Chapter X: Part 10

Mr. Bell proved very useful in the office of the secretary, and as he had once forfeited his own good opinion, by lending himself to the diabolical plot just mentioned, he made no further scruple, but became a passive engine, directed in his actions by the command of ministers and state empirics. Lord Sidmouth was dissatisfied with the Manchester business; he had hoped that many more might have been brought to suffer the extreme penalty of the law, thereby affording an awful example to deter others from daring to question the excellency of the government under which they lived, and the generous disposition of the governors. We are aware that some people attributed this affair to the magistracy; but they would not have dared to interfere in such a manner as they did, unless sanctioned and supported by the higher powers. The cause of a selfish, cruel, and despotic ministry, required the assistance of corresponding heartless servants, and they obtained it. Lord Castlereagh, however, threw out many insinuations that the Manchester plot was a very bold and desperate undertaking; but the _pious doctor_ "laid the flattering unction to his soul of its _expediency_," believing some such infamous procedure needful to rivet the iron sceptre of despotism. How well does the repentant language of a certain wicked king apply here!

"My fault is past. But, O, what form of prayer
Can serve my turn? Forgive me my foul murder!--
That cannot be, since I am still possess'd
Of those effects for which I did the murder!

* * * * *

In the corrupted currents of this world,
Offence's gilded hand may shove by justice;
And oft 'tis seen, the wicked prize itself
Buys out the law!"

This has proved but too true, as well in the Manchester affair as in many other diabolical state proceedings. The little value, indeed, which the ministers of this period entertained for human life ought never to be pardoned. Property, if seized or lost, may be restored; or if not, man may enjoy a thousand delightful pleasures of existence without riches. The sun shines as warmly on the poor as on the rich; the gale of health breathes its balsam into the cottage casement on the heath no less sweetly and salubriously than in the portals of the palace. But can the lords of this world, who think so little of the lives of their inferiors in wealth, with all their boasted power, relume the light of the eye once dimmed by the shades of death? "Accursed despots!" as a talented author well observes, "shew the world your authority for taking away that which ye never gave, and cannot give; for undoing the work of God, and extinguishing the lamp of life which was illuminated with a ray from heaven! Where is your CHARTER TO PRIVILEGE MURDER?" All the gold of Ophir, all the gems of Golconda, cannot buy a single life, nor pay for its loss,--it is above all price. Yet when we take a view of the proceedings of Lord Sidmouth's junto, we are led to believe any thing of more value than human life. Crimes which had very little moral evil, if any, and which, therefore, could not incur the vengeance of a just and merciful God, were unceremoniously punished with death by this minister. Men, for instance, were liable to be shot for meeting peaceably together and making speeches, though proceeding from the purest and most virtuous principles, from the most enlarged benevolence, from wisdom and unaffected patriotism; or for such speeches as might proceed from mere warmth of temper, neither intending nor accomplishing any mischief. Was not such the case in that horrible affair which we have just related? But despots are ever frightened at their own shadows; they tremble and become offended at the least alarm, and nothing but the blood of the accused can expiate the offence. It is, however, from such savage acts of barbarity that the Goddess of Liberty is aroused; it is from the tyranny of her jailors that she eventually makes a progress irresistible, and carries with her fires destined to consume the throne of every despot that cannot bear the light! Various motions have been made since that accursed day to bring the _surviving_ actors in the Manchester tragedy to condign punishment. Amongst the foremost in this laudable endeavour stands Mr. Hunt; but his efforts have hitherto proved unavailing. Although we disapprove of the general conduct of the member for Preston, the meed of praise ought not to be withheld from him for the admirable speech he delivered, relative to this subject, in March, 1832, as follows:

