Chapter II: Part 2

This year will ever be memorable in history as the commencement of that partition of Poland, between three contiguous powers,--Russia, Austria, and Prussia,--which has served as an example and apology for all those shameful violations of public right and justice that have stained the modern annals of Europe. The unfortunate Poles appealed in vain to Great Britain, France, and Spain, and the States-general of Holland, on the atrocious perfidy and injustice of these proceedings. After some unavailable remonstrances, the diet was compelled, at the point of the bayonet, to sign a treaty for the formal cession of the several districts which the three usurpers had fixed upon and guaranteed to each other. The partitioning _legitimates_ also _generously_ made a present of an _aristocratic_ constitution to the suffering Poles.

In the year

1773,

commercial credit was greatly injured by extensive failures in England and Holland. The distress and embarrassment of the mercantile classes were farther augmented by a great diminution in the gold coin, in consequence of wear and fraud,--such loss, by act of parliament, being thrown upon the holders!

At this time, the discontents which had long been manifest in the American colonies broke out into open revolt. The chief source of irritation against the mother country was the impolitic measure of retaining a trifling duty on tea, as an assertion of the right of the British parliament to tax the colonies.

The year

1774

bore a gloomy and arbitrary character, with wars abroad and uneasiness at home. The county of Nottingham omitted to raise their militia in the former year, and in this they were fined two thousand pounds.

Louis the Fifteenth of France died this year of the small-pox, caught from a country girl, introduced to him by Madame du Barre to gratify his sensual desires. He was in the _sixty-fourth_ year of his age, and in the fifty-ninth of his reign. The gross debaucheries into which he had sank, with the despotic measures he had adopted towards the Chamber of Deputies in his latter years, had entirely deprived him of his appellation of the "Well-beloved." Few French sovereigns have left a less-respected memory.

1775

was also a year of disquiet. The City of London addressed the throne, and petitioned against the existing grievances, expressing their strong abhorrence of the measures adopted towards the Americans, _justifying their resistance_, and beseeching his majesty to dismiss his ministers. The _invisible power of the queen_, however, prevented their receiving redress, and the ministers were retained, contrary to all petition and remonstrance. Upon these occasions, the king was obliged to submit to any form of expression, dictated by the minister, that minister being under the entire controul of the queen; and though the nation seemed to wear a florid countenance, it was sick at heart. Lord North was a very considerable favourite with her majesty; while his opponents, Messrs. Fox and Burke, were proportionately disliked. The Duke of Grafton now felt tired of his situation, and told the queen that he could no longer continue in office; in consequence of which, the Earl of Dartmouth received the privy seal.

The Americans, in the mean time, were vigorously preparing for what they conceived to be inevitable--_a war_. Various attempts, notwithstanding, were made by the enlightened and liberal-minded part of the community to prevent ministers from continuing hostilities against them. That noble and persevering patriot, Lord Chatham, raised his warning voice against it. "I wish," said he, "not to lose a day in this urgent, pressing crisis; an _hour now lost in allaying ferments in America, may produce_ YEARS OF CALAMITY! Never will I desert, in any stage of its progress, the conduct of this momentous business. Unless fettered to my bed by the extremity of sickness, I will give it unremitted attention; I will knock at the gates of this _sleeping and confounded ministry_, and will, if it be possible, rouse them to a sense of their danger. The recall of your army, I urge as necessarily preparatory to the restoration of your peace. By this it will appear that you are disposed to treat amicably and equitably, and to consider, revise, and repeal, if it should be found necessary, as I affirm it _will_, those violent acts and declarations which have disseminated confusion throughout the empire. _Resistance to these acts was necessary_, and therefore just; and your vain declaration of the _omnipotence of Parliament_, and your _imperious_ doctrines of the _necessity of submission_, will be found equally _impotent to convince or enslave America_, who feels that tyranny is equally intolerable, whether it be exercised by an individual part of the legislature, or by the collective bodies which compose it!"

How prophetic did this language afterwards prove! Oh! England, how hast thou been cursed by debt and blood through the impotency and villany of thy rulers!

In the year

1776,

the Earl of Harcourt was charged with a breach of privilege; but his services for the _queen_ operated as a sufficient reason for rejecting the matter of complaint.

So expensive did the unjust and disgraceful war with America prove this year, that more than _nine millions_ were supplied for its service! In order to raise this shameful amount, extra taxes were levied on newspapers, deeds, and other matters of public utility. Thus were the industrious and really productive classes imposed upon, and their means exhausted, to gratify the inordinate wishes of a German princess, now entitled to be the cause of their misery and ruin. The queen knew that war required soldiers and sailors, and that these soldiers and sailors must have _officers_ over them, which would afford her an opportunity of _selling commissions_ or of bestowing them upon some of her _favourites_. So that these things contributed to her majesty's _individual_ wealth and power, what cared she for the increase of the country's burdens!

