Skip to content

Chapter VII: Part 7

Text size

Of Mynes of Golde and Silver, Copper, and probabilities of Lead, Christall and Allum, I could say much if relations were good assurances. It is true indeed, I made many trials according to those instructions I had, which doe perswade mee I need not despaire, but there are metalls in the Countrey: but I am no Alchymist, nor will promise more then I know: which is, Who will undertake the rectifying of an Iron forge, if those that buy meate, drinke, coals, ore, and all necessaries at a deer rate gaine; where all these things are to be had for the taking up, in my opinion cannot lose.

Of woods, seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if those that build ships and boates, buy wood at so great a price, as it is in England, Spaine, France, Italy, and Holland, and all other provisions for the nourishing of mans life; live well by their trade: when labour is all required to take those necessaries without any other tax; what hazard will be here, but doe much better? And what commoditie in Europe doth more decay then wood? For the goodnesse of the ground, let us take it fertill, or barren, or as it is: seeing it is certaine it beares fruites, to nourish and feed man and beast, as well as England, and the Sea those severall sorts of fish I have related. Thus seeing all good provisions for mans sustenance, may with this facility be had, by a little extraordinarie labour, till that transported be increased; and all necessaries for shipping, onely for labour: to which may bee added the assistance of the Salvages, which may easily be had, if they be discreetly handled in their kindes, towards fishing, planting and destroying woods. What gaines might be raised if this were followed (when there is but once men to fill your store houses, dwelling there, you may serve all Europe better and farre cheaper, then can the Izeland fishers, or the Hollanders, Cape blank, or New found Land: who must be at as much more charge than you) may easily be coniectured by this example.

2000. pound will fit out a ship of 200. and 1 of a 100 tuns: If the dry fish they both make, fraught that of 200. and goe for Spaine, sell it but at ten shillings a quintall; but commonly it giveth fifteen, or twentie: especially when it commeth first, which amounts to 3 or 4000 pound: but say but tenne, which is the lowest, allowing the rest for waste, it amounts at that rate, to 2000 pound, which is the whole charge of your two ships, and their equipage: Then the returne of the money, and the fraught of the ship for the vintage, or any other voyage, is cleere gaine, with your shippe of a 100 tuns of Train and oyle, besides the bevers, and other commodities; and that you may have at home within six monethes, if God please but to send an ordinarie passage. Then saving halfe this charge by the not staying of your ships, your victual, overplus of men and wages; with her fraught thither of things necessarie for the planters, the salt being there made: as also may the nets and lines, within a short time: if nothing were to bee expected but this, it might in time equalize your Hollanders gaines, if not exceed them: they returning but wood, pitch, tarre, and such grosse commodities; you wines, oyles, fruits, silkes, and such Straits commodities, as you please to provide by your Factors, against such times as your shippes arrive with them. This would so increase our shipping and sailers, and so employ and encourage a great part of our idlers and others that want imployments fitting their qualities at home, where they shame to doe that they would doe abroad; that could they but once taste the sweet fruites of their owne labours, doubtlesse many thousands would be advised by good discipline, to take more pleasure in honest Industrie, then in their humours of dissolute idlenesse.

But, to returne a little more to the particulars of this Countrey, which I intermingle thus with my proiects and reasons, not being so sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts, to write fully the estate of the Sea, the Ayre, the Land, the Fruites, the Rocks, the People, the Government, Religion, Territories, and Limitations, Friends, and Foes: but, as I gathered from the niggardly relations in a broken language to my understanding, during the time I ranged those countries &c. The most Northren part I was at, was the Bay of Pennobscot, ♦_Penobscot_♦ which is East and West, North and South, more then ten leagues: but such were my occasions, I was constrained to be satisfied of them I found in the Bay, that the River ranne farre up into the Land, and was well inhabited with many people, but they were from their habitations, either fishing among the Iles, or hunting the Lakes and Woods, for Deer and Bevers. The Bay is full of great Ilands, of one, two, six, eight, or ten miles in length, which divides it into many faire and excellent good harbours. On the East of it, are the Tarrantines, their mortall enemies, where inhabit the French, as they report that live with those people, as one nation or family. And Northwest of Pennobscot is Mecaddacut, at the foot of a high mountaine, a kinde of fortresse against the Tarrantines, adioyning to the high mountaines of Pennobscot, against whose feet doth beat the Sea: But over all the Land, Iles, or other impediments, you may well see them sixteene or eighteene leagues from their situation. Segocket is the next; then Nusconcus, Pemmaquid, and Sagadahock. Up this river where was the westerne plantation are Aumuckcawgen, Kinnebeck, and divers others, where there is planted some corne fields. Along this River 40 or 50 miles, I saw nothing but great high cliffes of barren Rocks, overgrowne with wood: but where the Salvages dwelt there the ground is exceeding fat and fertill. Westward of this River, is the Countrey of Aucocisco, in the bottome of a large deepe Bay, full of many great Iles, which divides it into many good harbours. Sowocotuck is the next, in the edge of a large sandy Bay, which hath many Rocks and Iles, but few good harbours, but for Barks, I yet know. But all this Coast to Pennobscot, and as farre I could see Eastward of it is nothing but such high craggy Cliffy Rocks and stony Iles, that I wondered such great trees could growe upon so hard foundations. It is a Countrie rather to affright, then delight one. And how to describe a more plaine spectacle of desolation or more barren I knowe not. Yet the Sea there is the strangest fish-pond I ever saw; and those barren Iles so furnished with good woods, springs, fruits, fish, and fowle, that it makes mee thinke though the Coast be rockie, and thus affrightable; the Vallies, Plaines, and interior parts, may well (notwithstanding) be verie fertile. But there is no kingdom so fertile hath not some part barren: and New England is great enough, to make many Kingdomes and Countries, were it all inhabited. As you passe the Coast still Westward, Accominticus and Passataquack are two convenient harbors for small barks; and a good Countrie, within their craggie cliffs. Angoam is the next; This place might content a right curious iudgement: but there are many sands at the entrance of the harbor: and the worst is, it is inbayed too farre from the deepe Sea. Heere are many rising hilles, and on their tops and descents many corne fields, and delightfull groves. On the East, is an Ile of two or three leagues in length; the one halfe, plaine morish grasse fit for pasture, with many faire high groves of mulberrie trees gardens: and there is also Okes, Pines, and other woods to make this place an excellent habitation, beeing a good and safe harbor.