"Mr. HUNT said the grossest misrepresentations had been made
in parliament respecting that occurrence; and he felt that it
was a matter deeply to be regretted, that there was not in the
House of Commons, at the time, some person who had witnessed
the transaction, and who could put the House in possession of
the real facts. There was a hope, however, that the present
government would grant an inquiry for which he was about to
apply, in conformity with the prayer of the petitions which he
had just presented, and with the desire of his constituents.
He proceeded to detail the circumstances under which the
meeting of the Manchester reformers, at which he presided,
took place. He described the horrible scene which ensued upon
the dispersion of the meeting by an unprovoked and unresisted
charge of the yeomanry cavalry. The House would have some
notion of the violence and cruelty of the military from this
fact, that when a number of men, women, and children had
crowded into a small court, from which there was no
thoroughfare, one of the yeomanry drove them out, whilst
another struck at each of them with his sabre, as they came
out. The number of persons killed on that day amounted to
fifteen, while the maimed and wounded were no fewer than four
hundred and twenty-four. It was true that it might be said
that some of these did not suffer from the sabres of the
yeomanry, but a very large proportion, he would take on
himself to say, were wounded in that manner; and, at all
events, it was quite certain, that no accident whatever would
have occurred but for the outrageous attack that had been made
on the peaceable multitude. Nor was it men alone that
suffered. Women were cut down also. And were these men to be
called soldiers? Was this their way of showing their high
courage and their honour by cutting down _inoffensive
females_? He would ask any man of humanity in that House,
whether such disgraceful acts ought to be passed by unnoticed
and unpunished, merely because it could be said that twelve
years had elapsed since the transaction had taken place? But
another excuse that perhaps might be made was, that the
meeting was an illegal one. In answer to that, however, he
would take on himself to say, that in his opinion, and in the
opinion of those who constituted the meeting, they were as
legally, aye, and as meritoriously assembled, as that House
was assembled; and for as useful a purpose. No one was
insulted--no tumult took place--no symptoms of riot were
evinced; and yet was it for a moment to be said, that in such
a country as this, where there was a continual boast of the
_omnipotence of justice_, such things were to be passed over
_without notice and without censure_? He could assure the
House, that if this inquiry was not granted, there would be
thousands of hearts rankling dissatisfied and discontented,
and which could never be set at ease till _justice was
awarded_. The petitioners, in whose name he was speaking,
recollected that _Earl Grey_, and many of his _colleagues_,
expressed, _at the time of this outrage_, a desire for an
investigation into the matter. And how was that inquiry then
resisted? First, by the production of official documents,
emanating from the guilty party themselves; and next, by
allusion to the trial at York; and the cry that the courts of
justice were open to those who had any complaint to make. But
the courts of justice were _not_ open; for the relations of
those that were killed had gone to those courts of justice,
and even there _all retribution had been denied them in the
most cruel and indifferent manner_! Nor was this all. All
sorts of calumnious statements were allowed to be made in the
House of Commons as to the conduct of the mob, by paid spies
of the government. The general presumption was, that it was
the intention of the Manchester meeting, had it not been
interrupted, to pass resolutions similar to those passed at
Smithfield, declaratory that without a reform in parliament,
taxes ought not to be paid; and he believed that that
presumption was the main reason why he had been found guilty.
But now, what an alteration had taken place! It was only the
other day that 150,000 persons had met at Birmingham, and
actually made a declaration to the same effect; and yet they
were not cut down--the yeomanry had not been called out to act
against them. This motion for a select committee had, in a
manner, become absolutely necessary; for when he had moved for
the correspondence that had taken place between Lord Sidmouth
(then the secretary of state) and the lord lieutenant of the
county, that correspondence had been refused; and, therefore,
he had no other course to pursue than to ask for a committee
for general inquiry into the whole question. Some part of Lord
Sidmouth's correspondence, however, was before the public; for
he had in his hand that letter of his lordship's in which he,
in the name of the prince regent, thanked the magistracy for
the way in which they had acted--yes, actually thanked them
for having directed the execution of these COLD-BLOODED
MURDERS,--by which name he must call those deeds, and by which
name they were ever designated in that part of the country
where they had been committed. The consequence of this letter
was, that the parties, so far from shrinking abashed as they
ought, actually gloried in the share they had taken in the
transaction; and, in particular, he might mention that an
Irishman of the name of Meagher, who was the trumpeter on that
occasion, had boasted, when he returned to Ireland, that he
had in one day spilled more Saxon blood than had ever been
spilled by any one of his countrymen before! The real truth of
the matter was, in spite of the false colouring that
interested parties had endeavoured to put on it, that the
meeting at Manchester was neither more nor less than a reform
meeting, that every thing was going on peaceably, that not
even so much as a pane of glass was broken, and though the
government took the trouble to send Messrs. Oliver and Castles
among the people to corrupt them, they were not able to
succeed in their virtuous endeavours. As to his own personal
feeling on the subject, he was quite willing to remember that
twelve years had elapsed, and in that recollection to drown
the memory of all he had himself suffered in consequence of
the transactions of that day. It was enough for him, when he
recollected the object of that meeting, to see the noble lord
introduce such a measure of reform as he had never expected to
see any government in this country introduce; and which,
though it did not go the length that he could have desired,
fully admitted the allegation, that the present House of
Commons was not chosen by the people,--the allegation on which
he had all along built his own proposition of reform. This, he
repeated, was quite enough to wipe away any personal
resentment that he might ever have felt. But if not--if he
still were vindictive--what revenge might he not find in the
events that had since taken place! Who was the prime minister
of that day? The Earl of Liverpool! And where was the Earl of
Liverpool? Who were the principal officers of state of that
day? Lord Sidmouth, Mr. Canning, and Lord Castlereagh! Of
these, Lord Sidmouth alone remained; and where was Mr.
Canning? Where Lord Castlereagh, and how did he go out of the
world? A remarkable fact it was, that two years afterwards,
on the very anniversary of that fatal 16th of August, while he
was lying in prison, the very first letter that he opened
detailed to him the end of that minister. Who was the reigning
prince of that day?--George the Fourth--where was he? They had
all gone to answer for their deeds at a tribunal where no jury
could be packed, where no evidence could be stifled, and where
unerring justice would be meted out to them! To carry this
further, if it needed it, he might mention that two of those
very yeomanry committed suicide on the very anniversary of the
16th of August, and many were now to be seen walking about the
streets of Manchester, objects of a horrid pity. He would not
say that all this was a just judgment on these participators
in the murders of Manchester: but one might almost fancy, that
though a House of Commons could not be found to deal out
impartial justice, there was still a wise Providence over all,
which, by its interference, had taken care not to let the
guilty escape; and, as a climax to the whole, he hoped to live
to see the day when the noble lord who yet lived should be
brought to the bar of justice for having sent Castles, and
Edwards, and Oliver, as spies, for the purpose of instigating
the peaceful people to revolt. Nor was this all. Other
retribution had taken place; the government of that day and
its friends had not only countenanced this destruction of the
people for the sake of shewing their enmity to reform, but had
actually undertaken a continental war with the same objects in
view; and yet now those very persons saw a reform taking place
in spite of themselves, and had even been condemned
unsuccessfully to battle its progress night after night in
that House. He would say this too, that if this committee of
inquiry should be refused, and if he should live a few years
longer, he did not doubt that he should see the day arrive
when a much heavier retaliation, in another way, would take
place. He himself desired no such thing; but was it in the
character of human nature that persons who had been so deeply
injured should sit down quiet and satisfied, when every thing
in the shape of redress was denied them? But he trusted that
the government would not refuse this motion for inquiry;
should, however, such a refusal be given, he should feel it to
be his duty to bring the question again and again before the
country, as often as the forms of the House would allow. In
making his proposition to the House, he had not provided
himself with a seconder; but, after what had taken place, he
would call on the noble Chancellor of the Exchequer to second
the motion. The noble lord had, twelve years ago, pretty
freely expressed his opinion as to the transaction; and, he
presumed, that that opinion had not been altered by the lapse
of time. The laws of England and of every country had always
been unanimous in expressing their abhorrence of the crime of
murder; and it was because he charged those parties with being
guilty of a deliberate and cold-blooded murder that he
demanded an inquiry, in the name of justice and retribution."