It is wonderful to reflect upon the means with which individuals in possession of power have contrived, in all ages and in all countries, to controul mankind. From thoughtlessness and the absence of knowledge, the masses of people have been made to contend, with vehemence and courageous enterprise, against their own interests, and for the benefit of those mercenary wretches by whom they have been enslaved! How monstrous it is, that, to gratify the sanguinary feelings of _one_ tyrant, thousands of human beings should go forth to the field of battle as willing sacrifices! Ignorance alone has produced such lamentable results; for a thirst after blood is never so effectually quenched as when it is repressed by the influence of _knowledge_, which teaches humility, moderation, benevolence, and the practice of every other virtue. In civilized society, there cannot be an equality of property; and, from the dissimilarity in human organization, there cannot be equality in the power and vigour of the mind. All men, however, are entitled to, and ought to enjoy, a perfect equality in civil and political rights. In the absence of this just condition, a nation can only be partially free. The people of such a nation exist under unequal laws, and those persons upon whom injuries are inflicted by the partial operation of those laws are, it must be conceded, the victims of an authority which they cannot controul. Such was, unhappily, the condition of the English people at this period. To prevent truth from having an impartial hearing and explanation, the plans of government were obliged to be of an insincere and unjust character. The consequences were, the debasement of morals, and the prostitution of the happiness and rights of the people. But Power was in the grasp of Tyranny, attended on each side by Pride and Cruelty; while Fear presented an excuse for Silence and Apathy, and left Artifice and Avarice to extend their baneful influence over society. British courage was stifled by arbitrary persecutions, fines, and imprisonment, which threatened to overwhelm all who dared to resist the tide of German despotism. Had _unity_ and _resolution_ been the watch-words of the sons of Britain, what millions of debt might have been prevented! what oceans of blood might have been saved! The iniquitous ministers who dictated war with America should have suffered as traitors to their country, which would have been their fate had not blind ignorance and servility, engendered by priests and tyrants, through the impious frauds of church and state, overwhelmed the better reason of the great mass of mankind! It was, we say, priestcraft and statecraft that kindled this unjustifiable war, in order to lower human nature, and induce men to butcher each other under the most absurd, frivolous, and wicked pretences. Englishmen, at the commencement of the American war, appear to have been no better than wretched captives, without either courage, reason, or virtue, from whom the queen's banditti of gaolers shut out the glorious light of day. There were, however, some few patriots who raised their voices in opposition to the abominable system then in practice, and many generous-hearted men who boldly refused to fight against the justified resistance of the Americans; but the general mass remained inactive, cowardly inactive, against their merciless oppressors. The queen _pretended_ to lament the sad state of affairs, while she did all in her power to continue the misrule!

At the commencement of

1777,

the several states of Europe had their eyes fixed on the contest between this country and the colonies. The French government assisted the Americans with fleets and armies, though they did not enter into the contest _publicly_. Queen Charlotte still persevered in her designs against America, and bore entire sway over her unfortunate husband. The country, as might be expected, was in a state of great excitement, owing to the adoption of measures inimical to the wishes and well-being of the people. The greater power the throne assumed, the larger amounts were necessarily drawn from the people, to reward fawning courtiers and borough proprietors.

This year, thirteen millions of money were deemed needful for the public service, and the debts of the civil list a _second_ time discharged! At this time, the revenue did not amount to eight millions, and to supply the consequent deficiency, new taxes were again levied upon the people; for ministers carried all their bills, however infamous they might be, by large majorities!

In May, Lord Chatham again addressed the "peers," and called their attention to the necessity of changing the proceedings of government. Although bowed down by age and infirmity, and bearing a crutch in each hand, he delivered his sentiments, with all the ardour of youth, in these words: "I wish the removal of accumulated grievances, and the repeal of every oppressive act which have been passed since the year 1763! I am experienced in spring hopes and vernal promises, but at last will come your equinoctial disappointment."

On another occasion, he said, "I will not join in congratulation on misfortune and disgrace! _It is necessary to instruct the throne in the language of truth!_ We must dispel the delusions and darkness which envelop it. I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more; but my feelings and indignation were too strong to permit me to say less." Alas! this patriot stood nearly alone. In his opinion, the good of the people was the supreme law; but this was opposed to the sentiments of the hirelings of state and their _liberal_ mistress.

As a last effort, the earl resolved to seek an audience of the queen, and the request was readily complied with. The day previous to his last speech, delivered in the House of Lords, this interview took place. His lordship pressed the queen to relieve the people, and, by every possible means, to mitigate the public burdens. But, though her majesty was gentle in her language, she expressed herself positively and decisively as being adverse to his views; and took the opportunity of reminding him of the _secrecy of state affairs_. As Lord Chatham had once given his solemn promise never to permit those secrets to transpire, he resolved faithfully to keep his engagement, though their disclosure would have opened the eyes of the public to the disgraceful proceedings of herself and ministers. The noble earl retired from his royal audience in much confusion and agitation of mind; and on the following day, April the 7th, went to the House, and delivered a most energetic speech, which was replied to by the Duke of Richmond. Lord Chatham afterwards made an effort to rise, as if labouring to give expression to some great idea; but, before he could utter a word, pressed his hand on his bosom, and fell down in a convulsive fit. The Duke of Cumberland and Lord Temple caught him in their arms, and removed him into the prince's chamber. Medical assistance being immediately rendered, in a short time his lordship in some measure recovered, and was removed to his favourite villa at Hayes, in Kent. Hopes of his complete restoration to health, however, proved delusive, and on the 10th of May,

1778,

this venerable and noble friend of humanity expired, in the seventieth year of his age.