Naimkeck though it be more rockie ground (for Angoam is sandie) not much inferior; neither for the harbor, nor any thing I could perceive, but the multitude of people. From hence doth stretch into the Sea the faire headland Tragabigzanda, fronted with three Iles called the three Turks heads: to the North of this, doth enter a great Bay, where wee founde some habitations and corne fields: they report a great River, and at least thirtie habitations, doo possesse this Countrie. But because the French had got their trade, I had no leasure to discover it. The Iles of Mattahunts are on the West side of this Bay, where are many Iles, and questionlesse good harbors: and then the Countrie of the Massachusets, which is the Paradise of all those parts: for, heere are many Iles all planted with corne; groves, mulberries, salvage gardens, and good harbors: the Coast is for the most part, high clayie sandie cliffs. The Sea Coast as you passe, shewes you all along large corne fields, and great troupes of well proportioned people: but the French having remained heere neere sixe weekes, left nothing for us to take occasion to examine the inhabitants relations, viz. if there be neer three thousand people upon these Iles; and that the River doth pearce many daies iourneis the intralles of that Countrey. We found the people in those parts verie kinde; but in their furie no lesse valiant. For, upon a quarrell wee had with one of them, hee onely with three others crossed the harbor of Quonahassit to certaine rocks whereby wee must passe; and there let flie their arrowes for our shot, till we were out of danger.

Then come you to Accomack, an excellent good harbor, good land; and no want of any thing, but industrious people. After much kindnesse, upon a small occasion, wee fought also with fortie or fiftie of those: though some were hurt, and some slaine; yet within an houre after they became friendes. Cape Cod is the next presents it selfe: which is onely a headland of high hils of sand, ♦_Cape Cod_♦ overgrowne with shrubbie pines, hurts, and such trash; but an excellent harbor for all weathers. This Cape is made by the maine Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in forme of a sickle: on it doth inhabit the people of Pawmet: and in the bottome of the Bay, the people of Chawum. Towards the South and South west of this Cape, is found a long and dangerous shoale of sands and rocks. But so farre as I incircled it, I found thirtie fadom water aboard the shore and a strong current: which makes mee think there is a Channell about this shoale; where is the best and greatest fish to be had, Winter and Summer, in all that Countrie. But, the Salvages say there is no Channell, but that the shoales beginne from the maine at Pawmet, to the Ile of Nausit; and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea. The next to this is Capawack, and those abounding Countries of copper, corne, people, and mineralls; which I went to discover this last yeare: but because I miscarried by the way, I will leave them, till God please I have better acquaintance with them.

The Massachusets, they report, sometimes have warres with the Bashabes of Pennobscot; and are not alwaies friends with them of Chawum and their alliants: but now they are all friends, and have each trade with other, so farre as they have societie, on each others frontiers. For they make no such voiages as from Pennobscot to Cape Cod; seldom to Massachewset. In the North (as I have said) they begunne to plant corne, whereof the South part hath such plentie, as they have what they will from them of the North; and in the Winter much more plenty of fish and foule: but both Winter and Summer hath it in the one part or other all the yeare; being the meane and most indifferent temper, betwixt heat and colde, of all the regions betwixt the Lyne and the Pole: but the furs Northward are much better, and in much more plentie, then Southward.

The remarkablest Iles and mountains for Landmarkes are these; The highest Ile or Sorico, in the Bay of Pennobscot: but the three Iles and a rock of Matinnack are much furder in the Sea; Metinicus is also three plaine Iles and a rock, betwixt it and Monahigan: Monahigan is a rounde high Ile; and close by it Monanis, betwixt which is a small harbor where we ride. In Damerils Iles is such another: Sagadahock is knowne by Satquin, and foure or five Iles in the mouth. Smyths Iles are a heape together, none neere them, against Accominticus. The three Turks heads are three Iles seen far to Sea-ward in regard of the head-land.

The cheefe headlands are onely Cape Tragabigzanda and Cape Cod.

