Chapter I: Part 1

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

This book was published in 1905; only 440 copies were printed.

The first chapter, Verrazano’s voyage in 1524, is a modern
translation of the original Italian. The other chapters are literal
reproductions of their original English publications, and so retain
the spelling, the hyphenation and punctuation seen in those books.

This etext maintains this careful reproduction of the original English
text. Variant spellings of names and place names have not been changed.

The Sidenotes, created by the editor G. P. Winship, have been
inserted in-line, and are delimited by ♦. The first Sidenote for
example (page 3) is ♦_January 1524_♦.

Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.

A superscript is denoted by ^x, for example M^r or y^e.

A double space, in the narrative of the Popham voyage (pp. 155-175),
is denoted by ·· and indicates, in most cases, the start of a new
sentence.

Multiple spaces in a paragraph are denoted by ······· and indicate
a blank space in the original text for a missing name or date.

Three minor changes have been made to the etext:
Page 27: ‘Com of _Essex_’ has a ~ (tilde) over the m in the
original text.
Page 123: ‘assoone as they’ replaced by ‘as soone as they’.
Page 155 Sidenote: ‘♦_1605 June_♦’ replaced by ‘♦_1607 June_♦’.

SAILORS NARRATIVES

OF VOYAGES

along

The New England Coast

1524-1624

SAILORS

Narratives

OF VOYAGES

_along the_

New England Coast

1524-1624

_With notes by_ GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP
_of the_ JOHN CARTER BROWN _Library_

_BOSTON_

Published by _Houghton, Mifflin & Company_

1905

COPYRIGHT 1905 BY HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO.

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

FOUR HUNDRED AND FORTY COPIES PRINTED

NUMBER

(signature of Bruce Rogers; graphic designer of this book)]

CONTENTS

GIOVANNI DA VERRAZANO, 1524
_Narragansett Bay_ 1

DAVID INGRAM, 1568
_Maine_ 25

BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD, 1602
_Buzzard’s Bay_ 31

MARTIN PRING, 1603
_Plymouth Harbour_ 51

SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN, 1605
_Maine and Massachusetts_ 65

GEORGE WAYMOUTH, 1605
_St. George’s River_ 99

GEORGE POPHAM AND RALEGH GILBERT, 1607
_Kenebeck River_ 153

HENRY HUDSON, 1609
_Penobscot and the Fishing Banks_ 177

SAMUEL ARGALL, 1610
_Penobscot Bay_ 193

JOHN SMITH, 1614
_Monhegan_ 211

THOMAS DERMER, 1619
_Maine and Cape Cod_ 249

CHRISTOPHER LEVETT, 1624
_York and Portland_ 259

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

JOHN SMITH’S MAP OF NEW ENGLAND _Frontispiece_

_From Smith’s Description of New England, London, 1616._
(_Reduced_)

FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE OF BRERETON’S BRIEFE AND
TRUE RELATION 32

_This book, published in 1602, gives an account of the
voyage of Bartholomew Gosnold, and is the earliest book
in English relating to New England_

MAP OF PORT ST. LOUIS (PLYMOUTH BAY) 52

_From Champlain’s Voyages, 1613 Edition_

MAP OF THE MOUTH OF THE KENNEBEC 66

_From Champlain’s Voyages, 1613 Edition_

FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE OF ROSIER’S TRUE RELATION 100

_This book, published in 1605, gives an account of the
voyage of George Waymouth, and is the second book in
English relating to New England_

FACSIMILE TITLE-PAGE OF SMITH’S DESCRIPTION OF
NEW ENGLAND, 1616 212

_It is in this book that the name “New England” first
occurs, being substituted by Captain Smith for “North
Virginia”_

