Chapter XII: Part 12

"I am sorry to say my fears were not groundless, as I learn, from the first authority, that the king has changed his opinion, and the queen will not be allowed to enter the Abbey. The seat provided is otherwise disposed of. If her majesty's attorney and solicitor generals would _now_, without any loss of time, press 'The Documents' upon the notice of the ministers, either by petition or remonstrance, I think the ceremony would be postponed, and justice be finally administered to the queen. But if they delay this, they may assure themselves the cause of their royal mistress will be lost for ever. Her majesty's proofs are too astounding to be passed over in silence; they would forcibly arouse the guilty, and SUCH FACTS at SUCH A TIME ought to be instantly published. I should not express myself with such ardour upon these solemn points, if I had not made myself most minutely acquainted with every bearing of the subject; and I give you my decisive _legal opinion_, that 'The Documents' in question contain a simple statement of facts, which no judge, however instructed, and no jury, however selected, or packed, could refute. If, however, fear should get the better of duty, I do not doubt sooner or later the country will have cause to repent the apathy of those individuals who were most competent to do, or cause justice to be done to this shamefully injured queen.

"I have not entered upon these opinions from interested views, and I am well convinced your motives do not savour of such baseness; but as disinterestedness is a scarce virtue, and so little cultivated in this boasted land of liberty, I warn you to avoid the ensnaring inquiries of those by whom you may most probably be assailed.

"I also must remind you that, at the present moment, her majesty is watched in all directions. Major Williams is employed by the government to be a spy upon all occasions, and drove his carriage with four grey horses to Epsom last races, and remained upon the ground until the queen drove away. At this time, he occupied an elegantly furnished house in Sackville-street. P. Macqueen, M. P., a protege of Lord Liverpool's, was doubtless the person who arranged the business with the premier. If this be considered dubious information, I will forward you PROOFS which will set the matter at rest.

"I scarcely need tell you that the case of her majesty is one unprecedented in history, and unheard of in the world. The king and his ministers have resolved upon her destruction, and if the royal sufferer be not destroyed by the first plans of attempt, I indeed fear she will fall a victim to similar plans, which, I doubt not, are in a forward stage of preparation against her; and how can the queen escape from the grasp of such powerful and dishonourable assailants? All their former arrangements and stratagems, to which they subscribed, failed, decidedly failed; but the malignity which instigated those plans will, without any question, furnish materials for new charges, and supply the needful reserve to complete the destruction of a lady, whose talents are envied, whose knowledge of affairs in general is deemed too great, and whose information upon FAMILY SECRETS render her an enemy to be feared.

"I see in this mysterious persecution against the queen, the intended annihilation of the rights and privileges of the nation at large; and I, therefore, protest against the innovation. I argue, that which was unconstitutional and unprincipled in William the Third is equally dangerous and unconstitutional in George the Fourth! If such unprecedented injustice be allowed in the case of her majesty, where must we look for an impartial administration of justice? and how may we reasonably expect that violence will not be offered, if other means fail, to accomplish the intended mischief? In case of indisposition, what may not occur! May not the life of her majesty be in the greatest jeopardy, and may not a few hours terminate her mortal existence? These are questions of vital importance; they do not only materially affect the queen, but, through the same medium, they most seriously relate to every individual of the community; and, if the constitution is not to be entirely destroyed, the queen must be honourably saved from the overpowering grasp of her relentless oppressors. Her majesty reminds me of the words of Seneca: 'She is struggling with the storms of Adversity, and rising superior to the frowns of Persecution; this is a spectacle that even the gods themselves may look down upon with envy.'

"I verily believe that bold and energetic measures might set this question at rest for ever, but time lost is lost for ever; and, in my opinion, retribution can only slumber for a short period. I beg and entreat you not to be subdued or deterred by the arrogance of inconsistent power. The nation is insulted, the independence of the country is insulted; its morality and patience have been outraged!

"What could I not add to this page of sorrow, this blot upon our land? But I have acted openly and honourably to you in this unparalleled case, and have, in so acting, only done my duty.

"Excuse haste, and allow me the honour to remain

"Your most obedient and respectful servant,
******.