The cheefe mountaines, them of Pennobscot: the twinkling mountaine of Aucocisco; the greate mountaine of Sasanou; and the high mountaine of Massachusit: each of which you shall finde in the Mappe; their places, formes, and altitude. The waters are most pure, proceeding from the intrals of rockie mountaines; the hearbes and fruits are of many sorts and kindes: as alkermes, currans, or a fruit like currans, mulberries, vines, respices, goosberries, plummes, walnuts, chesnuts, small nuts, &c. pumpions, gourds, strawberries, beans, pease, and mayze: a kinde or two of flax, wherewith they make nets, lines and ropes both small and great, verie strong for their quantities.

Oke, is the chiefe wood; of which there is great difference in regard of the soyle where it groweth, firre, pyne, walnut, chestnut, birch, ash, elme, cypresse, ceder, mulberrie, plum-tree, hazell, saxefrage, and many other sorts.

Eagles, Gripes, diverse sorts of Haukes, Cranes, Geese, Brants, Cormorants, Ducks, Sheldrakes, Teale, Meawes, Guls, Turkies, Dive-doppers, and many other sorts, whose names I knowe not.

Whales, Grampus, Porkpisces, Turbot, Sturgion, Cod, Hake, Haddock, Cole, Cusk, or small Ling, Shark, Mackerrell, Herring, Mullet, Base, Pinacks, Cunners, Pearch, Eels, Crabs, Lobsters, Muskles, Wilkes, Oysters, and diverse others &c.

Moos, a beast bigger than a Stagge; Deere, red, and Fallow; Bevers, Wolves, Foxes, both blacke and other; Aroughconds, Wild-cats, Beares, Otters, Martins, Fitches, Musquassus, and diverse sorts of vermine, whose names I know not. All these and divers other good things do heere, for want of use, still increase, and decrease with little diminution, whereby they growe to that abundance. You shall scarce finde any Baye, shallow shore or Cove of sand, where you may not take many Clampes, or Lobsters, or both at your pleasure, and in many places lode your boat if you please; Nor Iles where you finde not fruits, birds, crabs, and muskles, or all of them, for taking, at a lowe water. And in the harbors we frequented, a little boye might take of Cunners, and Pinacks, and such delicate fish, at the ships sterne, more than sixe or tenne can eate in a daie; but with a casting net, thousands when wee pleased: and scarce any place, but Cod, Cuske, Holybut, Mackerell, Scate, or such like, a man may take with a hooke or line what he will. And, in diverse sandy Baies, a man may draw with a net great store of Mullets, Bases, and diverse other sorts of such excellent fish, as many as his Net can drawe on shore: no River where there is not plentie of Sturgion, or Salmon, or both; all which are to be had in abundance observing but their seasons. But if a man will goe at Christmasse to gather Cherries in Kent, he may be deceived; though there be plentie in Summer: so, heere these plenties have each their seasons, as I have expressed. We for the most part had little but bread and vinegar: and though the most part of Iuly when the fishing decaied they wrought all day, laie abroade in the Iles all night, and lived on what they found, yet were not sicke: But I would wish none put himself long to such plunges; except necessitie constraine it: yet worthy is that person to starve that heere cannot live; if he have sense, strength and health: for there is no such penury of these blessings in any place, but that a hundred men may, in one houre or two, make their provisions for a day: and hee that hath experience to manage well these affaires, with fortie or thirtie honest industrious men, might well undertake (if they dwell in these parts) to subiect the Salvages, and feed daily two or three hundred men, with as good corne, fish and flesh, as the earth hath of those kindes, and yet make that labor but their pleasure: provided that they have engins, that be proper for their purposes.

Who can desire more content, that hath small meanes; or but only his merit to advance his fortune, then to tread, and plant that ground hee hath purchased by the hazard of his life? If he have but the taste of virtue, and magnanimitie, what to such a minde can bee more pleasant, then planting and building a foundation for his Posteritie, gotte from the rude earth, by Gods blessing and his owne industrie, without prejudice to any? If hee have any graine of faith or zeale in Religion, what can hee doe lesse hurtfull to any; or more agreeable to God, then to seeke to convert those poore Salvages to know Christ, and humanitie, whose labors with discretion will triple requite thy charge and paines? What so truely sutes with honour and honestie, as the discovering things unknowne? erecting Townes, peopling Countries, informing the ignorant, reforming things unjust, teaching virtue; and gaine to our Native mother-countrie a kingdom to attend her; finde imployment for those that are idle, because they know not what to doe: so farre from wronging any, as to cause Posteritie to remember thee; and remembering thee, ever honour that remembrance with praise?

Thomas Dermer

1619

MAINE AND CAPE COD

THOMAS DERMER _made his first voyage to New England in 1615.
The following year he sailed to Newfoundland, where he may have
remained until late in 1618. In 1619 he visited New England again,
going from there to Virginia. He wrote an account of this voyage
for Samuel Purchas, who printed it in the fourth volume of “Purchas
his Pilgrimes,” published at London in 1625._

_Dermer’s account of another voyage northward from Virginia, in
the course of which he found divers ships from Amsterdam and Horne
trading with the natives on the Delaware and Hudson rivers, was
presented to the Virginia Company in London, on July 10, 1621._

_To his Worshipfull Friend_ M. SAMVEL PVRCHAS, _Preacher of the
Word, at the Church a little within_ Ludgate, London.