Giovanni da Verrazano

1524

NARRAGANSETT BAY

GIOVANNI DA VERRAZANO, _a Florentine sailor in the service of
France who had attracted the royal attention by his successful
attacks on Spanish commerce, was commissioned by Francis I, in the
spring of 1523, to cross the Atlantic in search for a sea route
to Cathay. In April, the agents of Spain in France notified their
government that Verrazano was ready to start. Two months later, the
Spanish authorities learned that he had returned to La Rochelle,
bringing the captured vessels in which Cortes had shipped the
treasure gathered from the Aztec lords of Mexico. The proposed
voyage of discovery was not, however, merely a blind for this
attack on the Spanish West Indian fleet. Verrazano refitted his
ships and made a second start, only to be driven back by a Biscayan
storm. With his single remaining seaworthy vessel, he finally got
away for the West. In March, 1524, land was sighted, probably
near Cape Fear, on the Carolina coast. After looking in vain for
a harbour toward the south, he turned northward and followed the
shore line as far as Maine or Nova Scotia._

_Verrazano arrived in Dieppe before the eighth of July, the date
of his report to the King. An Italian version of this letter was
printed at Venice in 1556 by Ramusio, from whose “Navigationi” it
was translated into English by Hakluyt, for his “Divers Voyages,”
printed in 1582. A somewhat different contemporary manuscript copy,
also in Italian, is preserved at Florence. This was printed by the
New York Historical Society in 1841, with a translation which has
been revised for the present volume._

GIOVANNI DA VERRAZANO _to his Most Serene Majesty the_ KING _of_
FRANCE.

SINCE the tempests which we encountered on the northern coasts, I have not written to your most Serene and Christian Majesty concerning the four ships sent out by your orders on the ocean to discover new lands, because I thought you must have been before apprized of all that had happened to us--that we had been compelled by the impetuous violence of the winds to put into Brittany in distress with only the two ships Normandy and Dauphine; and that after having repaired these ships, we made a cruise in them, well armed, along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty must have heard, and also of our new plan of continuing our intended voyage with the Dauphine alone; being now returned from this voyage, I proceed to give your Majesty an account of our discoveries.

On the 17th of last January we set sail from a desolate rock near the island of Madeira, ♦_January 1524_♦ belonging to his most Serene Majesty, the King of Portugal, with fifty men, having provisions sufficient for eight months, arms and other warlike munition and naval stores. Sailing westward with a light and pleasant easterly breeze, in twenty-five days we ran eight hundred leagues. On the 14th of February we encountered as violent a hurricane as any ship ever weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by the divine assistance and goodness, to the praise of the glorious and fortunate name of our good ship, that had been able to support the violent tossing of the waves. Pursuing our voyage towards the West, a little northwardly, in twenty-four days more, ♦_March_♦ having run four hundred leagues, we reached a new country, which had never before been seen by any one, either in ancient or modern times. At first it appeared to be very low, ♦_Carolina Coast_♦ but on approaching it to within a quarter of a league from the shore we perceived, by the great fires near the coast, that it was inhabited. We perceived that it stretched to the south, and coasted along in that direction in search of some port, in which we might come to anchor, and examine into the nature of the country, but for fifty leagues we could find none in which we could lie securely. Seeing the coast still stretch to the south, we resolved to change our course and stand to the northward, and as we still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the land and sent a boat on shore. Many people who were seen coming to the sea-side fled at our approach, but occasionally stopping, they looked back upon us with astonishment, and some were at length induced, by various friendly signs, to come to us. These showed the greatest delight on beholding us, wondering at our dress, countenances and complexion. They then showed us by signs where we could more conveniently secure our boat, and offered us some of their provisions. That your Majesty may know all that we learned, while on shore, of their manners and customs of life, I will relate what we saw as briefly as possible. They go entirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins of small animals like martens fastened by a girdle of plaited grass, to which they tie, all round the body, the tails of other animals hanging down to the knees; all other parts of the body and the head are naked. Some wear garlands similar to birds’ feathers.

The complexion of these people is black, not much different from that of the Ethiopians; their hair is black and thick, and not very long, it is worn tied back upon the head in the form of a little tail. In person they are of good proportions, of middle stature, a little above our own, broad across the breast, strong in the arms, and well formed in the legs and other parts of the body; the only exception to their good looks is that they have broad faces, but not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They are not very strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swift of foot, as far as we could judge by observation. In these last two particulars they resemble the people of the east, especially those the most remote. We could not learn a great many particulars of their usages on account of our short stay among them, and the distance of our ship from the shore.