We offer no apology for introducing this eloquent and manly appeal in behalf of long-delayed justice. The popularity or unpopularity of Mr. Hunt forms no consideration in our minds; nay, even if the Duke of Cumberland himself (much as we loathe his character!) had been its author, it should still have found a place in our volume. How the ministers could reconcile it with their duty, both to God and man, to _refuse_ the inquiry, we are at a loss to determine, particularly as each of them formerly expressed a desire for it! It is really astonishing with what different eyes men see things when in office and when toiling to get in!

In the October of this year, the Princess of Wales removed to Marseilles, weary of the attempts to traduce and insult her character by hirelings from the English court. A friend of our's had the pleasure of enjoying her royal highness' confidence at this period, and, after her removal to Marseilles, the persecuted Caroline made the following observations: "What could I do, when I found such base attempts made to destroy my reputation by the most disreputable characters? I left Milan, and I have carefully preserved a journal of each day's history, which, upon perusal, will do much more than _merely satisfy_ the nation, to which my heart so fondly clings." "I wished," added the princess, "very ardently to have gone to England in the early part of this year, and I had resolved to do so; but my legal advisers prevented me, expressing their opinion that they should see me first." It is a fact that the interview with Mr. Brougham, so much desired in April, 1819, was not granted until a later period in 1820! Might not an earlier arrangement than this very probably have put the enemy to flight? The princess was not ignorant of the demise of the king, as we have before stated; and the source from which her royal highness received that information was too worthy of reliance to be doubted. Yet, being bound in honour to conceal the information and informant, both were kept in profound silence. It was generally supposed, however, that this event had taken place, because no man, afflicted as his majesty was said to be, could possibly exist for any lengthened period. But in the then art of governing, there were frequently many circumstances which were highly necessary to be concealed from the knowledge of the people. That precious trio, Sidmouth, Castlereagh, and Canning, environed the throne, and their dictatorial will was soon converted into law. Under their auspices, the already enormous standing army was still increased; while, like the tyrannical son of Philip, when he reprimanded Aristotle for publishing his discoveries, they whispered to their myrmidons, "Let us diffuse darkness round the land. Let the people be kept in a brutal state. Let their conduct, when assembled, be riotous and irrational as ignorance and _our spies_ can make it, that they may be brought into discredit, and deemed unfit for the management of their own affairs. Let power be rendered dangerous in their hands, that it may continue unmolested in our own. Let them not taste the fruit of the tree of knowledge, lest they become as wise as ourselves!" Such were the political sentiments of those at the head of affairs at this period;--how successfully they acted upon them is too well known.

The session opened in November, and never did ministers commit themselves more than by the speech then put into the mouth of the regent. It contained little else than vindictive sentiments, breathing vengeance on all who dared oppose the "powers that be," but seemed utterly forgetful of this good advice, "It is the sovereign's duty to ease with mercy's oil the sufferer's heart."

The infamous and notorious "Six Acts" were introduced this session by "the Oppressors," the principal object of which was to impose further restrictions on the freedom of the press. This plan was considered likely to be the most successful, as well as the most insidious, mode of abolishing the few liberties remaining to Englishmen. Ministers thus thought to leave the FORM of our dearest safeguard untouched, and so gradually annihilate its ESSENCE. The voracious worm eats out the kernel completely, while the husk continues fair to the eye, and apparently entire. The husbandman would crush the insect, if it commenced the attack on the external tegument; but it carries on the work of destruction with efficacy and safety, while it corrodes the unseen fruit, and spares the outside shell. At this despotic period, the press was erected as a battery by the people to defend the almost vanquished citadel of their liberty; but, by these acts, Castlereagh, instead of attacking this citadel, opened the dams, locks, and flood-gates, so that the waters might secretly undermine its foundation, when he hoped to see it fall ingloriously into the hands of its enemies. While these base deeds were being accomplished, no thoughts were bestowed upon the people's wretchedness, which stood in dread array against ministerial imbecility. Indeed, the servile papers in the pay of government not only stoutly denied that such distress existed, but made the grossest attempts to impose on the public credulity. Let any one read such papers of the period we are speaking, if the employment be not too nauseous, and they will there see KNOWN FACTS, if they militated against the credit of the voluptuous regent, or his government, either DOUBTED or DENIED; uncertain victories extolled beyond all resemblance to truth; and defeats, in the highest degree disgraceful and injurious, artfully extenuated. Notwithstanding all this effrontery and falsehood, the "Six Acts" were still thought necessary to gag that which corruption and bribery could not render quite inefficient in the cause of truth. While contemplating such acts of tyranny, we are led to exclaim with Cato, when seeking out the little barren spot of Utica, "Wherever there is a regard for LIBERTY, JUSTICE, and HUMANITY, there will we gladly take up our abode; for there we shall find a country and a home!"