_Sir_,

IT was the nineteenth of May, ♦_1619 May_♦ before I was fitted for my discouery, when from _Monahiggan_ I set sayle in an open Pinnace of fiue tun, for the Iland I told you of. ♦_Monhegan_♦ I passed alongst the Coast where I found some antient Plantations, not long since populous now vtterly void; in other places a remnant remaines, but not free of sicknesse. Their disease the Plague, for wee might perceiue the sores of some that had escaped, who described the spots of such as vsually die. When I arriued at my Sauages natiue Country (finding all dead) I trauelled alongst a daies iourney Westward, to a place called _Nummastaquyt_, where finding Inhabitants, I dispatched a Messenger a dayes iourney further West, to _Poconaokit_ which bordereth on the Sea; whence came to see me two Kings, attended with a guard of fiftie armed men, who being well satisfied with that my Sauage and I discoursed vnto them (being desirous of noueltie) gaue mee content in whasoeuer I demanded, where I found that former relations were true. Here I redeemed a _Frenchman_, and afterwards another at _Mastachusit_, who three yeeres since escaped shipwracke at the North-east of Cape _Cod_. I must (amongst many things worthy obseruation) for want of leisure, therefore hence I passe (not mentioning any place where we touched in the way) to the Iland, which wee discouered the twelfth of Iune. ♦_June_♦ Here we had good quarter with the Sauages, who likewise confirmed former reports. I found seuen seuerall places digged, sent home of the earth, with samples of other commodities elsewhere found, sounded the Coast, and the time being farre spent bare vp for _Monahiggan_, arriuing the three and [twen]tieth of Iune, where wee found our Ship ready to depart. To this Ile are two other neere adioyning, all which I called by the name of King _Iames_ his Iles, because from thence I had the first motiues to search. For that (now probable passage) which may hereafter be both honourable and profitable to his Maiestie. When I had dispatched with the ships ready to depart, I thus concluded for the accomplishing my businesse. In regard of the fewnesse of my men, not being able to leaue behind mee a competent number for defence, and yet sufficiently furnish my selfe, I put most of my prouisions aboord the _Sampson_ of Cape _Ward_ ready bound for _Virginia_, from whence hee came, taking no more into the Pinnace then I thought might serue our turnes, determining with Gods helpe to search the Coast along, and at _Virginia_ to supply our selues for a second discouery, if the first failed. But as the best actions are commonly hardest in effecting and are seldome without their crosses, so in this we had our share, and met with many difficulties: for wee had not sayled aboue forty leagues, but wee were taken with a Southerly storme, which draue vs to this strait; eyther we must weather a rockie point of Land, or run into a broad Bay no lesse dangerous; _Incidit in Syllam, &c._ the Rockes wee could not weather, though wee loosed till we receiued much water, but at last were forced to beare vp for the Bay, and run on ground a furlong off the shoare, where we had beene beaten to pieces, had wee not instantly throwne ouerboord our prouisions to haue our liues; by which meanes we escaped and brought off our Pinnace the next high water without hurt, hauing our Planke broken, and a small leake or two which we easily mended. Being left in this misery, hauing lost much bread, all our Beefe and Sider, some Meale and Apparell, with other prouisions and necessaries; having now little left besides hope to encourage vs to persist: Yet after a little deliberation we resolued to proceed and departed with the next faire winde. We had not now that faire quarter amongst the Sauages as before, which I take it was by reason of our Sauages absence, who desired (in regard of our long iourney) to stay with some of our Sauage friends at _Sawahquatooke_, for now almost euery where, where they were of any strength they sought to betray vs. At _Manamock_ ♦_Monomoy_♦ (the Southerne part of Cape _Cod_, now called _Sutcliffe Inlets_) I was vnawares taken prisoner, when they sought to kill my men, which I left to man the Pinnace; but missing of their purpose, they demanded a ransome, which had, I was as farre from libertie as before; yet it pleased God at last, after a strange manner to deliuer me, with three of them into my hands, and a little after the chiefe _Sacheum_ himselfe; who seeing me weigh anchor, would haue leaped ouerboord, but intercepted, craued pardon, and sent for the Hatchets giuen for ransome, excusing himselfe by laying the fault on his neighbours; and to be friends sent for a _Canoas_ lading of Corne, which receiued we set him free. I am loth to omit the story, wherein you would finde cause to admire the great mercy of God euen in our greatest misery, in giuing vs both freedome and reliefe at one time. Departing hence, the next place we arriued at was _Capaock_, an Iland formerly discouered by the _English_, where I met with _Epinew_ a Sauage that had liued in _England_, and speakes indifferent good _English_, who foure yeeres since being carried home, was reported to haue beene slaine, with diuers of his Countreymen, by Saylors, which was false. With him I had much conference, who gaue mee very good satisfaction in euery thing almost I could demand. Time not permitting mee to search here, which I should haue done for sundry things of speciall moment: the wind faire, I stood away shaping my course as the Coast led mee, till I came to the most Westerly part where the Coast began to fall away Southerly. In my way I discouered Land about thirtie leagues in length, ♦_Martha’s Vineyard_♦ heretofore taken for Mayne, where I feared I had beene imbayed, but by the helpe of an _Indian_ I got to the Sea againe, through many crooked and streight passages. I let passe many accidents in this iourney occasioned by treacherie, where wee were compelled twice to goe together by the eares, once the Sauages had great advantage of vs in a streight, not aboue a Bowe shot, and where a multitude of _Indians_ let flye at vs from the banke, but it pleased God to make vs victours: neere vnto this wee found a most dangerous Catwract amongst small rockie Ilands, occasioned by two vnequall tydes, the one ebbing and flowing two houres before the other: here wee lost an Anchor by the strength of the current, but found it deepe enough: from hence were wee carried in a short space by the tydes swiftnesse into a great Bay (to vs so appearing) but indeede is broken land, which gaue vs light of the Sea: here, as I said, the Land treadeth Southerly. In this place I talked with many Saluages, who told me of two sundry passages to the great Sea on the West, ♦_Long Island Sound_♦ offered me Pilots, and one of them drew mee a Plot with Chalke vpon a Chest, whereby I found it a great Iland, parted the two Seas; they report the one scarce passable for shoalds, perillous currents, the other no question to be made of. Hauing receiued these directions, I hastened to the place of greatest hope, where I purposed to make triall of Gods goodnesse towards vs, and vse my best endeuour to bring the truth to light, but wee were but onely shewed the entrance, where in seeking to passe wee were forced backe with contrary and ouerblowing windes, hardly escaping both our liues. Being thus ouercharged with weather, I stood alongst the coast to seeke harbours, to attend a fauourable gale to recouer the streight, but being a harbourlesse Coast for ought we could then perceiue, wee found no succour till wee arriued betwixt Cape _Charles_ and the Maine on the East side the Bay _Chestapeake_, ♦_Chesapeake Bay_♦ where in a wilde Roade wee anchored; and the next day (the eight of September) crossed the Bay to _Kecoughtan_, where the first newes strooke cold to our hearts, the general sicknesse ouer the Land. Here I resolued with all possible speede to returne in pursuite of this businesse, so that after a little refreshing, wee recouered vp the Riuer to _Iames_ Citie, and from thence to Cape _Warde_ his _Plantacon_, where immediately wee fell to hewing of Boords for a close Decke, hauing found it a most desired course to attempt as before. As wee were thus labouring to effect our purposes, it pleased almighty God (who onely disposeth of the times and seasons, wherein all workes shall be accomplished) to visite vs with his heauie hand, so that at one time there were but two of vs able to helpe the rest, my selfe so sore shaken with a burning feauer, that I was brought euen vnto deaths doore, but at length by Gods assistance escaped, and haue now with the rest almost recouered my former strength. The Winter hauing ouertaken vs (a time on these Coasts especially) subiect to gusts and fearefull storms, I haue now resolued to choose a more temperate season, both for the generall good and our owne safeties. And thus I haue sent you a broken discourse, though indeede very vnwilling to haue giuen any notice at all, till it had pleased God to haue blessed mee with a thorow search, that our eyes might haue witnessed the truth. I haue drawne a Plot of the Coast, which I dare not yet part with for feare of danger, let this therefore serue for confirmation of your hopes, till I can better performe my promise and your desire; for what I haue spoken I can produce at least _mille testes_; farre separate, of the Sea behinde them, and of Ships, which come many dayes iourney from the West, and of the great extent of this Sea to the North and South, not knowing any bounds thereof Westward. I cease to trouble you till a better opportunity offer it selfe, remembring my best loue, &c. I rest