The news of the earl's death was not disagreeable to the queen; and she thenceforth determined to increase, rather than decrease, her arbitrary measures. Ribbons, stars, and garters, were bestowed upon those who lent their willing aid to support her system of oppression, while thousands were perishing in want to supply the means.

Manchester, Liverpool, Glasgow, and Edinburgh, this year, were servile enough to raise regiments at their own expense; but the independent and brave citizens of London, steady to their principles, that the war was _unjust_, refused to follow so mean an example!

The year

1779

exhibits a miserable period in the history of Ireland. Her manufactures declined, and the people became, consequently, much dissatisfied; but their distresses were, at first, not even _noticed_ by the English parliament. At length, however, an alarm of _INVASION_ took place, and ministers allowed twenty thousand Irish volunteers to _carry arms_. The ministers, who before had been callous to their distresses, found men in arms were not to be trifled with, and the Irish people obtained a _promise_ of an extension of trade, which satisfied them for the time.

Large sums were again required to meet the expenses of the American war, and, the minister being supported by the queen, every vote for supplies was carried by great majorities; for the year's service alone _fifteen millions_ were thus agreed to. As the family of the king increased, extra sums were also deemed requisite for each of his children; and what amounts could not be raised by taxation were procured by _loans_,--thus insulting the country, by permitting its expenditure to exceed its means of income to an enormous extent.

Many representations were made to Lord North, that public opinion was opposed to the system pursued by ministers; but he was inflexible, and the generous interpositions of some members of the Upper House proved also unavailing. The independent members of the Commons remonstrated, and Mr. Burke brought forward plans for the reduction of the national expenditure and the diminution of the influence of the crown; but they were finally rejected, though not until violent conflicts had taken place, in which Lord North found himself more than once in the minority.

About this time, Mr. Dunning, a lawyer and an eminent speaker, advocated, in a most sensible manner, the necessity of taking into consideration the affairs of Ireland; but ministers defeated the intended benefit, and substituted a plan of their own, which they had previously promised to Ireland; namely, to permit a free exportation of their woollen manufactures. The unassuming character of that oppressed people never appeared to greater advantage than at this period, as even this resolution was received by them with the warmest testimonies of joy and gratitude.

There cannot be a doubt, that if the Irish had been honestly represented, their honor and ardour would have been proverbial; but they have almost always been neglected and insulted. The queen had taken Lord North's advice, and acquainted herself with the native character of the Irish, by which she became aware that, if that people generally possessed information, they would prove a powerful balance against the unjust system then in force. At this time, there was not an Irishman acquainted with any _state secrets_; her majesty, therefore, did not fear an explanation from that quarter, or she dare not have so oppressed them.

To provide for the exigencies of state, twelve millions of money, in addition to the former fifteen millions, were required this year; and thus were the sorrows of a suffering people increased, and they themselves forced to forge their own chains of oppression!

Numerous were the prosecutions against the press this year; among the rest, Mr. Parker, printer of "The General Advertiser," was brought before the "House of Hereditaries," for publishing a libel on one of its _noble_ members. That there were a _few_ intelligent and liberal-minded men in the House of Lords at this time, we do not wish to deny. The memorable speech of Lord Abingdon proved his lordship to be one of these, and, as this speech so admirably distinguishes _PRIVILEGE_ from _TYRANNY_, we hope to be excused for introducing it in our pages. We give it in his lordship's own words:

"MY LORDS,--Although there is no noble lord more zealously
attached to the privileges of this House than I am, yet when I
see those privileges interfering with, and destructive of, the
rights of the people, there is no one among the people more
ready to oppose those privileges than myself. And, my lords,
my reason is this: that the privileges of neither house of
parliament were ever constitutionally given to either to
combat with the rights of the people. They were given, my
lords, that each branch of the legislature might defend itself
against the encroachments of the other, and to preserve that
balance entire, which is essential to the preservation of all.

"This was the designation, this is the use of privilege; and
in this unquestionable shape let us apply it. Let us apply it
against the encroachments of the crown, and not suffer any
lord (if any such there be) who, having clambered up into the
house upon the ladder of prerogative, might wish to yield up
our privileges to that prerogative. Let us make use of our
privileges against the other house of parliament, whenever
occasion shall make it necessary, but not against the people.
This is the distinction and this the meaning of privilege. The
people are under the law, and we are the legislators. If they
offend, let them be punished according to law, where we have
our remedy. If we are injured in our reputations, the law has
provided us with a special remedy. We are entitled to the
action of _scandalum magnatum_,--a privilege peculiar to
ourselves. For these reasons, then, my lords, when the noble
earl made his motion for the printer to be brought before this
House, and when the end of that motion was answered by the
author of the paper complained of giving up his name, I was in
great hopes that the motion would have been withdrawn. I am
sorry it was not; and yet, when I say this, I do not mean to
wish that an inquiry into the merits of that paper should not
be made. As it stands at present, the noble lord accused
therein is the disgrace of this House, and the scandal of
government. I therefore trust, for his own honor, for the
honor of this House, that that noble lord will not object to,
but will _himself_ insist upon, the most rigid inquiry into
his conduct.