We found not far from this people another whose mode of life we judged to be similar. The whole shore is covered with fine sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the form of little hills about fifty paces broad. Ascending farther, we found several arms of the sea which make in through inlets, washing the shores on both sides as the coast runs. An outstretched country appears at a little distance ♦_The Carolinas_♦ rising somewhat above the sandy shore in beautiful fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests of trees, more or less dense, too various in colours, and too delightful and charming in appearance to be described. I do not believe that they are like the Hercynian forest or the rough wilds of Scythia, and the northern regions full of vines and common trees, but adorned with palms, laurels, cypresses, and other varieties unknown in Europe, that send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great distance, but which we could not examine more closely for the reasons before given, and not on account of any difficulty in traversing the woods, which, on the contrary, are easily penetrated.

As the Orient stretches around this country, I think it cannot be devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by the colour of the ground. It abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, hares, and many other similar, and with a great variety of birds for every kind of pleasant and delightful sport. It is plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds of running water, and being in the latitude of 34, the air is salubrious, pure and temperate, and free from the extremes of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in these regions, the most prevalent are the north-west and west. In summer, the season in which we were there, the sky is clear, with but little rain: if fogs and mists are at any time driven in by the south wind, they are immediately dissipated, and at once it becomes serene and bright again. The sea is calm, not boisterous, and its waves are gentle. Although the whole coast is low and without harbours, it is not dangerous for navigation, being free from rocks and bold, so that within four or five fathoms from the shore there is twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide, and this depth constantly increases in a uniform proportion. The holding ground is so good that no ship can part her cable, however violent the wind, as we proved by experience; for while riding at anchor on the coast, we were overtaken by a gale in the beginning of March, when the winds are high, as is usual in all countries, we found our anchor broken before it started from its hold or moved at all.

We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along the shore, which we found stretching out to the west; ♦_North Carolina_♦ the inhabitants being numerous, we saw everywhere a multitude of fires. While at anchor on this coast, there being no harbour to enter, we sent the boat on shore with twenty-five men to obtain water, but it was not possible to land without endangering the boat, on account of the immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an open roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, indicating by various friendly signs that we might trust ourselves on shore. One of their noble deeds of friendship deserves to be made known to your Majesty. A young sailor was attempting to swim ashore through the surf to carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells, looking-glasses, and other like trifles; when he came near three or four of them he tossed the things to them, and turned about to get back to the boat, but he was thrown over by the waves, and so dashed by them that he lay as it were dead upon the beach. When these people saw him in this situation, they ran and took him up by the head, legs and arms, and carried him to a distance from the surf; the young man, finding himself borne off in this way, uttered very loud shrieks in fear and dismay, while they answered as they could in their language, showing him that he had no cause for fear. Afterwards they laid him down at the foot of a little hill, when they took off his shirt and trowsers, and examined him, expressing the greatest astonishment at the whiteness of his skin. Our sailors in the boat seeing a great fire made up, and their companion placed very near it, full of fear, as is usual in all cases of novelty, imagined that the natives were about to roast him for food. But as soon as he had recovered his strength after a short stay with them, showing by signs that he wished to return aboard, they hugged him with great affection, and accompanied him to the shore, then leaving him, that he might feel more secure, they withdrew to a little hill, from which they watched him until he was safe in the boat. This young man remarked that these people were black like the others, that they had shining skins, middle stature, and sharper faces, and very delicate bodies and limbs, and that they were inferior in strength, but quick in their minds; this is all that he observed of them.