_Yours to command_,
_THO. DERMER_.

_From Captaine MARTYN his Plantation.
27 Decemb. 1619._

Christopher Levett

1624

YORK AND PORTLAND

CHRISTOPHER LEVETT, _who was born in York, England, in 1586, landed
on the Isles of Shoals in the autumn of 1623. Finding that this was
no place for a permanent settlement, he crossed to the mouth of
the Piscataqua River, where Robert Gorges, who had recently been
appointed governor of the territory granted to the Council for New
England, was making his colonial headquarters. Levett had been
given the right to settle and hold six thousand acres wherever he
might choose to locate within this territory. He selected an island
at the mouth of Portland harbour. There he left ten men to maintain
his possession while he went back to England for recruits and
supplies. To assist in securing these, he wrote an account of the
country and of his adventures therein, which he doubtless intended
to print as soon as he returned home. A variety of causes hindered
the carrying out of his plans, and the book was not published
until 1628. The chapters now reprinted are those which contain
the account of his experiences in New England. These chapters, as
well as the extracts from Purchas and other works not otherwise
credited, are taken from the copies of the original editions in the
John Carter Brown Library at Providence, Rhode Island._

MY DISCOUERY of diverse Riuers and Harbours, with their names, and
which are fit for Plantations, and which not.

THE first place I set my foote vpon in _New England_, ♦_1623_♦ was the Isles of _Shoulds_, being Ilands in the Sea, about two Leagues from the Mayne.

Vpon these Ilands, I neither could see one good timber tree, nor so much good ground as to make a garden.

The place is found to be a good fishing place for 6 Shippes, but more cannot well be there for want of convenient stage-roome, as this yeare’s experience hath proved.

The Harbor is but indifferent good. Vpon these Ilands are no Savages at all.

The next place I came vnto was _Pannaway_, ♦_Piscataqua River_♦ where one _M. Tomson_ hath made a Plantation, there I stayed about one Moneth in which time I sent for my men from the East: who came over in diverse Shipps.

At this place I met with the Governour, who came thither in a Barke which he had from one _M. Weston_ about 20 dayes before I arived in the Land.