"But, my lords, to call for a printer, in the case of a libel,
when he gives up his author (although a modern procedure) _is
not founded in law_; for in the statute of Westminster, the
1st, chapter 34, it is said, 'None shall report any false and
slanderous news or tales of _great men_, whereby any discord
may arise betwixt the king and his people, on pain of
imprisonment, _until they bring forth the author_.' The
statutes of the 2d of Richard the Second, chapter 5, and the
14th of the same reign, are to the same effect. It is there
enacted, that 'No person shall devise, or tell any _false_
news or lies of any lord, prelate, officer of the government,
judge, &c., by which any slander shall happen to their
persons, or mischief come to the kingdom, upon pain of being
imprisoned; and where any one hath told false news or lies,
and cannot produce the author, he shall suffer imprisonment,
and be punished by the king's counsel.' Here, then, my lords,
two things are clearly pointed out, to wit, the person to be
punished, and what the mode of punishment is. The person to be
punished is the author, when produced; the mode of punishment
is by the king's counsel; so that, in the present case, the
printer having given up the author, he is discharged from
punishment: and if the privilege of punishment had been in
this House, the right is barred by these statutes; for how is
the punishment to be had? Not by this House, but by the king's
counsel. And, my lords, it cannot be otherwise; for, if it
were, the freedom of the press were at an end; and for this
purpose was this modern doctrine, to answer modern views,
invented,--_a doctrine which I should ever stand up in
opposition to, if even the right of its exercise were in us_.
But the right is not in us: it is a jurisdiction too summary
for the freedom of our constitution, and incompatible with
liberty. It takes away the trial by jury; which king, lords,
and commons, _have not a right to do_. It is to make us
accusers, judges, jury, and executioners too, if we please. It
is to give us an executive power, to which, in our legislative
capacities, we are not entitled. It is to give us a power,
which even the executive power itself has not, which the
prerogative of the crown dare not assume, which the king
himself cannot exercise. My lords, _the king cannot touch the
hair of any man's head in this country, though he be guilty of
high treason, but by means of the law. It is the law that
creates the offence; it is a jury that must determine the
guilt; it is the law that affixes the punishment; and all
other modes of proceeding are_ ILLEGAL. Why then, my lords,
are we to assume to ourselves an executive power, with which
even the executive power itself is not entrusted? I am aware,
my lords, it will be said that this House, in its capacity of
a court of justice, has a right to call for evidence at its
bar, and to punish the witness who shall not attend. I admit
it, my lords; and I admit it not only as a right belonging to
this House, but as a right essential to every court of
justice; for, without this right, justice could not be
administered. But, my lords, was this House sitting as a court
of justice (for we must distinguish between our judicial and
our legislative capacities) when Mr. Parker was ordered to be
taken into custody, and brought before this House? If so, at
whose suit was Mr. Parker to be examined? Where are the
records? Where are the papers of appeal? Who is the plaintiff,
and who the defendant? There is nothing like it before your
lordships; for if there had, and Mr. Parker, in such case, had
disobeyed the order of this House, he was not only punishable
for his contumacy and contempt, but every magistrate in the
kingdom was bound to assist your lordships in having him
forthcoming at your lordship's bar. _Whereas, as it is, every
magistrate in the kingdom is bound, by the law of the land, to
release Mr. Parker, if he be taken into custody by the present
order of this House._ Nothing can be more true, than that in
our judicial capacity, we have a right to call for evidence at
our bar, and to punish the witness if he does not appear. The
whole body of the law supports us in this right. But, under
the pretext of privilege, to bring a man by force to the bar,
when we _have our remedy at law; to accuse, condemn, and
punish that man, at the mere arbitrary will and pleasure of
this House, not sitting as a court of justice, is tyranny in
the abstract. It is against law; it is subversive of the
constitution; it is incompetent to this House_; and,
therefore, my lords, thinking as I do, that this House has no
right forcibly to bring any man to its bar, but in the
discharge of its proper functions, as a court of judicature, I
shall now move your lordships, 'that the body of W. Parker,
printer of the General Advertiser, be released from the
custody of the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, and that the
order for the said Parker, being brought to the bar of this
House be now discharged.'

"Before I sit down, I will just observe to your lordships,
that I know that precedents may be adduced in contradiction to
the doctrine I have laid down. But, my lords, _precedents
cannot make that legal and constitutional which is, in itself,
illegal and unconstitutional_. IF THE PRECEDENTS OF THIS REIGN
ARE TO BE RECEIVED AS PRECEDENTS IN THE NEXT, THE LORD HAVE
MERCY ON THOSE WHO ARE TO COME AFTER US!!!

"There is one observation more I would make, and it is this:
_I would wish noble lords to consider, how much it lessens the
dignity of this House, to agitate privileges which you have
not power to enforce. It hurts the constitution of parliament,
and, instead of being respected, makes us contemptible. That
privilege which you cannot exercise, and of right too, disdain
to keep._"

If the country had been blessed with a majority of such patriots as Lord Abingdon, what misery had been prevented! what lives had been saved!