Departing hence, and always following the shore, which stretched to the north, we came, in the space of fifty leagues, to another land, ♦_Delaware and New Jersey Coast_♦ which appeared very beautiful and full of the largest forests. We approached it, and going ashore with twenty men, we went back from the coast about two leagues, and found that the people had fled and hid themselves in the woods for fear. By searching around we discovered in the grass a very old woman and a young girl of about eighteen or twenty, who had concealed themselves for the same reason; the old woman carried two infants on her shoulders, and behind her neck a little boy eight years of age; when we came up to them they began to shriek and make signs to the men who had fled to the woods. We gave them a part of our provisions, which they accepted with delight, but the girl would not touch any; every thing we offered to her being thrown down in great anger. We took the little boy from the old woman to carry with us to France, and would have taken the girl also, who was very beautiful and very tall, but it was impossible because of the loud shrieks she uttered as we attempted to lead her away; having to pass some woods, and being far from the ship, we determined to leave her and take the boy only. We found them fairer than the others, and wearing a covering made of certain plants, which hung down from the branches of the trees, tying them together with threads of wild hemp; their heads are without covering and of the same shape as the others. Their food is a kind of pulse which there abounds, different in colour and size from ours, and of a very delicious flavour. Besides they take birds and fish for food, using snares and bows made of hard wood, with reeds for arrows, in the ends of which they put the bones of fish and other animals. The animals in these regions are wilder than in Europe from being continually molested by the hunters. We saw many of their boats made of one tree twenty feet long and four feet broad, without the aid of stone or iron or other kind of metal. In the whole country for the space of two hundred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone of any sort. To hollow out their boats they burn out as much of a log as is requisite, and also from the prow and stern to make them float well on the sea. The land, in situation, fertility and beauty, is like the other, abounding also in forests filled with various kinds of trees, but not of such fragrance, as it is more northern and colder.

We saw in this country many vines growing naturally, which entwine about the trees, and run up upon them as they do in the plains of Lombardy. These vines would doubtless produce excellent wine if they were properly cultivated and attended to, as we have often seen the grapes which they produce very sweet and pleasant, and not unlike our own. They must be held in estimation by them, as they carefully remove the shrubbery from around them, wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to ripen better. We found also wild roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of plants and fragrant flowers different from our own. We cannot describe their habitations, as they are in the interior of the country, but from various indications we conclude they must be formed of trees and shrubs. We saw also many grounds for conjecturing that they often sleep in the open air, without any covering but the sky. Of their other usages we know nothing; we believe, however, that all the people we were among live in the same way.

After having remained here three days, riding at anchor on the coast, as we could find no harbour we determined to depart, and coast along the shore to the north-east, keeping sail on the vessel only by day, and coming to anchor by night. After proceeding one hundred leagues, we found a very pleasant situation among some steep hills, through which a very large river, deep at its mouth, forced its way to the sea; ♦_New York Harbour_♦ from the sea to the estuary of the river, any ship heavily laden might pass, with the help of the tide, which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a good berth, we would not venture up in our vessel, without a knowledge of the mouth; therefore we took the boat, and entering the river, we found the country on its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much from the others, being dressed out with the feathers of birds of various colours. They came towards us with evident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration, and showing us where we could most securely land with our boat. We passed up this river, about half a league, when we found it formed a most beautiful lake three leagues in circuit, upon which they were rowing thirty or more of their small boats, from one shore to the other, filled with multitudes who came to see us. All of a sudden, as is wont to happen to navigators, a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and forced us to return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave this region which seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we supposed must also contain great riches, as the hills showed many indications of minerals. Weighing anchor, we sailed fifty leagues toward the east, as the coast stretched in that direction, and always in sight of it; ♦_Block Island_♦ at length we discovered an island of a triangular form, about ten leagues from the mainland, in size about equal to the island of Rhodes, having many hills covered with trees, and well peopled, judging from the great number of fires which we saw all around its shores; we gave it the name of your Majesty’s illustrious mother.