The Governour then told me that I was joyned with him in Commission as a Counsellor, which being read I found it was so. And he then, in the presence of three more of the Counsell, administered unto me an oath.

After the meeting of my men, I went a coasting in two boats with all my company.

In the time I stayd with _M. Tomson_, I surveyed as much as possible I could, the wether being vnseasonable, and very much snow.

In those parts I saw much good Timber. But the ground it seemed to me not to be good, being very rockey and full of trees and brush-wood.

There is great store of fowle of diverse sorts, wherof I fed very plentifully.

About two English miles further to the East, I found a great River and a good harbour called _Pascattaway_. But for the ground I can say nothing, but by the relation of the _Sagamore_ or King of that place, who told me there was much good ground up in the river about seven or eight leagues.

About two leagues further to the East, is another great river called _Aquamenticus_. ♦_York River_♦ There I think a good plantation may be settled, for there is a good harbour for ships, good ground, and much already cleared, fit for planting of corne and other fruits, having heretofore ben planted by the Salvages who are all dead. There is good timber, and likely to be good fishing, but as yet there hath beene no tryall made that I can heare of.

About 6 leagues further to the East is a harbour called _Cape Porpas_, the which is indifferent good for 6 shippes, and it is generally thought to be an excellent place for fish, but as yet there hath been no tryall made, but there may be a good plantation seated, for there is good Timber and good ground, but will require some labour and charge.

About foure leagues further East, there is another harbour called _Sawco_ (betweene this place and _Cape Porpas_ I lost one of my men) before we could recover the harbour a great fog or mist tooke us that we could not see a hundred yards from us. I perceiving the fog to come upon the Sea, called for a Compasse and set the Cape land, by which wee knew how to steare our course, which was no sooner done but wee lost sight of land, and my other boate, and the winde blew fresh against us, so that we were enforced to strike saile and betake us to our Oares which wee used with all the wit and strength we had, but by no meanes could we recover the shore that night, being imbayed and compassed round with breaches, which roared in a most fearfull manner on every side us; wee took counsell in this extremity one of another what to doe to save our lives, at length we resolved that to put to sea againe in the night was no fit course, the storme being great, and the winde blowing right of the shore, and to runne our boate on the shore amongst the breaches, (which roared in a most fearefull manner) and cast her away and indanger ourselves we were loath to do, seeing no land nor knowing where we were. At length I caused our Killick (which was all the Anker we had) to be cast forth, and one continually to hold his hand upon the roode or cable, by which we knew whether our ancker held or no: which being done wee commended our selues to God by prayer, & put on a resolution to be as comfortable as we could, and so fell to our victuals. Thus we spent that night, and the next morning, with much adoe we got into Sawco, where I found my other boate.

There I stayed fiue nights, the winde beinge contrary, and the weather very unseasonable, hauing much raine and snow, and continuall foggse.

We built us our Wigwam, or house, in one houres space, it had no frame, but was without forme or fashion, onely a few poles set up together, and couered with our boates sailes which kept forth but a little winde, and lesse raigne and snow.

Our greatest comfort we had, next unto that which was spirituall, was this we had foule enough for killing, wood enough for felling, and good fresh water enough for drinking.

But our beds was the wet ground, and our bedding our wet cloaths. Wee had plenty of Craine, Goose, Duckes and Mallard, with other fowle, both boyled and rosted, but our spits and racks were many times in danger of burning before the meate was ready (being but wooden ones.)

After I had stayed there three daies, and no likelyhood of a good winde to carrie vs further, I tooke with me six of my men, and our Armes, and walked along the shore, to discouer as much by land as I could: after I had travelled about two English miles I met with a riuer which stayed me that I could goe no further by land that day, but returned to our place of habitation where we rested that night (hauing our lodging amended) for the day being dry I caused all my company to accompany mee to a marsh ground, where wee gathered euery man his burthen of long dry grasse, which being spread in our Wigwam or House, I praise God I rested as contentedly as euer I did in all my life. And then came into my minde an old merry saying, which I haue heard of a beggar boy, who said if euer he should attaine to be a King, he would haue a breast of mutton with a pudding in it, and lodge euery night vp to the eares in drye straw; and thus I made myselfe and my company as merry as I could, with this and some other conceits, making this vse of all, that it was much better then wee deserued at Gods hands, if he should deale with vs according to our sinnes.

The next morning I caused 4 of my men to rowe my lesser boate to this riuer, who with much adoe got in myselfe, and 3 more going by land: but by reason of the extremitie of the wether we were enforced to stay there that night, and were constrained to sleepe vpon the riuer banke, being the best place wee could finde, the snowe being very deepe.

The next morning wee were enforced to rise betime, for the tyde came vp so high that it washed away our fire, and would haue serued vs so too if we had not kept watch: So wee went over the riuer in our boate, where I caused some to stay with her, myselfe being desirous to discouer further by land, I tooke with me foure men and walked along the shore about sixe English miles further to the East, where I found another riuer, which staied mee. So we returned backe to Sawco, where the rest of my company and my other boate lay. That night I was exceeding sicke, by reason of the wet and cold and much toyling of my body: but thankes be to God I was indifferent well the next morning, and the winde being faire we put to sea, and that day came to _Quack_.

But before I speak of this place I must say something of _Sawco_, ♦_Saco_♦ and the too riuers which I discouered in that bay, which I thinke neuer Englishman saw before.