Early in the year

1780,

meetings of the populace took place in various parts of the kingdom, and ministers were boldly accused of having prodigally and wastefully spent the public money; while petitions were presented, praying "for a correction of abuses in the public expenditure." Riots in many parts of England were the consequences of unjustly continuing wars and taxation, and several hundred people were killed and wounded by the military; while many others forfeited their lives on the scaffold for daring to raise their arms against tyranny. Lord George Gordon was also committed to the Tower on a charge of high treason; but no jury of his countrymen could be found to consider his undaunted attempt to _redress the people's grievances as treasonable_, and he was, consequently, _honorably acquitted_! The influence of her majesty, however, kept a minister in office, though contrary to the sense of the wisest and best part of the community; and a ruinous war was still permitted to drain the blood and money of the many.

War might probably be considered by those in power a _legal trade_; but was it not continued for the untenable purpose of avarice? We think it was. There did not appear to be any rational hope for reform or retrenchment, while men versed in corruption were so enriched, and had an almost unlimited sway over the councils of the reigning authority. Popular commotion was dreaded; yet the ministers could not be prevailed upon to dispel the cause of anxiety by conciliatory measures,--by a timely redress of grievances, by concession of rights, and by reformation of abuses. If they had done so, they would have given satisfactory evidence that government had no other object in view than faithfully to discharge their duty, by adopting such plans as would really benefit mankind, and furnish means to secure the comfort and happiness of all men.

In the mean time, much distress was imposed upon the unfortunate king, by the increasing and uncontroulable prodigality of some of his children, especially of GEORGE. The queen would not hear of any thing to his discredit, and thus what little of family enjoyment remained was ultimately destroyed.

The unrestrained predilection of this youthful prince now became habitual pursuits, and excesses of the most detestable description were not unknown to him. Within the circle of his less nominally illustrious acquaintance, every father dreaded the seduction of his child, if she possessed any personal charms, while the mother feared to lose sight of her daughter, even for a moment. It is not in our power to give an adequate idea of the number of those families whose happiness he ruined; but we well, too well, know the number was infamously great. The country gave him credit for being liberal in political principles, and generously disposed for reform. But little of his _real_ character was then known; his faults, indeed, were named as virtues, and his vices considered as _gentlemanly exploits_, so that his dissembled appearance was received, by those unacquainted with him, as the sure and incontestable mark of a great and noble soul. But, before our pages are concluded, we fear we must, in duty, prove him a widely-different character! It is true, his acquaintance with political characters was chiefly amongst "the Whigs;" it may also be added that those "Whigs," so particularly intimate with this prince, did not gain much by their connexion with him, but finally became as supine and venal as himself. They determined that, as the heir-apparent, he should not be allowed to suffer any deterioration of greatness, and the principles and practices of so mighty an individual were considered by them to constitute a sufficient patent for continual imitation.

At this period, Mr. Dunning moved his famous resolution to the House, with unbending firmness and uncompromising fidelity. He said, "The influence of the crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished." It was carried by a majority of 233 against 215; but a second resolution, which was to give effect to the first, was lost by a majority of fifty-one votes.

In the year

1781,

William Pitt, the second son of the late Lord Chatham, delivered his first speech in the Commons, in favour of the bill introduced by Mr. Burke, on the subject of reform.

Lord North brought forward the budget on the 7th of March, containing the various items needful for the service of the year. The amount so calculated was _twenty-one millions of money_!--twelve of which were to be raised by loans, the terms being very high. From this bold imposition upon the public purse and credit, the ministry were much lowered in public opinion.

During this year, the brave General Washington struck that decisive blow which afterwards gave liberty to his countrymen. He kept General Clinton at New York, in constant alarm; and then suddenly appeared before York Town in full force, and obtained a grand victory over Lord Cornwallis, who was there with his army. The American war consequently became more unpopular than ever, and shortly after the meeting of parliament, in March,

1782,

a resolution was moved, and _passed without a division_, declaring that the House of Commons would consider as enemies to his majesty and the country all who should advise the prosecution of offensive war in North America!

Shortly after, Lord North resigned, and the Marquis of Rockingham was placed at the head of the new administration. Amongst the promotions at this time, was _Mr. Dunning!_ who, at _her majesty's request_, was created Baron Ashburton, and also Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.

A treaty of peace was now entered into with General Washington, and Sir Guy Carleton was deputed to conduct the happy affair.

In the beginning of July, the unexpected death of the Marquis of Rockingham threw the whole cabinet into extreme disorder; and another resignation of ministers took place, on which occasion Mr. Pitt was constituted "Chancellor of the Exchequer," _although only twenty-three years of age_! Lord Shelburne accepted the office of premier, at the request of the king, which gave great offence to Mr. Fox and the Duke of Portland, who resigned. The country was little benefitted by this change, as the money required for the service of the year was more than twenty-four millions, of which thirteen had to be raised by loans.

In November, the provisional articles of peace were signed at Paris between the Commissioners of England and those of the United States.

The Shelburne party were obliged to retire in

1783,

having, by their arbitrary measures, drawn upon themselves general displeasure throughout the country.

Much surprise was created at the unexpected coalition of Lord North and Mr. Fox, which was the natural result of the pressing case of the prince, to whom the queen had confidentially entrusted his father's breach of the law, in the solemnization of his marriage with herself. The queen, in fact, used the prince's influence to prevail upon Mr. Fox to join Lord North, as he was well informed upon all the circumstances of the king's first marriage. Although the political sentiments of these gentlemen were opposed, it was represented as a safe line of conduct, to ensure the tranquillity of the kingdom. Thus, again, was every portion of truth sacrificed to the WILL of the _queen_.

