[Footnote 11: Edrisi has mentioned a tower called Hassān, which he places at four days’ journey from the western point of the Syrtis—and Mahād Hassān is four days’ journey from Mesurata, at the rate of between thirteen and fourteen geographical miles per day.]

[Footnote 12: We have already stated that Shekh Mahommed was called el Dúbbah, or the Hyæna.]

[Footnote 13: The camel has been known to go as much as ten days without water, but they suffer very much from an abstinence of three and four days.]

[Footnote 14: Μετα δε την λιμνην τοπος εστιν Ασπις, και λιμην καλλιστος των εν τῆ Συρτει.—Lib. 17, p. 836.]

[Footnote 15: Buildings of the same nature are also found in the Cyrenaica.]

[Footnote 16: Aspis is laid down in Ptolemy on the western side of the gulf, at about sixty miles within the promontory of Triæorium; but this distance would only bring us within nine miles of Jaireed, and we have already stated that Mahād Hassān is the first place in the Syrtis (travelling eastward) which can be considered as an ancient site. Strabo’s lake finishes at Sooleb, but there are no remains of building in the neighbourhood of that place, nor between it and Mahād Hassān.]

[Footnote 17: The naval station above mentioned, at the junction of Strabo’s lake with the sea, is not styled λιμην, but υφορμος; and we may conclude from this circumstance that it was formed by art, and not by any of those peculiarities of coast which usually constitute a fort.]

[Footnote 18: It is formed by a rocky projection, which appeared to have been partly natural and partly artificial; and though its inconsiderable size would not allow vessels in it to ride clear of the surf in a gale of wind, yet in moderate weather there would be quite sufficient shelter for them to load and unload; and in the event of a gale they might easily have been hauled up on the beach.—See the plan of Mersa Zaffrān annexed.]

[Footnote 19: The tower of Euphrantas is however stated to have been a boundary fort under the Ptolemies; and the fortress of Automala, at the bottom of the gulf, is mentioned by Diodorus to have been in existence before the occupation of Cyrene by the first of those princes.—See Strabo, lib. 17, and Diod., lib. 20.]

[Footnote 20: “With regard to Egypt, Africa, and Spain, (says Gibbon, in describing the distribution of the Roman forces,) as they were far removed from any important scene of war, a single legion maintained the domestic tranquillity of these great provinces.”

“We may compute (says the same writer) that the legion, which was itself a body of six thousand eight hundred and thirty-one Romans, might, with its attendant auxiliaries, amount to about twelve thousand five hundred men.”]

[Footnote 21: Λιβυων δε τοις ες πυργους και φρουρια (ἁ πολλα ην εν τῆ χωρα) καταφευγουσιν.—Appian Hist. de rebus Punicis, lib. viii. p. 101.

Diodorus also speaks of their castles near the watering-places.—Lib. iii. p. 128.

Τοις δε δυνασταις αυτων πολεις μεν το συνολον ουχ υπαρχουσι, πυργοι δε πλησιον των υδατων, εις ους αποτιθενται τα πλεοναζοντα της ωφηλειας.]

[Footnote 22: Leo Africanus in Ramusio, quinta parte.]

[Footnote 23: Arched roofs are also common in the forts of the Cyrenaica; but the sides both of the upper and lower stories, which fronted the centre, were probably left open, after the manner of galleries.]