_Sawco_ is about one league to the North-east of a cape land. And about one English mile from the maine lieth sixe Ilands, which make an indifferent good harbour. And in the maine there is a Coue or gutt, which is about a cables length in bredth, and too cables length long, there two good Ships may ride, being well mored a head and starne; and within the Coue there is a great Marsh, where at a high water a hundredth sayle of Ships may floate, and be free from all winds, but at low water must ly a ground, but being soft oase they can take no hurte.

In this place there is a world of fowle, much good timber, and a great quantetie of cleare ground and good, if it be not a little too sandy. There hath beene more fish taken within too leagues of this place this yeare then in any other in the land.

The riuer next to _Sawco_ eastwards, which I discovered by land, and after brought my boat into, is the strangest river that ever my eyes beheld. It flowes at the least ten foot water upright, and yet the ebbe runs so strong that the tyde doth not stem it. At three quarters floud my men were scarce able with foure Oares to rowe ahead. And more then that, at full Sea I dipped my hand in the water, quite without the mouth of the River, in the very main Ocean, and it was as fresh as though it had been taken from the head of a Spring.

This River, as I am told by the _Salvages_, commeth from a great mountaine called the Christall hill, being as they say 100 miles in the Country, yet is it to be seene at the sea side, and there is no ship ariues in _New England_, either to the West so farre as _Cape Cod_, or to the East so farre as _Monhiggen_, but they see this Mountaine the first land, if the weather be cleere.

The next river Eastward which I discovered by land, is about sixe miles from the other. About these two riuers I saw much good timber and sandy ground, there is also much fowle, fish and other commodities: but these places are not fit for plantation for the present, because there is no good comming in, either for ship, or boate, by reason of a sandy breach which lyeth alongst the shore, and makes all one breach.

And now in its place I come to _Quack_, which I haue named _Yorke_. At this place there fished divers ships of _Waymouth_ this yeare.

It lyeth about two leagues to the East of _Cape Elizabeth_. It is a Bay or Sound ♦_Portland Harbour_♦ betwixt the Maine and certaine Ilands which lyeth in the sea about one English mile and halfe.

There are foure Ilands which makes one good harbour, there is very good fishing, much fowle and the mayne as good ground as any can desire. There I found one River wherein the Savages say there is much _Salmon_ and other good fish. In this Bay, there hath ben taken this yeare 4. _Sturgions_, by fishermen who driue only for _Herrings_, so that it is likely there may be good store taken if there were men fit for that purpose. This River I made bold to call by my owne name _Levetts_ river, ♦_Fore River_♦ being the first that discovered it. How farre this river is Navigable I cannot tell, I haue ben but 6. miles up it, but on both sides is goodly ground.

In the same Bay I found another River, ♦_Presumpscot River_♦ up which I went about three miles, and found a great fall, of water much bigger than the fall at _London_ bridge, at low water; further a boate cannot goe, but above the fall the River runnes smooth againe.

Iust at this fall of water the _Sagamore_ or King of that place hath a house, where I was one day when there were two _Sagamors_ more, their wiues and children, in all about 50. and we were but 7. They bid me welcome and gaue me such victualls as they had, and I gaue them Tobacco and Aqua vitæ.

After I had spent a little time with them I departed & gaue them a small shot, and they gaue me another. And the great _Sagamore_ of the East country, whom the rest doe acknowledge to be chiefe amongst them, hee gaue unto me a Bevers skin, which I thankfully received, and so in great loue we parted. On both sides this river there is goodly ground.

From this harbour to _Sagadahock_, which is about 8. or 9. leagues, is all broken Ilands in the Sea, which makes many excellent good Harbours, where a thousand saile of Shipps may ride in safety; the sound going up within the Ilands to the Cape of _Sagadahock_.

In the way betwixt _Yorke_ and _Sagadahock_ lyeth _Cascoe_, ♦_Casco Bay_♦ a good harbour, good fishing, good ground, and much fowle. And I am perswaded that from _Cape Elizabeth_ to _Sagadahock_, which is aboue 30 leagues to follow the Maine, is all exceeding commodious for Plantations: and that there may be 20 good Townes well seated, to take the benefit both of the sea, and fresh Rivers.

For _Sagadahock_ I need say nothing of it, there hath been heeretofore enough said by others, and I feare me too much. But the place is good, there fished this yeare two ships.

The next place I came to was _Capemanwagan_, ♦_Boothbay_♦ a place where nine ships fished this yeare. But I like it not for a plantation, for I could see little good timber & lesse good ground, there I stayed foure nights, in which time, there came many Savages with their wiues and children, and some of good accompt amongst them, as _Menarwormet_ a Sagamore, _Cogawesco_ the Sagamore of _Casco_ and _Quack_, now called _Yorke_, _Somerset_, a Sagamore, one that hath ben found very faithfull to the English, and hath saved the liues of many of our Nation, some from starving, others from killing.

