Chapter XI: Part 11

During the disgraceful proceedings against the queen, such was the public feeling in her favour, that the peers actually feared for their personal safety in going to and returning from the House. This threatened danger was, as might be expected, properly guarded against by the _military_, who poured into London and its environs in vast numbers. The agitated state of the public mind probably was never more decidedly expressed than on the 19th of August, the day on which the trial commenced. At a very early hour in the morning, workmen were employed in forming double rows of strong timber from St. Margaret's church to the King's Bench office on the one side, and from the upper extremity of Abingdon-street on the other, so as to enclose the whole area in front of the House of Lords. This was done to form a passage to the House, which was devoted exclusively for the carriages of the peers, to and from the principal entrance. Within this extensive area, a large body of constables were stationed, under the controul of the high bailiff and high constable, who were in attendance before seven o'clock. A very strong body of foot-guards were also posted in the King's Bench office, the Record office, and in the other apartments, near or fronting the street. Westminster Hall was likewise appropriated to the accommodation of the military. All the leading passages from St. Margaret's church into Parliament-street were closed securely by strong partitions of timber. The police-hulk and the gun-boats defended the river side of Westminster, and the civil and military arrangements presented an effectual barrier on the opposite side. At nine o'clock, a troop of life-guards rode into the palace yard, and formed in line in front of the principal gate of Westminster Hall; they were shortly afterwards followed by a detachment of the foot-guards, who were formed under the piazzas of the House of Lords, where they piled their arms. Patrols of life-guards were then thrown forward, in the direction of Abingdon-street, who occasionally formed near the king's entrance, and at intervals paraded.

At half-past nine, a body of the Surrey horse-patrol rode over Westminster-bridge, and for a short time paraded Parliament-street, Whitehall, and Charing-cross; they afterwards drew up near the barrier at St. Margaret's church. The peers began to arrive shortly afterwards; the lord chancellor was in the House _before eight o'clock_. The other ministers were equally early in their attendance.

At a quarter before ten, an universal cheering from a countless multitude, in the direction of Charing-cross, announced to the anxious spectators that the queen was approaching. Her majesty, attended by Lady Anne Hamilton, had come early from Brandenburgh-house to the residence of Lady Francis, St. James' Square, and from thence they departed for the House of Lords, in a new state carriage, drawn by six bay horses. As they passed Carlton Palace, the Admiralty, and other such places, the sentinels presented arms; but, at the Treasury, this mark of honour was omitted.

When the queen arrived at the House, the military stationed in the front immediately presented arms. Her majesty was received at the door by Sir T. Tyrwhitt and Mr. Brougham; and the queen, with her lady in waiting, proceeded to an apartment prepared for their reception. Shortly afterwards, her majesty, accompanied as before, entered the House by the passage leading from the robing-room, which is situated on the right of the throne.

During this initiatory part of the trial, and until nearly four o'clock, her majesty was attended by Lord Archibald Hamilton and his sister Lady Anne, who stood close to the queen all the time.

Upon returning from the House in the same state in which her majesty arrived, she was greeted by the most enthusiastic acclamations and shouts of applause from every class of society, who were apparently desirous to outvie each other in testimonies of homage to their ill-fated and insulted queen.

Each succeeding day of the pretended trial, her majesty met with a similar reception; and, during the whole period, addresses were lavishly poured in upon her, signed by so many persons, and testifying such ardent regard and devotion, that every moment of time was necessarily occupied with their reception and acknowledgment. Thus, though the queen was insulted by the king and the majority of the peers, it must have afforded great consolation to her wounded feelings, while witnessing the enthusiasm and devotion manifested in her cause by all the really honourable of the community. We say _really honourable_, because her persecutors were either actuated by "filthy lucre," or by a desire to recommend themselves, in some way or another, to the favour of the king and his ministers.

To justify these remarks, we here present our readers with a list of those time-serving creatures who voted against the queen, with the annual amounts they were then draining from the country:

The Duke of York,[360:A]with immense patronage, nearly
100,000_l._; and the Duke of Clarence, 38,500_l._; but we must
not suppose her majesty's BROTHERS voted through _interest_;
their _virtuous minds could not tolerate her iniquities_!!!