This year, the king agreed that the heir-apparent should receive fifty thousand pounds per annum, and sixty thousand pounds to equip him suitably to his dignity. In the mean time, it became a public fact, that the prince had so deeply involved himself in debt as to be mean enough to resort, through the medium of others, to borrow money (of various amounts) of his tradespeople!

Before the conclusion of the year, the _Whig and Tory_ ministry were ejected, to the entire satisfaction of nearly every individual in the nation, who despised such an unholy alliance of opposite principles.

Mr. Pitt was now made "First Lord of the Treasury," which was a change very satisfactory to her majesty, as, from the youth of the new "premier," she augured her likely influence over the political hemisphere to be increased. It was well known that her majesty did not like any of the prince's associates, more especially Messrs. Fox and Sheridan. Mr. Burke was not supposed to be so informed upon all subjects; and, though much in the necessary confidence of the prince, the queen presumed it was chiefly in procuring pecuniary accommodations. It was not until an after period, that the _whole truth_ was stated to her by the prince.

New taxes alone could furnish means for the immense additional annuities now imposed upon the country; and thus were sums for every succeeding year's demand increased.

At this period, the Prince of Wales and his next brother were associated in dissipation of every kind. Their love of gaming was proverbial, and their excess of indulgence in voluptuousness soon exhausted the income allowed them by the country. Their caprices were various, but those of the prince was most strikingly evinced in his abruptly declining his engagements with the celebrated Mrs. Robinson. His usual plan was, when fascinated by the appearance of a new object, to exert every nerve to possess it. Presents, accompanied by the highest eulogiums, and protestations of eternal love and constancy, were always pressed upon the acceptance of the intended victim; and thus, by apparent devotion and unconquerable passion, many were the delusions he practised, and the outrages he committed, upon the unsuspecting virtue of woman.

Had a plebeian committed but _one_ act similar to those in which the prince was so frequently the principal character, his _life_ must have atoned for his fault, and a destitute family, in consequence, been plunged into distraction. But, because the prince was of such high-reputed family, he must, forsooth, be accounted a _noble-minded gentleman_; and, instead of exposition and punishment, the venal and hired press of the day launched out into the most fulsome eulogiums of his _graceful, all-attracting elegance of style and manners_, without even speaking of the _infamy_ of his amours, intrigues, and debaucheries! Some writers, alas! are so fearful of speaking the truth, lest they should offend the _side they have espoused_, or the inclinations and political principles of those by whom they are likely to be read, that they almost persuade themselves there is a sort of _impropriety_ in presenting facts in their proper colours! But is it not beneath the dignity of the press to act in so cowardly a manner?

In the year

1784,

(notwithstanding the dreadfully enormous weight of the "national debt," borrowed by the ministers upon nominal annuities, for which large interest was given) the king was again solicited to assist the prince, in order that his debts might be discharged. This request was refused, and Messrs. Fox and Sheridan advocated the subject to no purpose.

During this year, much public display of talent was made in the House. Mr. Pitt was now fully and entirely in her majesty's "confidence," and he well knew if "the system" were to be continued, war must be carried on, and oppression would increase rather than decrease. While engaged in a private interview with the queen, upon various state subjects, Mr. Pitt submitted his opinion upon the extravagance and improper pursuits of the prince, adding, "I much fear, your majesty, in his delirium of debauchery, _some expressions may escape him, to the injury of the crown_!" "No," answered the queen, "he is too well aware of the _consequences to himself_, if that transpired; so on that point I can rely upon him." "Is your majesty aware," said Mr. Pitt, "that at this time the prince is engrossed by a fair beauty? and I believe, from good authority I may say, intends to marry her! He is now so much embarrassed, that, at the suggestion of his trusty friend, Sheridan, he borrows large amounts from a Jew, who resides in town, and gives his bonds for much larger amounts than he receives; by this means, he is actually involved in debt to the amount of above a million of money; and the interest and principal must, some day, be _honourably_ discharged, or else he must never ascend the throne; as the dishonour would cause him eternal disgrace, if not an abdication." Truly, this was a fine picture of England's future monarch!

In the year

1785,

Mr. Pitt caused prosecutions to be issued and enforced to check the rising spirit of the Irish, as they appeared determined to press hard until they received reform in the representation; and, in order to divert the exasperated feelings of the people of England, as he stood deeply pledged to the reformers, "_as a man and a minister_," to bring in "a bill to amend the representation of the people," he moved, April 18th, for leave to bring it forward for the consideration of the House. His plan was to transfer the right of election from thirty-six rotten boroughs to the counties and principle unrepresented towns, _allowing a pecuniary compensation to the owners of the disfranchised boroughs_, and to extend the right of voting for knights of the shires to copyholders. This minister suffered his motion to be negatived by 248 against 194! Had there been honesty on the part of the minister towards the people, unfettered by any _state secrets_, he would have been prepared to meet the numerous opposers; but he found himself unable to serve the cause of liberty and slavery at the same time, and so, to save his word of promise, he did bring in "the bill," when he well knew it was impossible to carry it under the then existing corruptions!