We did not land there, as the weather was unfavourable, but proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant from the island, where we found a very excellent harbour. ♦_Newport Harbour_♦ Before entering it, we saw about twenty small boats full of people, who came about our ship, uttering many cries of astonishment, but they would not approach nearer than within fifty paces; stopping, they looked at the structure of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they all raised a loud shout together, signifying that they were pleased. By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure with confidence, so that they came near enough for us to toss to them some little bells and glasses, and many toys, which they took and looked at, laughing, and then came on board without fear. Among them were two kings more beautiful in form and stature than can possibly be described; one was about forty years old, the other about twenty-four, and they were dressed in the following manner: The oldest had a deer’s skin around his body, artificially wrought in damask figures, his head was without covering, his hair was tied back in various knots; around his neck he wore a large chain ornamented with many stones of different colours. The young man was similar in his general appearance. This is the finest looking tribe, and the handsomest in their costumes, that we have found in our voyage. They exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair complexion; some of them incline more to a white, and others to a tawny colour; their faces are sharp, their hair long and black, upon the adorning of which they bestow great pains; their eyes are black and sharp, their expression mild and pleasant, greatly resembling the antique. I say nothing to your Majesty of the other parts of the body, which are all in good proportion, and such as belong to well-formed men. Their women are of the same form and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances and pleasing appearance in manners and modesty; they wear no clothing except a deer skin, ornamented like those worn by the men; some wear very rich lynx skins upon their arms, and various ornaments upon their heads, composed of braids of hair, which also hang down upon their breasts on each side. Others wear different ornaments, such as the women of Egypt and Syria use. The older and the married people, both men and women, wear many ornaments in their ears, hanging down in the oriental manner. We saw upon them several pieces of wrought copper, which is more esteemed by them than gold, as this is not valued on account of its colour, but is considered by them as the most ordinary of the metals--yellow being the colour especially disliked by them; azure and red are those in highest estimation with them. Of those things which we gave them, they prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other toys to hang in their ears and about their necks; they do not value or care to have silk or gold stuffs, or other kinds of cloth, nor implements of steel or iron. When we showed them our arms, they expressed no admiration, and only asked how they were made; the same was the case with the looking-glasses, which they returned to us, smiling, as soon as they had looked at them. They are very generous, giving away whatever they have. We formed a great friendship with them, and one day we entered into the port with our ship, having before rode at the distance of a league from the shore, as the weather was adverse. They came off to the ship with a number of their little boats, with their faces painted in divers colours, showing us real signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and signifying to us where we could best ride in safety with our ship, and keeping with us until we had cast anchor. We remained among them fifteen days, to provide ourselves with many things of which we were in want, during which time they came every day to see our ship, bringing with them their wives, of whom they were very careful; for, although they came on board themselves, and remained a long while, they made their wives stay in the boats, nor could we ever get them on board by any entreaties or any presents we could make them. One of the two kings often came with his queen and many attendants, to see us for his amusement; but he always stopped at the distance of about two hundred paces, and sent a boat to inform us of his intended visit, saying they would come and see our ship--this was done for safety, and as soon as they had an answer from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around; but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent the queen, with her attendants, in a very light boat, to wait, near an island a quarter of a league distant from us, while he remained a long time on board, talking with us by signs, and expressing his fanciful notions about every thing in the ship, and asking the use of all. After imitating our modes of salutation, and tasting our food, he courteously took leave of us. Sometimes, when our men stayed two or three days on a small island, near the ship, for their various necessities, as sailors are wont to do, he came with seven or eight of his attendants, to inquire about our movements, often asking us if we intended to remain there long, and offering us everything at his command, and then he would shoot with his bow, and run up and down with his people, making great sport for us. We often went five or six leagues into the interior, and found the country as pleasant as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultivation of every kind, whether of corn, wine or oil; there are open plains twenty-five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from trees or other hindrances, and of so great fertility, that whatever is sown there will yield an excellent crop. On entering the woods, we observed that they might all be traversed by an army ever so numerous; the trees of which they were composed, were oaks, cypresses, and others unknown in Europe. We found, also, apples, plumbs, filberts, and many other fruits, but all of a different kind from ours. The animals, which are in great numbers, as stags, deer, lynxes, and many other species, are taken by snares, and by bows, the latter being their chief implement; their arrows are wrought with great beauty, and for the heads of them, they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and other sharp stones, in the place of iron. They also use the same kind of sharp stones in cutting down trees, and with them they construct their boats of single logs, hollowed out with admirable skill, and sufficiently commodious to contain ten or twelve persons; their oars are short, and broad at the end, and are managed in rowing by force of the arms alone, with perfect security, and as nimbly as they choose. We saw their dwellings, which are of a circular form, of about ten or twelve paces in circumference, made of logs split in halves, without any regularity of architecture, and covered with roofs of straw, nicely put on, which protect them from wind and rain. There is no doubt that they could build stately edifices if they had workmen as skilful as ours, for the whole sea-coast abounds in shining stones, crystals, and alabaster, and for the same reason it has coverts and retreats for animals. They change their habitations from place to place as circumstances of situation and season may require; this is easily done, as they have only to take with them their mats, and they have other houses prepared at once. The father and the whole family dwell together in one house in great numbers; in some we saw twenty-five or thirty persons. Their food is pulse, as with the other tribes, which is here better than elsewhere, and more carefully cultivated; in the time of sowing they are governed by the moon, the sprouting of grain, and many other ancient usages. They live by hunting and fishing, and they are long-lived. If they fall sick, they cure themselves without medicine, by the heat of the fire, and their death at last comes from extreme old age. We judge them to be very affectionate and charitable towards their relatives--making loud lamentations in their adversity, and in their misery calling to mind all their good fortune. At their departure out of life, their relations mutually join in weeping, mingled with singing, for a long while. This is all that we could learn of them. This region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 41° 40′ of north latitude, but much colder from accidental circumstances, and not by nature, as I shall hereafter explain to your Majesty, and confine myself at present to the description of its local situation. It looks towards the south, on which side the harbour is half a league broad; afterwards, upon entering it, the extent between the coast and north is twelve leagues, and then enlarging itself it forms a very large bay, twenty leagues in circumference, in which are five small islands, of great fertility and beauty, covered with large and lofty trees. ♦_Narragansett Bay_♦ Among these islands any fleet, however large, might ride safely, without fear of tempests or other dangers. Turning towards the south, at the entrance of the harbour, on both sides, there are very pleasant hills, and many streams of clear water, which flow down to the sea. In the midst of the entrance, there is a rock of freestone, formed by nature, and suitable for the construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of the harbour.