DUKES.--Wellington, 65,741_l._, including the interest of
700,000_l._, which he received to purchase estates;
Northumberland, possessing immense patronage and family
interest; Newcastle, 19,700_l._; Rutland, 3,500_l._; Beaufort,
48,600_l._; and Manchester, 16,380_l._

MARQUISES.--Conyngham(!) 3,600_l._, but the exact sum his wife
received, we have not been able to ascertain; Thomond,
13,400_l._; Headfort, 4,200_l._; Anglesea, 11,000_l._;
Northampton, 1,000_l._; Camden, 4,150_l._; Exeter, 6,900_l._;
Cornwallis, 15,813_l._; Buckingham, 5,816_l._; Lothian,
4,900_l._; Queensberry, great family interest; and Winchester,
3,200_l._

EARLS.--Limerick, 2,500_l._; Ross, governor of an Irish
county; Donoughmore, 4,377_l._; Belmore, 1,660_l._; Mayo,
15,200_l._; Longford, 7,369_l._; Mount Cashel, 1,000_l._;
Kingston, 6,400_l._; St. Germains, brother-in-law to Lord
Hardwicke, who received 7,700_l._; Brownlow, 4,400_l._;
Whitworth, 6,000_l._; Verulam, 2,700_l._; Cathcart,
27,600_l._; Mulgrave, 11,051_l._; Lonsdale, 14,352_l._;
Orford, 6,700_l._; Manvers, 4,759_l._; Nelson, 15,025_l._;
Powis, 700_l._; Liverpool, 33,450_l._; Digby, 6,700_l._; Mount
Edgecumbe, 400_l._; Strange, 13,988_l._; Abergavenny,
3,072_l._; Aylesbury, 6,300_l._; Bathurst, 15,423_l._;
Chatham, 13,550_l._; Harcourt, 4,200_l._; Warwick, 6,519_l._;
Portsmouth, _non compos mentis_; Macclesfield, 3,000_l._;
Aylesford, 6,450_l._; Coventry, 700_l._; Abingdon, 2,000_l._;
Shaftesbury, 6,421_l._; Cardigan, 1,282_l._; Balcarras,
46,050_l._; Winchelsea, 6,000_l._; Stamford, 4,500_l._;
Bridgewater, 13,700_l._; Home, 2,800_l._; and Huntingdon,
200_l._ We must not here omit Lord Eldon, whose vote would
have been against her majesty if it had been required; his
income amounted to 50,400_l._, with immense patronage.

VISCOUNTS.--Exmouth, 10,450_l._; Lake, 7,300_l._; Sidmouth,
17,025_l._; Melville, 18,776_l._; Curzon, 2,400_l._; Sydney,
11,426_l._; Falmouth, 3,578_l._; and Hereford, 1,200_l._

ARCHBISHOPS.--Canterbury, 41,800_l._; Tuam, 28,000_l._; both
with immense patronage.

BISHOPS.--Cork, 6,400_l._, besides patronage; Llandaff,
1,540_l._, with twenty-six livings in his gift; Peterborough,
4,140_l._, with an archdeaconry, six prebends, and thirteen
livings in his gift; he had also a pension granted him by the
king's sign manual, in 1804, of 514_l._-4,654_l._;
Gloucester, 3,200_l._, twenty-four livings, besides other
patronage, in his gift; Chester, 4,700_l._, with six prebends
and thirty livings in his gift; he has also a son in the
_secret_ department in India, 2,000_l._, and another a
collector in India, 2,500_l._, as well as sons in the church
with benefices to the amount of 2,750_l._-11,950_l._; Ely,
21,340_l._, and the patronage of one hundred and eight
livings; St. Asaph, 6,000_l._, his son has two livings in the
church, 1000_l._, and he has ninety livings in his
gift,--7,000_l._; St. David's, 6,260_l._, besides one hundred
livings, prebends, and precentorships in his gift; he has also
a relation in the church, with two livings,
1,000_l._-7,260_l._; Worcester, 9,590_l._, besides the
patronage of one archdeaconry and twenty-one livings; London,
10,200_l._, with ninety-five livings, twenty-eight prebends,
and precentorships in his gift.