They entended to haue ben gone presently, but hearing of my being there, they desired to see me, which I understood by one of the Masters of the Ships, who likewise told me that they had some store of Beauer coats and skinnes, and was going to _Pemaquid_ to truck with one Mr. _Witheridge_, a Master of a ship of _Bastable_, and desired me to use meanes that they should not carry them out of the harbour, I wisht them to bring all their truck to one Mr. _Cokes_ stage, & I would do the best I could to put it away: some of them did accordingly, and I then sent for the _Sagamores_, who came, and after some complements they told me I must be their cozen, and that Captaine _Gorges_ was so, (which you may imagine I was not a little proud of, to be adopted cozen to so many great Kings at one instant, but did willingly accept of it) and so passing away a little time very pleasantly, they desired to be gone, whereupon I told them that I understood they had some coates and Beauers skins which I desired to truck for but they were unwilling, and I seemed carelesse of it (as men must doe if they desire any thing of them.) But at last _Somerset_ swore that there should be none carryed out of the harbour, but his cozen _Levett_ should haue all, and then they began to offer me some by way of gift, but I would take none but one paire of sleeues from _Cogawesco_, but told them it was not the fashion of English Captaines alwaies to be taking, but sometimes to take and giue, and continually to truck was very good. But in fine, we had all except one coate and two skinnes, which they reserved to pay an old debt with, but they staying all that night, had them stole from them.

In the morning the _Sagamores_ came to mee with a grieuous complaint, I vsed the best language I could to giue them content, and went with them to some Stages which they most suspected, and seached both Cabins and Chests, but found none. They seeing my willingnesse to finde the theefe out, gaue mee thankes, and wished me to forbeare saying the Rogues had carried them into the woods where I could not find them.

When they were ready to depart they asked mee where I meant to settle my plantation. I told them I had seene many places to the west, and intended to goe farther to the east before I could resolue, they sayed there was no good place, and I had heard, that _Pemoquid_ and _Capmanwagan_, and _Monhiggon_ were granted to others, & the best time for fishing was then at hand, which made me the more willing to retire, and the rather because _Cogawesco_, the _Sagamore_ of _Casco_ and _Quacke_, told me if that I would sit downe at either of those two places, I should be very welcome, and that he and his wife would goe along with me in my boate to see them, which curtesy I had no reason to refuse, because, I had set vp my resolution before to settle my plantation at _Quacke_, which I named _Yorke_, and was glad of this oppertunity, that I had obtained the consent of them who as I conceiue hath a naturall right of inheritance, as they are the sonnes of Noah, and therefore doe thinke it fit to carry things very fairely without compulsion, (if it be posible) for avoyding of treacherie.

The next day the winde came faire, and I sayled to _Quacke_ or _Yorke_, with the King, Queene, and Prince, bowe and arrowes, dogge and kettell in my boate, his noble attendance rowing by vs in their Cannow.

When we came to _Yorke_ the Masters of the Shippes came to bid me welcome, and asked what Sauages those were, I told them, and I thanked them, they vsed them kindly, & gaue them meate, drinke and tobacco. The woman or reputed Queene, asked me if those men were my friends, I told her they were; then she dranke to them, and told them, they were welcome to her Countrey, and so should all my friends be at any time, she dranke also to her husband, and bid him welcome to her Countrey too, for you must vnderstand that her father was the _Sagamore_ of this place, and left it to her at his death hauing no more Children.

And thus after many dangers, much labour and great charge, I haue obtained a place of habitation in _New-England_, where I haue built a house, and fortified it in a reasonable good fashion, strong enough against such enemies as are those Sauage people.

How the Sauages carried themselues vnto me continually, and of my
going to their Kings Houses: and their comming to mine.

WHILEST I staied in this place I had some little trucke, but not much, by reason of an euill member in the Harbour, who being couetous of trucke vsed the matter so, that he got the Sauages away from me.

And it is no wonder that he should abuse me in this sort, for he hath not spared your Lordshipps and all the Counsell for _New-England_.

He said vnto the Gouernour that the Lords had sent men ouer into that Countrey with Commissions, to make a prey of others. And yet for my owne part I neuer demanded or tooke from any man in that Countrey, the value of a denier neither had I so much helpe, from any Shippe or Shippes companie as one mans labour the space of an houre, nor, had I any prouision or victuall vpon any tearmes whatsoeuer, saue onely 1000. of bread, and 22. bushells of pease, which was offered vnto mee and not by me requested, for which I gaue present satisfaction in _Beuer_ skines: and also one Rownlet of _Aqua vitæ_, which was brought to me 16 Leagues vnexpected, which good manners bid me buy. Much more provision was offered to me by many Masters of Ships, but I had no need thereof, so I gaue them thanks for their kindnesse, and refused all.

Nay, it is well knowne, that I was so farre from doing wrong to any: that I suffered the Land which was granted to me by Pattent and made choyce of before any other man came there, to be used, and my timber to be cut downe & spoyled, without taking or asking any satisfaction for the same. And I doubt not but all others to whom you gaue authoritie, will sufficiently cleare themselues of all such imputations.

He said also he cared not for any authoritie in that place and though he was forbid to trucke yet would he haue all he could get: in despite of who should say to the contrary, having a great Ship with 17. peeces of Ordinance and 50. men.

And indeed his practise was according to his words, for every Sunday or once in the weeke, he went himselfe or sent a boate up the river and got all the trucke before they could come downe to the Harbour. And so many Savages as he could get to his stage, hee would enforce them to leaue their goods behind them. One instance a mongst many I will giue you.

Comments

Log in to leave a comment.

Sailors Narratives of Voyages Along the New England Coast, 1524-1624Chapter VII: Part 7

0%37 min left in chapter