Having supplied ourselves with every thing necessary, on the fifth of May we departed from the port, and sailed one hundred and fifty leagues, keeping so close to the coast as never to lose it from our sight; the nature of the country appeared much the same as before, but the mountains were a little higher, and all in appearance rich in minerals. We did not stop to land as the weather was very favourable for pursuing our voyage, and the country presented no variety. ♦_Cape Cod_♦ The shore stretched to the east, and fifty leagues beyond more to the north, where we found a more elevated country, full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses and the like, indicative of a cold climate. The people were entirely different from the others we had seen, whom we had found kind and gentle, but these were so rude and barbarous that we were unable by any signs we could make, to hold communication with them. They clothe themselves in the skins of bears, lynxes, seals and other animals. Their food, as far as we could judge by several visits to their dwellings, is obtained by hunting and fishing, and certain fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous growth. They have no pulse, and we saw no signs of cultivation; the land appears sterile and unfit for growing of fruit or grain of any kind. If we wished at any time to traffick with them, they came to the sea shore and stood upon the rocks, from which they lowered down by a cord to our boats beneath whatever they had to barter, continually crying out to us, not to come nearer, and instantly demanding from us that which was to be given in exchange; they took from us only knives, fish hooks and sharpened steel. No regard was paid to our courtesies; when we had nothing left to exchange with them, the men at our departure made the most brutal signs of disdain and contempt possible. Against their will we penetrated two or three leagues into the interior with twenty-five men; when we came to the shore, they shot at us with their arrows, raising the most horrible cries and afterwards fleeing to the woods. In this region we found nothing extraordinary except vast forests and some metalliferous hills, as we infer from seeing that many of the people wore copper earrings. Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering north-east, and found the country more pleasant and open, free from woods, and distant in the interior we saw lofty mountains, but none which extended to the shore. Within fifty leagues we discovered thirty-two islands, ♦_Coast of Maine_♦ all near the main land, small and of pleasant appearance, but high and so disposed as to afford excellent harbours and channels, as we see in the Adriatic gulph, near Illyria and Dalmatia. We had no intercourse with the people, but we judge that they were similar in nature and usages to those we were last among. After sailing between east and north the distance of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and finding our provisions and naval stores nearly exhausted, we took in wood and water and determined to return to France, having discovered 502, that is 700 leagues of unknown lands.