The extraordinary events that occurred in the year

1820

are so closely interwoven with the weal and wo of the British people, that it may be considered as one of the most serious periods in English history.

On the 15th of January, the Duke of Kent became indisposed with a severe cold. On the 17th of the same month, it was reported, "that his royal highness' illness had assumed most alarming symptoms;" and Sir David Dundas went off expressly to Sidmouth to attend his royal highness. The duke's disorder increased, and at half-past one, P. M., January 23rd, this prince was deprived of his mortal existence, in the fifty-third year of his age. But a few days before, his royal highness was in good health, and in the prime of life! The public will one day be made acquainted with the particulars of the REAL CAUSE of his death. At present, we shall only observe, that his royal highness was too virtuous to be allowed to live long in a vicious court!

The public journals dwelt with much force upon the kind attentions and tender offices performed by the duchess, which, if true, were only what every good wife ought to have done. Who can be nearer to a wife than her husband? and what lady of feeling and integrity would not blush to be negligent in the best services and the most unwearied attentions to the ordained partner of her life? Royalty, however, has so many and such peculiar privileges, that what is considered _wonderous grace_ with them is merely thought _common decency_ in the vulgar part of Adam's offspring.

About this time, the king's health was stated to be "very much on the decline," (hypocrisy!) and the journals announced "that George the Third expired without a struggle, on the 29th of January, in the eighty-second year of his age, and the sixtieth of his reign." But we have the gratification of setting history right in this particular. Of course, the letters and notices of this intelligence were immediately forwarded by the appointed messengers to the several foreign courts. It would be unnecessary for us here to offer any remark upon the character of George the Third, as we have previously noticed the origin of that unhappy disease which so lamentably afflicted him during the latter years of his truly unfortunate life. His majesty bequeathed a sum of money to each of his sons; but George the Fourth thought proper to withhold the Duke of Sussex's portion. This unjust act was the primary cause of the quarrel between these royal brothers, which lasted till the death of George the Fourth. But, as "kings can do no wrong," little was thought of his majesty's dishonesty. Monarchs are aware of their privileges, and have, therefore, in many instances, not scrupled to commit the most heinous crimes. His late majesty was one of this kind, and yet he was called "His most gracious, religious, and benevolent majesty!" What a profanation of terms were these!

As a necessary preliminary to a new reign, George the Fourth was proclaimed in London on the 31st of the same month.

In February, a _pretended_ mysterious political plot was publicly adverted to, by the name of "The Cato-street Conspiracy." It was said that information having been received at Bow-street, that a meeting of armed persons was to be held at a house in Cato-street, Mary-la-bonne, and, as the magistrates feared something serious would be the result, they forwarded a formidable body of their officers to the place. On the arrival of these persons, they found the number of men amounted to thirty, armed with guns, swords, daggers, and other weapons, and appeared ready to leave the place, which was a hayloft at the top of the house. The officers demanded an entrance, which was refused. Captain Fitzclarence then arrived, with a party of the guards, and a scene of much violence ensued. Some of the party were taken to Bow-street, which was lined with soldiers. The result proved serious to a police officer, named Smythers, who was stabbed in the affray, which produced his death; and it was sworn, that Arthur Thistlewood inflicted the wound.

This heart-rending tragedy was generally thought to have been produced by _government spies_; indeed, several newspapers stated as much at the time. We, however, KNOW such to have been the case, and that the characters of "blood-hounds" were but too well performed. Our bosoms swell with indignation at the recollection of such monstrous plots against the lives and liberties of our countrymen, and we regret that the plotters did not fall into their own snares.

On the morning after this lamentable occurrence, a "Gazette Extraordinary" was issued, signed "SIDMOUTH," offering one thousand pounds for the detection of Arthur Thistlewood, who stood charged with the crime of high treason. The reward had the desired effect, as he was soon apprehended. Three of his companions were afterwards taken, and FIVE MARTYRS, in all, suffered as traitors on the 1st of May.

Let us not, in common with hirelings, talk of the "wisdom of ministers," and the "bravery of the guards," combined with the several loathsome execrations on artificers and agriculturists; but let us inquire, is there no resemblance to be observed between this conspiracy and the Manchester massacre? The intelligent reader will not find the similarity difficult to trace.