In the farce here played, under the management of that youthful renegade,--PITT, we have a fair specimen of the way in which the English have been treated. But there is a time rapidly approaching when the supporters of despotism cannot thus delude their countrymen. The whole nest of court sycophants, however, seem determined rather to see England reduced to a state of the most grievous bondage than imagine one of their own ill-gotten acres endangered, or the least of their absurd and exclusive privileges called in question. But are such creatures, their _imagined_ interests, and affected opinions, to triumph over the views of the most virtuous patriots and wisest men of the present age? Forbid it, Justice!

The year

1786

was ushered in under some peculiar circumstances of distress and alarm. The king was evidently declining in health, and strong signs of imbecility were apparent. He positively refused to see the prince upon the subject of his debts, and was otherwise much distracted at the recollection of various impositions upon the public, which might have been avoided, if, in the moment of necessity, he had explained himself fully to the nation, and pressed for an amelioration of all _unnatural_ and _uncivilized_ acts of parliament, detrimental to the peace, welfare, and happiness of the sovereign and the subject.

In July, the prince was so beset with appeals from his numerous creditors, that, partly to silence them, and partly to induce the House to pay his long-standing arrears of borrowed money, he announced his intention to give up his establishment, and, out of his annual income of fifty thousand pounds, to reserve ten thousand, and appropriate forty thousand for the benefit of his creditors.

In the early part of this year, the prince _was married_ to Mrs. Fitzherbert. Messrs. Fox, Sheridan, and Burke were present upon the occasion, as also were some of the relatives of the bride. After the ceremony, Mr. Fox handed them into a carriage, and they drove to Richmond, where they spent some days. In the interim, the queen was made acquainted with the marriage. Her majesty requested an audience with the prince, which was immediately complied with. The queen insisted on being told if the news of his marriage were correct. "Yes, madam," replied he, "and not any force under heaven shall separate _us_. If his majesty had been _as firm_ in acknowledging _his marriage_, he might _now_ have enjoyed life, instead of being a misanthrope, as he is. But I beg, further, that _my_ wife be received at court, and proportionately as your majesty receives her, and pays her attention, from this time, so shall I render my attentions to your majesty. The lady I have married is worthy of all homage, and my very confidential friends, with some of my wife's relations, only, _witnessed_ our marriage. Have you not always taught me to consider myself _heir_ to the first sovereignty in the world? where then will exist any risk of obtaining a ready concurrence from the House in my marriage? I hope, madam, a few hours reflection will satisfy you that I have done my duty in following this impulse of my inclinations, and therefore I wait your majesty's commands, feeling assured you would not wish to blast the happiness of your favourite prince." The queen presumed it would prove her best policy to signify her acquiescence to the prince's wishes, and the interview terminated without any further explanation or remonstrance; nevertheless, the substance of the interview was immediately communicated to Mr. Pitt. The extravagant expenditure of the prince, at this period, was so increased, that he frequently promised _cent. per cent._ for advances of cash!

The Duke of Richmond, this year, proposed to erect _fortifications_ all over England! Monstrous as this attempt to enslave the country must appear, the power of Pitt brought the division of the House of Commons on the bill exactly _even_, so that the speaker was obliged, by his conscience, to give his casting vote _against_ so traitorous an affair! The establishment of a sinking fund was next brought forward; and, on a surplus of taxes appearing, amounting to NINE HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS, new taxes were levied on the plea of making up this sum _ONE MILLION_, which, with compound interest, was to be invariably applied to the _reduction of the national debt_.

In the year

1787,

the queen received the wife of the prince (Mrs. Fitzherbert) _in the most courteous manner in public_! The mental illness of the king became now apparent to those around him, but it _was not spoken of publicly_.

In April, Mr. Newnham, member for the city of London, gave notice that he should bring forward a motion, the intent of which was, "To address the king, in order to procure his approbation to relieve the Prince of Wales from all embarrassments of a _pecuniary_ nature," to which he hoped the House would _cordially_ agree. This announcement created much conversation, as well it might; and Mr. Newnham was earnestly solicited to withdraw his motion, lest its results should do injury to the state, and be productive of other inconvenience and mischief. The minister (Pitt) said, "_that if Mr. Newnham persevered in pressing his motion upon the notice of the House, he should be driven to make disclosures of circumstances, which otherwise he believed it to be his imperative duty to conceal_." Mr. Rolle (member for Devonshire) considered that an investigation of this matter involved many questions of consequence, which would affect both church and state. Messrs. Fox and Sheridan, with some other _private_ acquaintances of the prince, were bold in their language, and replied, that "the prince did not fear any investigation of his conduct; and that respect or indulgence, by an affected tenderness or studied ambiguity, would be disagreeable to the wishes and feelings of his royal highness!"