As to the religious faith of all these tribes, not understanding their language, we could not discover either by sign or gestures any thing certain. It seemed to us that they had no religion nor laws, nor any knowledge of a First Cause or Mover, that they worshipped neither the heavens, stars, sun, moon nor other planets; nor could we learn if they were given to any kind of idolatry, or offered any sacrifices or supplications, or if they have temples or houses of prayer in their villages;--our conclusion was, that they have no religious belief whatever, but live in this respect entirely free. All which proceeds from ignorance, as they are very easy to be persuaded, and imitated us with earnestness and fervour in all which they saw us do as Christians in our acts of worship.

On board the ship Dauphine, in the port of Dieppe in Normandy, the 8th of July, 1524.

Your humble servitor,
JOHN DE VERRAZZANO.

David Ingram

1568

MAINE

DAVID INGRAM _was one of the companions of Sir John Hawkins, when
he was forced to take refuge from a storm in the Mexican harbour
of San Juan de Ulua, in the autumn of 1568. After several days of
amicable traffic for the slaves brought by Hawkins from Africa, the
English ships were suddenly attacked by an overpowering Spanish
force. Hawkins succeeded in gathering most of his men into two of
the vessels, and in fighting his way out of the harbour. The escape
from danger was only temporary, however, for the two ships were
so overcrowded that it quickly became evident that they could not
possibly make the voyage across the Atlantic to England. About a
hundred men were therefore set on shore, on the northern coast of
the Gulf of Mexico. Three of these men succeeded in making their
way across the central and eastern portion of what is now the
United States. A French fur-trader found them somewhere on the
eastern Maine coast and carried them back to Europe._

_One of these trans-continental wanderers, David Ingram, wrote
an account of his adventures, in which he mingled much fiction
with some probable truth. The paragraphs reprinted here contain
the most plausible portion of his narrative. There are numerous
contemporary manuscript copies of Ingram’s narrative, testifying to
the curiosity which it excited at the time. It was first printed in
1582 by Hakluyt, who omitted it from his subsequent publications
because of its dubious veracity._

THE Relacon of _Davyd Ingram_ of _Barkinge_ in the Com of _Essex_
Saylor, being nowe abowt the age of fortye yeares, of sundrye
thinges which he with others did see in Travelinge by lande from
the moste northerlie parte of the Baye of _Mezico_ where he with
many others weare sett on shoare by M^r _Hawkyns_ throughe a greate
parte of _Ameryca_ vntill they came within fivetye leagues or
theraboutes of Cape _Britton_ which he reported vnto Sr. _ffrauncys
Walsingham_ Kt. her Majesties principall Secretarye and to Sr.
_George Peckham_ Knight and dyuers others of good iudgment and
Creditt in August and September Anno Domini 1582.

ABOUTE the beginninge of Octobar Anno Domini 1568 ♦_1568 October_♦ Davyd Ingram with the reste of his Company beinge an C. [i. e. 100] persons in all weare sett on lande by Mr. John Hawkyns about sixe leagues to the weste of the Ryvar Camina or Rio de Mynas which standethe aboute 140 leagues weste and by northe from the Cape of floryda he hathe travayled in those Countryes from beyonde terra florida extendinge towardes the Cape Britton about eleaven monethes in the whole, and aboute seaven monethes therof in those Countryes which lye towardes the northe of the Ryu of Maii. In which tyme as the saide Ingram thincketh he travayled by land 2000 myles at the leaste, and never contynued in any one place above 3 or 4. daies savinge onlye at the Cyttie of Balma where he stayed VI or VII. daies.

* * * * *

After longe travayle the foresaid Davyd Ingram with his twoe Companions Browne and Twyde came to the head of a Ryvar called Gugida ♦_St. John River_♦ which is 60 leagues weste from Cape Britton where they vnderstode by the people of that Countrye, of the arryvall of a Christyan, whervppon they made there repayer to the Sea syde, and there founde a frenche Capitaine named Mounsieur Champaine whoe toke them into his Shippe and brought them vnto Newhaven, and from thence they weare transported into England Anno Domini 1569.