The queen's return to England being now expected, Mr. Canning resigned his place in the cabinet as president of the Board of Controul, and retired to the Continent. One of his biographers says, "His conduct on this occasion, according to universal consent, was marked by the most perfect correctness and delicacy of feeling." Perhaps it might be so considered by some people; but to us it does appear that a man of sound public principles, of high and honourable private feelings, had no middle course to take at this juncture. Either the Queen of England was GUILTY, or she was the MOST PERSECUTED AND AGGRIEVED OF WOMEN. Will any one say that, in the _first_ instance, it was the duty of a minister of high station to desert the painful, but responsible, situation in which he stood, from any feeling of esteem or attachment to an individual so unworthy? In the other case, if Queen Caroline, as almost every body believed, and as Mr. Brougham _solemnly swore he believed_, was INNOCENT, was there any circumstance or consideration upon earth,--the wreck of ambition, the loss of fortune, or the fear of even death itself,--which should have induced an English gentleman, a man of honour, a man who had the _feelings of a man_, to leave a FEMALE, whom he called "FRIEND," beneath the weight of so awful an oppression? To us, we must confess, Mr. Canning's conduct on this occasion appears one of the greatest blots we are acquainted with upon his public and private character, the almost unequivocal proof of a mind unused to the habit of taking sound and elevated views of the human action. Mr. Canning had, during a long career,--a career continued through nearly thirty years,--been the forward and unflinching opponent of popular principles and concessions. He had never once shrunk from abridging the liberties of the subject; he had never once shown trepidation at any extraordinary powers demanded by the crown. With his arms folded, and his looks erect, he had sanctioned, without scruple, the severest laws against the press; he had advocated the arbitrary imprisonment of the free citizen; he had eulogized the forcible repression of public meetings; and he had constantly declared himself the determined enemy of parliamentary reform. The only subject on which he professed liberal opinions (the Catholic question) was precisely that subject to which the great bulk of the community was indisposed. Such had been the career, such was the character, of Mr. Canning up to the time of his cowardly desertion of the injured Caroline, Queen of England!

Her majesty was now daily expected to land upon our shores; and powerful as was the arm of tyranny, her arrival was much feared by her husband and his ministers.

We have before mentioned that the queen desired several times, _most particularly_, to see Mr. Brougham. It is true that various places for meeting had been appointed; but some apology or other was invariably made by the learned gentleman. Her majesty finally wrote that she should be at St. Omers on a certain day, ON HER WAY TO ENGLAND, in the metropolis of which she was resolved to arrive as soon as possible. Her majesty had previously appointed Mr. Brougham her attorney-general, desiring he would choose a solicitor to act with him, and he named Mr. Denman. One excuse for not attending to his appointment with the queen, Mr. Brougham ascribed to his electioneering business in Westmoreland; and another was, Mrs. Brougham's being in a situation too delicate for him to leave her. Such excuses ought not to have prevented Mr. Brougham's giving his attention to the important business of the queen; indeed, he was once within four leagues of her majesty's abode, with a CERTAIN LETTER in his pocket from the _highest authorities_; but Mr. Brougham did not venture to lay it before the queen, nor did he seek for an interview. The commission thus entrusted to this learned gentleman was the same which Lord Hutchinson undertook some time afterwards.

The queen felt very indignant at Mr. Brougham's so repeatedly declining his engagements, and wrote to Lord Liverpool to request his lordship would send a frigate to convey her to England. Fearing, however, that this might be against the state projects then in contemplation, the queen, by the same post, wrote to her former friend and lady in waiting, Lady Anne Hamilton, to repair to her immediately at St. Omers, and attend her in her former capacity; and also, to Alderman Wood, that if Lord Liverpool refused or delayed to send a frigate, the Alderman would hire a vessel for the purpose of bringing her to this country immediately.

Little time was lost in obeying these commands of the Queen of England. In the mean time, Mr. Brougham wrote to her majesty, requesting leave to meet her at Calais; to which the queen replied, she should choose to see him at the inn at St. Omers. Shortly after the arrival of her majesty's lady in waiting and the alderman, Mr. Brougham was announced, and informed her majesty that he was accompanied by Lord Hutchinson, (now Lord Donoughmore) the KING'S PARTICULAR FRIEND, who was the bearer of a message to her majesty from the king, and asked leave when he might have the honour of introducing him to her majesty. "No, no, Mr. Brougham, (said the queen) no conversations for me; he must put it in writing, if you please; we are at war at present." "But, madam, it is impossible that so many scraps of different conversations can be properly arranged." "Then, I don't see Lord Hutchinson," said the queen. "Madam, if you insist upon it, it shall be done; and when will your majesty be pleased to receive it?" "To-morrow morning you may bring it me; and so good evening to you, as I suppose you are fatigued with your journey."