"July 12th."

Such are the recorded sentiments of a professional gentleman, who volunteered his services to the queen at this period of anxious expectation. He hailed, or affected to hail, the appearance of the star of liberty, whose genial rays should dispel the gloom of the desolating power of her enemies. But, alas! how soon were such opinions changed by the _gilded_ wand of ministerial power! _Pension_ reconciled too many to silence upon these all-important subjects; even he, who wrote thus boldly in defence of an injured queen and her murdered daughter, shortly afterwards acted the very reverse of his duty for the sake of paltry gain! But, independent of the lavish means which ministers then possessed of bribing those who felt inclined to bring these criminal matters before a public tribunal, an unmanly fear of punishment, as well as an obsequiousness to the king and some of his _particular_ friends, operated on the dastardly minds of pretended patriots and lovers of justice. There is also an habitual indolence which prevents many from concerning themselves with any thing but that which immediately affects their pecuniary interest. Such persons would not dare to inquire into the actions of a sovereign, however infamous they might be, for fear of suffering a fine or imprisonment for their temerity. The legal punishments attending the expression of discontent against the king are so severe, and the ill-grounded terrors of them so artfully disseminated, that, rather than incur the least danger, they would submit to the most unjust and tyrannical government. They would even be content to live under the Grand Seignior, so long as they might eat, drink, and sleep in peace! Had the lamented Princess Charlotte been the daughter of a cottager, the mysterious circumstances attending her death would have demanded the most public investigation. But, because a powerful prince had expressed his SATISFACTION at the treatment she received, it was deemed impertinent, if not treasonable, for any other individual to express a wish for further inquiry! Yet such is the effect of political artifice, under the management of court sycophants, that the middle ranks of people are taught to believe, that they ought not to trouble themselves with matters that occur in palaces; that a certain set of men come into the world like demigods, possessed of right, power, and intellectual abilities, to rule the earth without controul; and that free inquiry and manly remonstrance are the sin of sedition! Thus many people are actually terrified, through fear of losing their wealth, their liberty, or their life, into silence upon subjects which they ought, in duty to their God, under the principles of justice, fearlessly to expose. "Better pay our taxes patiently, and remain quiet about state crimes," say they, "than, by daring to investigate public measures, or the conduct of great men, risk a prison or a gibbet!" But let us hope that such disgraceful sentiments are not _now_ to be found in the breast of any Englishman, however humble his condition. Our noble ancestors were famed for seeing justice administered, as well to the poor as to the rich. If, therefore, we suffer _personal_ fear to conquer duty, we are traitors to posterity, as well as cowardly deserting a trust which they who confided it are prevented by death from guarding or withdrawing. We know that this justice has been lamentably neglected, though we do not yet despair of seeing it overtake the guilty, however lofty their station may be in society.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

Printed by W. H. STEVENSON, 5, Whiskin Street, Clerkenwell.

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Transcriber's note:

The following corrections have been made to the text:

Page i: Of meaner vice and villains[original has villians]

Page iii: climate not very conducive[original has condusive]

Page 51: the forms observed[original has oberved] by courts

Page 99: result was prejudicial[original has prejudical] to
the rights

Page 110: I have endeavoured to excite[original has exite]

Page 131: French Consul possessed[original has possesed]
himself

Page 204: "I do," said the queen.[original has comma]

Page 209: voted for the use of Mr. Perceval's[original has
Peceval's] family

Page 249: "[quotation mark missing in original]Your very
affectionate mother

Page 249: "[quotation mark missing in original]CAROLINE."

Page 257: such marriages shall be null and void.[period
missing in original]

Page 261: Charlotte was declared _enceinte_[original has
enciente]

Page 299: awful spectacle presented itself.[period missing in
original]

Page 316: duke's[original has dukes] former delinquencies

Page 329: where[original has were] there was a continual boast

Page 361: Edgecumbe,[original has semi-colon] 400_l._

Page 362: with two livings, 1,000_l._[original has extraneous
comma]-7,260_l._

Page 366: [original has extraneous quotation mark]That certain
property, of a large amount

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