This Mounsieur Champaine with dyvers of his Company was brought into the village of Baryniathe aboute twentye myles vpp into the Countrye by the saide Ex^t and his twoe Companions by whose meanes he had a trade with the people, of dyvers sortes of fyne furres and of great redde leaves of Trees almoste a yarde longe and aboute a foote broade which he thincketh are good for dyenge.

Alsoe the saide Mounsieur Champaine had there for exchange of tryflinge wares a good quantytie of rude and vnwrought sylver.

He saieth furthar that dyvers of the saide frenche men which weare in the saide Shippe called the Gargaryne, are yet lyvinge in ······· vppon the Coaste of ffraunce as he thincketh, for he did speake with some of them within these three yeares.

Aboute a fortnight after there cominge from Newhaven into England this Ex^t and his twoe Companyons came to Mr. John Hawkyns whoe had sett them on shoare vppon the Baye of Mezico, and vnto eache of them he gave a Rewarde.

Richard Browne his Companyon was slayne aboute five yeares paste in the Elizabeth of Mr. Cockens of London, and Richard Twyde his other Companyon dyed at Ratclif in John Sherwoodes howse there aboute three yeares paste.

Grando is a word of salutacion, as amonge vs good morrowe good even god save you, and such like.

Garriccona a Kinge.

Garraccona a Lorde.

Tona Bredde.

Carningnaz, the privyties.

Kerrucca the sonne.

Alsoe the saide Davyd Ingram travelinge towardes the northe founde the mayne Sea vppon the northe syde of Ameryca, ♦_Great Lakes_♦ and travayled in the sighte therof the space of twoe whole dayes, where the people signifyed vnto him that they had seene Shippes on that Coaste and did drawe vppon the grounde the Shape and signe of Shippes and of there Sales and flagges which thinge especyallye provethe the passage of the northe weste and is agreable to the experyence of the Spanishe Captaine Vasques de Coronado, founde a Shippe of China or Caytaia vppon the northe weste of Ameryca.

Bartholomew Gosnold

1602

BUZZARD’S BAY

BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD _and Bartholomew Gilbert, the latter a son
of Sir Humphrey, visited the south-eastern New England coast in
the summer of 1602, for the purpose of finding out what chances
there were for profitable trading in that region. They probably
chose this locality because it had not before been explored by
English sailors, and because they sailed without a license from
Sir Walter Ralegh, to whom had been granted the exclusive right of
English trade with that part of the world. Had they succeeded in
returning undetected to England, nobody to-day would know anything
about the details of their voyage. A sudden drop in the price of
sassafras showed Ralegh that something was wrong, and investigation
soon brought their cargo to light. As some men prominent in the
court circle had taken shares in the Gosnold-Gilbert venture,
a compromise was arranged to avoid public scandal, and Ralegh
allowed the report to go out that he had authorized the voyage. An
account of the voyage, written by John Brereton, was published for
circulation among those who it was hoped might subscribe toward the
cost of equipping another expedition to the same locality._

A
Briefe and true Relation of
the Discouerie of the North
part of _Virginia_; being a
most pleasant, fruitfull
and commodious
soile:

Made this present yeere 1602, by
Captaine _Bartholomew Gosnold_, Captaine
_Bartholowmew Gilbert_, and diuers
other gentlemen their associates, by the
permission of the honourable knight,
Sir WALTER RALEGH, &c.

_Written by M._ John Brereton
_one of the voyage_.

Whereunto is annexed a Treatise,
of M. _Edward Hayes_, conteining important
inducements for the planting in those
parts, and finding a passage that
way to the South sea,
and _China_.

_With diuers instructions of speciall moment
newly added in this second impression._

LONDINI,
_Impensis_ Geor. Bishop.
1602.]

TO THE HONOURABLE Sir WALTER RALEGH, _Kt., Captaine of her_
Maiesties Guards, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, Lieutenant of
_Cornwall_, and Gouernour of the Isle of _Jersey_.

HONOURABLE sir, being earnestly requested by a deere friend, ♦_1602_♦ to put downe in writing, some true relation of our late performed voyage to the North parts of _Virginia_; at length I resolued to satisfie his request, who also imboldened me, to direct the same to your honourable consideration; to whom indeed of duetie it perteineth.