The next morning, Mr. Brougham arrived with Lord Hutchinson's letter, which the queen opened and read in Mr. Brougham's presence; in the conclusion of that letter, her majesty was earnestly entreated to wait the return of a courier from Paris. "PARIS! PARIS!" said the queen, "what have I to do with PARIS?" Mr. Brougham, in _much confusion_, said, "Your majesty MUST HAVE MISTAKEN; it must mean _Calais_; my friend is too honourable to mean any thing of that kind, or to do any thing wrong." "No, no, Mr. Brougham; Paris, Paris! Look there!" pointing the sentence out to him. Then added the queen, "You will come and dine with me to-day." "May not I bring Lord Hutchinson with me, please your majesty?" "Certainly not." "But I hope you will see Lord Hutchinson?" "Yes; let him come directly." The queen then assembled her whole household, and received his lordship in the midst of a _formal circle_, talked upon indifferent subjects for about a quarter of an hour; then rose, and, gracefully courtesying, left the room. Most of the household followed; and Mr. Brougham, with his friend, Lord Hutchinson, did not remain long behind. Mr. Brougham afterwards returned; but appeared exceedingly disconcerted. Lady Hamilton was present, and tried to draw him into conversation upon various subjects; but he answered, rather abruptly, "You and the alderman are leading the queen to her destruction." The lady replied, that was a mistake; she did not interfere in political affairs. Mr. Brougham begged pardon, and the subject was ended by the queen entering the room to dinner. The dinner passed off very well; her majesty appeared in good spirits, as did Mr. Brougham. It was the queen's general practice not to sit long after dinner; she, therefore, soon retired with her lady; and the gentlemen adjourned to the drawing-room to await the serving of coffee. By her majesty's orders, her maids were waiting with her travelling dress, with the carriages all ready in the court-yard, in the first of which her majesty immediately seated herself, as also Lady Hamilton and Alderman Wood. The moment before her majesty drove out of the yard, she desired her maitre d'hotel to inform Mr. Brougham "that the queen would drink coffee with him _in London_;" yet five minutes had not elapsed from leaving the dinner-table to her driving out from the inn, as fast as four post-horses could convey her. This was the only time her majesty was ever known to show fear; but, at the appearance of any horseman, she became very much agitated from the supposition that she should be detained in France, under a PRETENCE of not having a correct passport, the want of horses, or some such trivial excuse. The queen was aware that the King of England had, not long before, placed Louis the Eighteenth upon the throne of France; therefore he could not object to _any_ proposition her husband thought proper to require. Her majesty also KNEW that a courier had been despatched to PARIS, and that that courier was one of _Mr. Brougham's brothers_! Mr. Brougham himself actually joined with Lord Hutchinson in trying to persuade her majesty to remain in France till the return of the courier. The queen's active and intelligent mind saw every thing at a glance, and she _acted_ with the promptitude of her character. Alderman Wood proposed that her majesty should rest that night at D'Estaing's fine hotel at Calais, instead of sleeping on board a common packet, which would not sail till the morning. "No, no," said the queen, "drive straight to the shore;" and out she got like a girl of fifteen, and was in the packet before any one else. "There," said her majesty, "now I can breathe freely--now I am protected by English laws." The queen was hardly seated, when Alderman Wood presented her with a note from Mr. Brougham, entreating her majesty to return, if only for the night, to D'Estaing's, and promising that no harm should happen to her. "No, no," replied the queen, "I am safe here, and I WILL NOT TRUST HIM;" and then threw a mattress in the middle of her cabin, with some blankets, and slept there all night. In the morning, when her majesty was about to land at Dover, she seemed a little intimidated, in consequence of the dense multitude through which she had to pass. Her majesty's fears, however, were entirely groundless, as she soon found the hearts of Britons were friendly to her cause, though they exemplified it rather roughly; for her feet were never permitted to touch the ground from the time her majesty left the vessel till her arrival at the inn, which she availed herself of with feelings of the most gratifying description, at the sympathy manifested in the cause of persecuted virtue.

As soon as her majesty could procure horses, she set forward to Canterbury, where she was received with similar acclamations. The populace insisted upon drawing her majesty out of the town, and then would not suffer the horses to be put to without her personal entreaties. Thousands of blessings were poured on her head, without one dissenting voice; and in this manner did her majesty proceed all the way to London.

The queen took up her abode at 77, South Audley-street, until another more suitable residence could be provided for her. The family of Alderman Wood, who previously inhabited this house, left it immediately after receiving intelligence that her majesty would make a temporary use of it, and they occupied apartments at Flagdon's hotel.

On the ensuing day, several of the nobility and members of the House of Commons called to inquire after her majesty's health. On the ninth of this month, her majesty removed from South Audley-street to 32, Portman-square, the residence of the Right Honourable Lady Anne Hamilton, by whom the queen was attended. Her ladyship's servants were continued, and her majesty was much pleased with the respectful and generous attentions rendered.

On the 16th, the queen received an address from the common council of the city of London, to which she returned an answer, so feelingly expressed, as to excite the sympathy and admiration of all present.

On the afternoon of the sixth day of the queen's entry into London, a message was delivered from the king to both houses of parliament, communicating certain reports and papers respecting the queen's misconduct while abroad. On the following Thursday, a committee was appointed in the House of Lords; but the queen transmitted a communication to the House of Commons, protesting against the reference of her accusations to a SECRET TRIBUNAL, and soliciting an open investigation of her conduct.

Thus was commenced a prosecution in principle and object every way calculated to rouse the generous and constitutional feelings of the nation; and the effects were without a parallel in the history of all countries! Could a more outrageous insult possibly have been offered to her dignity, to the honour of her husband the king, or to the morality and decency of the community at large?

Up to this time, Prince Leopold had not tendered his respects to her majesty; yet he was the widowed husband of the queen's only and dearly-beloved daughter! His serene highness had been raised from a state of comparative poverty and obscurity to be honoured with the hand of England's favourite princess, from whose future reign was expected a revival of commerce and an addition of glory. Though this prince was enjoying an annual income of FIFTY THOUSAND POUNDS from the country; though he had town and country residences, of great extent and magnificent appearance; though he abounded with horses and carriages; yet not one offer did he make of any of these superfluous matters to the mother of his departed wife, by whose means he had become possessed of them all! Gratitude, however, is generally esteemed a _virtue_, and therefore a German prince could not be supposed to know any thing about it.