A few days after this debate, Mr. Fox called the attention of the House to the strange and extraordinary language used by Mr. Rolle, saying, "that he presumed those remarks were made in reference to the base and malicious calumny which had been propagated out of doors by the enemies of the prince, in order to _depreciate_ his character, and injure him in the opinion of the country!" Mr. Rolle replied to this by saying that, "though the marriage could not have been accomplished under the formal sanction of the law, yet if it existed _as a fact_, it ought to be satisfactorily cleared up, lest the most alarming consequences should be the result." Mr. Fox, in reply, said, "that he not only denied the calumny in question, with respect to the effect of certain existing laws, but he also denied the _marriage in toto_," adding, "though he well knew the matter was illegal under every form of statute provided, yet he took that opportunity to assert, _it never did happen_." Mr. Rolle again asked, "Do you, Sir, speak from DIRECT OR INDIRECT AUTHORITY?" Mr. Fox replied, "FROM DIRECT AUTHORITY." The House was now anxious that Mr. Rolle should express his satisfaction; but he positively and determinately refused, "as he wished every member of the House to JUDGE for himself!" Now mark the result. Mr. Sheridan (the bottle-companion of the prince) rose and declared warmly, "that if Mr. Rolle would not be satisfied, or put the matter into some train for his further satisfaction, his opinion was, the House ought to resolve, that it was seditious and disloyal to propagate reports injurious to the prince." But notice Mr. Pitt's reply, who rose, and protested against an attack upon the freedom of speech in that House. Mr. Pitt, indeed, could do no less than _stop the inquiry_; for if it had proceeded to any greater length, the LEGITIMACY of the prince might have been _doubted_!!!

The prince again sought advice to shield himself from his various opponents, whose impertinent, yet honest expressions, might prove an alloy to his character, and render void all his pretensions to even _common honesty_! His royal highness _deigned_ to consult some persons of consequence, but he could not receive any advice equal to his wishes. At length, he saw the queen, and partly explained his difficulties and debts, concluding his remarks by these _threatening_ words: "Unless the king suggests _HIS DESIRE_ for the payment of these debts, I will _EXPLAIN_ all this STATE MYSTERY; and I would receive a shot from a musket, in preference to the galling insults which I well know the _kingdoms_ infer _from these shameful arrears_." Again the _state secrets_ operated! Again was TRUTH to be hidden in a napkin! The prince retired from the audience; but the queen was no sooner disengaged than Mr. Pitt was announced and introduced. The interview was short, but decisive, and the minister departed on a mission to the prince at Carlton House. There he promised that his royal highness should immediately receive means to discharge his debts, and accordingly, on the very next day, a message was laid before the House, and an address voted to the king, to request him to grant out of the "civil list" the sum of one hundred and sixty-one thousand pounds, to discharge the debts of George, called Prince of Wales, with an additional sum of twenty thousand pounds to finish the repairs of Carlton Palace. When this infamous proposition was made, distress and wretchedness were at an alarming height! But the king was more an object of pity than of blame. Royalty, to him, was a deceitful bauble. Those who beheld it at a distance saw nothing but greatness, splendour, and delight; but, could they have examined it closely, they would have found toil, perplexity, and care, its constant companions.

The king was now fast exchanging the bloom of youth for the languor of age. He knew his duty was to repress calumny and falsehood, and to support innocence and truth; and not only to abstain from doing evil, but to exert himself in every way to do good, by preventing the mischiefs evil counsellors might devise. Yet the _state secrets_ kept him from acting as his heart dictated, and his mind soon lost all its vigour!

The prince, from this time, was sure of the attainment of his wishes, if within the power of the queen to bestow; and, from this conquest, he gave loose rein to the impetuous desires of his wayward inclinations. Splendid fetes were given, money was lavished upon the most insignificant and indecorous occasions; virtue openly insulted, in every possible shape; and the man, who was expected shortly to reign over the destiny of millions, was frequently exhibited to his friends as an UNPRINCIPLED LIBERTINE, a NOTORIOUS GAMESTER, and an UNGRATEFUL SON! But the rank of royal distinction, and the means he possessed to gratify his lusts (being devoid of all positive integrity upon many points) were sufficient causes of excuse in the estimation of himself and his minions! His graceful bow and ensnaring address led many good-natured people into a belief that he was really an honest man and a gentleman!

From the commencement of the year

1788,

the king's health again declined. His mind appeared full of gloomy apprehensions and forebodings; sometimes he uttered the most incoherent language; then, dissolving in tears, would ask after the health of the several members of his family, and especially of his youngest daughter, to whom he was more particularly attached. This state of aberration was, however, strictly concealed from the public as long as possible by the queen. Here, again, mark her German policy! Fearing she could not much longer conceal the king's indisposition, she determined to consult her favourite minister, and they resolved upon a proposition to give to the _queen's_ care the charge of his majesty's person, presuming that step was finally needful, as by its adoption _only_ could she retain an opportunity of exercising _complete controul over her afflicted husband_! On the reassembling of parliament, therefore, the project of the queen was brought forward by Pitt, who, possessing a decided majority, passed what resolutions he pleased. He contended, in opposition to Fox, that the Prince of Wales had no more right to the regency _than he had_! The debates upon this subject were long and warm; but Pitt and the queen finally triumphed. The care of the king's person and the disposition of the royal household was to be committed to her majesty, who would, by this means, be vested with the patronage of _four hundred places_, amongst which were the great offices of lord-stewart, lord-chamberlain, and master of the horse! These "loaves and fishes" offered the queen a fine opportunity of exercising her tyranny, and further increasing her power!

Let us here digress a little, to reflect upon the _enviable_ state in which her majesty was placed at this period.