About this period, her majesty received numerous communications, tending to prove the infamous proceedings against her to have been adopted without reference to honour or principle, and to warn her from falling into the snares of her mercenary and vindictive enemies. We lay before our readers the following, as sufficient to establish this fact.

"An officer of the frigate which took her majesty (when Princess of Wales) to the Continent averred, in the presence of three _unimpeachable_ witnesses, that a very few days before her majesty's embarkation, CAPTAIN KING, while sitting at breakfast in his cabin with the surgeon of the frigate, received a letter from a _brother of the prince regent_, which he read aloud, in the presence of the said surgeon, as follows:

"DEAR KING,

"You are going to be ordered to take the Princess of Wales to the Continent. IF YOU DON'T COMMIT ADULTERY WITH HER, YOU ARE A DAMNED FOOL! You have _my_ consent for it, and I can assure you that you have that of _MY BROTHER, THE REGENT_.

"Your's,
(Signed) ********.

"The officer who made the above statement and declaration is a most CREDITABLE PERSON, and the witnesses are all in this country."

"_London, May 7th, 1820._

"Furnished to supply the queen with PROOF that the _royal duke_ in question is leagued against her, in accordance with the WISHES OF THE KING!"

"PRIVATE DOCUMENT.

"Captain King's agent is Mr. STILLWELL, 22, Arundel-street, Strand, London; and the surgeon, who was present during the period the royal duke's letter was read, is JAMES HALL. The witnesses were--Mr. FRESHFIELD, 3, Tokenhouse-yard; Mr. HOLMES, 3, Lyon's-inn; and Mr. STOKOE, 2, Lancaster-court; as also before BARRY O'MEARA.

(Signed) "BARRY E. O'MEARA."

On the 24th of June, a deputation of the House of Commons was appointed to wait upon her majesty with the resolutions adopted by the House on Thursday, the 22nd. They arrived at a quarter past one o'clock. Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. S. Wortley occupied the first carriage. At their appearance, strong symptoms of displeasure were indicated. They were then introduced to the queen, Mr. Brougham standing at her majesty's right hand, and Mr. Denman at her left. They severally knelt and kissed her majesty's hand. Mr. Wilberforce then read the resolutions, and her majesty replied to them. On their departure, Mr. Brougham accompanied the deputation to the door; and, after they had taken their seats in the carriages, Mr. Brougham returned to shake hands with them, although the multitudes assembled outside hissed them exceedingly.

Her majesty's answer to the before-mentioned resolutions was superior to the tricks of her enemies. In it the queen refused terms of conciliation, unless they accorded with her duty to her own character, to the king, and to the nation! "A sense of what is due to my character and sex," said the queen, "forbids me to refer minutely to the REAL CAUSE of our domestic differences!" Indeed, her majesty's reply was an appeal to those principles of public justice, which should be alike the safeguard of the highest and the humblest individuals. Mr. Wilberforce exposed himself to much censure upon the part he had taken in the House; and, as he so unhesitatingly hinted at the awful contents of the "Green Bag," he said, "by suppressing her own feelings, the queen would endear herself to the country." We suppose Mr. Wilberforce meant, that, by suppressing her own feelings of honour, she would gratify the honour of the country; and, by again quitting it, demonstrate her gratitude for its unshaken loyalty; but the queen was firm in her resolve to _claim justice_, whether it was given or withheld.

In considering these base endeavours to injure innocence, in order to raise the _noble_ character of a voluptuous prince, we cannot help remarking that POWER was the _only_ weapon of the vitiated monarch, while RIGHT and JUSTICE formed the shield of the oppressed Queen of England! Indeed, every man, glowing with the sincere love of his country, and actuated by that honourable affection for its welfare, which takes a lively and zealous interest in passing events, must have considered such proceedings against her majesty fraught with inevitable evil. If her innocence, according to the prayers of millions of her subjects, should be made manifest, the public indignation would be sure to be roused, and probably prove resentful. The evidence was known to be of a description on which no magistrate would convict a common pickpocket, and therefore if the legislature should even be induced to consider her majesty guilty of the charges preferred against her, public opinion would certainly refuse to ratify the sentence, and turn with disgust from those promulgating it. In either case, those venerable tribunals, consecrated by our forefathers, must lose that beautiful, that honourable, that unbought, homage which a free people have ever been proud to pay them. No Englishman, we say, accustomed to reverence, with a prejudice almost sacred, the constitution of a parliament, _majestic even in its errors and infirmities_, could contemplate, without pain, the possibility,--nay, the almost certainty,--that the hour was not far distant when the whole nation would look with cold indifference, or gloomy distrust, on the acts of a senate, their generous obedience to which (though it had been accompanied with suffering, and followed by privation) had been "the admiration of the whole world."

On the 6th of July, Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, usher, of the black rod, waited upon her majesty with a copy of the "Bill of Pains and Penalties" against her, presented the previous day to the House of Lords, and which was forwarded by order of their lordships. Her majesty went into the room where the deputation were waiting, and received a copy of this bill with great calmness. Upon an examination of the abominable instrument, her majesty said, "Yes, the queen who had a sufficient sense of honour and goodness to refuse the base offer of fifty thousand pounds a-year of the public money, to spend it _when, where, how, and with whom she pleased_, in banquetings, feastings, and excesses, providing it were in a foreign country, and _not at home_, has sufficient resolution to await the result of every investigation power can suggest." Like another Cleopatra, our insulted queen might have played "the wanton" with impunity; her imperial bark might have displayed its purple streamers, swelled with the softest Cyprian breezes. It might have sailed triumphantly down the Adriatic, to meet some highly-favoured lover! Yes, by desire of the king, her husband, the queen was requested to accept any terms beside those of a legitimate character. But her majesty preserved her usual firmness and serenity of mind during the unequalled proceedings instituted against her, and frequently repeated the unequivocal expression, "Time will furnish sufficient proof of my innocence."

On the 5th of August, the queen took possession of Brandenburgh House, formerly the residence of the Margravine of Anspatch, situated near the Thames, and in the parish of Hammersmith. Her majesty left Lady Hamilton's house at four o'clock, attended by her ladyship, and accompanied by Dr. Lushington, in an entirely new and elegant open carriage, drawn by four beautiful bay horses. They drove off amidst united shouts of applause from the assembled people.

Will future generations believe the historian's tale, that a queen,--yes, a brave and virtuous Queen of England too!--was refused a house and a home by the sovereign, her husband? That she, who was lured from her princely home, arrived in the centre of England, and was denied a resting place by the king and his ministers! In consequence of which, she was necessitated to take up her abode in the mansion of a late lord mayor for the space of three days, and then to accept the use of the house of her lady in waiting for nearly two months; while there were palaces totally unoccupied, and even mouldering into decay for want of being inhabited! This statement will, doubtless, appear overdrawn to future generations; but there are thousands now living who can testify to its accuracy. Ministers, indeed, entered into compact with Deception, and so glaringly committed their sentiments and characters, that, to preserve their own pretended _consistency_, they would have even uncrowned the king himself! A feverish sensation now pervaded the whole public mind, and from the highest to the lowest, the case of the queen was one universal theme of conversation.

On the 6th of August, her royal highness the Duchess of York died. Up to a very late hour of the day on which this occurred, no official communication had been made to the queen; but, in consequence of the event, her majesty requested to postpone several addresses which she had previously appointed to receive.

On the 7th, the queen sent a letter to the king, but it was returned from Windsor unopened, with a communication that "Such a letter addressed to the king cannot be received by his majesty, unless it passes through the hands of his minister." Why, after the refusal to receive this letter, should the princess be blamed for permitting its contents to be published? If the king were under obligations of such a description as to incapacitate him from exercising his own judgment, and giving his own opinion, was he fit to administer the laws, or ought he to have sanctioned the appeal of miscreants who sought their own, and not their country's, good? Let us consider the delays attending this letter. It was sent to Windsor, directed _expressly for the king_, accompanied with a note, written by the queen, to Sir B. Bloomfield, desiring it might be immediately delivered into the king's hand. Sir B. Bloomfield was absent, and Sir W. Keppell, as the next in command, received it, and forwarded the same to Sir B. Bloomfield, at Carlton House, immediately, who returned the letter on the 8th to her majesty, saying, "I have received the king's commands and general instructions, that any communications which may be made should pass through the hands of his majesty's government." The queen immediately despatched a letter to Lord Liverpool, enclosing the one she had addressed to the king, by the hands of a messenger, in which her majesty desired the earl to present it. Lord Liverpool was then at Coombe Wood, and wrote in reply, that he would "lose no time in laying it before his majesty." Up to the 11th, no reply had been received; and the queen wrote to Lord Liverpool again, to know if further communication were needful. Lord Liverpool replied, that he had not received the king's commands upon the subject, and therefore could not give any positive answer relative to it. How does this strange and incomprehensible conduct appear to any unbiassed Englishman? Was the king, who ought to be the dispenser of the laws, to be free from imputation, when he thus exposed his unrelenting temper and unbending determination, wherever his private inclinations were concerned? We dare avow, if that letter could have been answered, it would; but its contents were unanswerable! "Aye," said the hireling Castlereagh, "it is no matter what the conduct of the Princess of Wales has been; it is the king's desire that he may no more be obliged to recognise her in her former character of Princess of Wales." Oh! most sapient speech of a most sapient lord; truly this was a bold doctrine to broach, that kings have a right divine to subdue, injure, oppress, and govern wrong!

We pass by the number of addresses presented to her majesty at this period, and also the not-to-be-mistaken expression of public opinion against the projector of her injuries. Were they not concocted by the authority of the monarch, her husband? Was it not by his _divine_ decree that his consort's name was erased from the liturgy? Did he not send down to parliament that message which denounced his queen a criminal? Yet, after all this, Lord Liverpool said, "The king has no _personal_ feeling upon the subject." Very true, his majesty could not have any _personal_ feeling towards the queen; his royal feelings had always been confined to the libidinous and the most obnoxious of society! Had he been a worthy and upright plaintiff against the most unfortunate of defendants, would he have scrupled to have shewn himself in his regal chair upon the continued debates arising from this most important question; and would not a sense of greatness and virtue, _had he possessed either_, after hearing the infamous statements of _false witnesses_, have influenced him to _decline further proceedings_, though his pride might have withheld an acknowledgment of error? This line of honest conduct was not followed, and we are therefore obliged to brand him as one of the most despicable and mean of the human race!