LORDS.--Prudhoe, 700_l._; Harris, 3,800_l._; Meldrum, of the
Gordon family, who annually devour about 30,000_l._; Hill,
9,800_l._; Combermere, 13,500_l._; Hopetoun, 15,600_l._;
Gambier, 6,800_l._; Manners, 21,500_l._; Ailsa, _expectant_;
Lauderdale, 36,600_l._; Sheffield, 3,000_l._; Redesdale,
5,500_l._; St. Helens, 1,000_l._; Northwick, 1,500_l._;
Bolton, 4,000_l._; Bayning, 1,000_l._; Carrington, 1,900_l._;
Dunstanville, 1,500_l._; Rous, _motive unknown_; Courtown,
9,800_l._; Galloway, 9,845_l._; Stuart, 15,000; Douglas,
2,500_l._; Grenville, 4,000_l._; Suffield, brother-in-law to
the _notorious Castlereagh_,--need we say more to point out
_his_ motive for voting against the queen? Montagu, 3,500_l._;
Gordon, 20,990_l._; Somers, 2,000_l._; Rodney, 6,123_l._;
Middleton, 700_l._; Napier, 4,572_l._; Gray, 200_l._, with
great family interest; Colville, 4,600_l._; Saltoun,
3,644_l._; Forbes, 8,400_l._; Lord Privy Seal, 3,000_l._; and
Lord President, 4,000.

[360:A] The Duke of Sussex excused himself from taking part in
the proceedings against the queen on the plea of being so
nearly related to her majesty. When this was stated in the
House of Lords, the Duke of York said, "My lords, I have as
much reason, and, _heaven knows_, I would as anxiously desire
as my royal relative to absent myself from these proceedings;
but when I have a DUTY imposed upon me, of _such magnitude as
the present_, I should be _ashamed_ to offer such an EXCUSE!"
It is astonishing how any man, who had _outraged virtue_ and
violated HIS DUTY in a thousand ways, could, unblushingly,
thus insult the English nation!

Notwithstanding this phalanx of corruption being arrayed against one virtuous female, after an unexampled multiplication of abuse and perjury, on the fifty-first day of the proceedings, the infamous bill was LOST, and, with it, the pretensions to uprightness and manly feeling of every one who had voted for it! What was the dreadful, the overwhelming, responsibility of those who had ventured to prosecute, of all others, a great, a noble, a glorious woman, (we speak unhesitatingly, for we speak from the EVIDENCE OF HER OWN PUBLIC ACTS) by a "Bill of Pains and Penalties," which was so far from being a part of our common law, that that was necessarily sacrificed in order to give effect to this? The mock trial was supported by the evidence of witnesses who, day after day, perjured themselves for the sake of wealth, and by the ingratitude of _discarded_ servants, treacherous domestics, and cowardly calumniators; evidence, not only stained with the infamy of their own perfidy to their generous benefactress, but polluted with the licentious and gross obscenity of their own debased instincts, for we cannot call their cunning by any other name. This, Englishmen! was the poison, this the vast and sweeping flood of iniquity, which was permitted by the government to disseminate itself into the minds of the young, and to inundate the morals of the whole country! A great moral evil was thus done; but the antidote luckily went with it. The same press, upon which the absurd, foolish, and dangerous imbecility of incompetent and unmanly ministers imposed the reluctant office of becoming the channel for the deluge of Italian evidence, also conducted the refreshing streams of national sympathy and public opinion! The public sustained their own honour in upholding that of Caroline, Queen of England! When that public beheld her intelligent eyes, beaming with mind and heroism; when they heard of her pure beneficence, holy in its principle, as it was unbounded in its sphere; when they felt her glowing affection for a devoted people; when they observed her, scorning alike the weakness of her sex and the luxury of her station,--actuated solely by the mighty energies of her own masculine sense and powerful understanding,--braving fatigue and danger, traversing the plains and mountains of Asia, the sands and deserts of Africa; and contemplating the living tomb of ancient liberty in modern Greece; when they heard of this dauntless woman sailing over foreign seas with a soul of courage as buoyant and as mighty as the waves that bore her; but, above all, when they knew of her refusing the glittering trappings and the splendid price of infamous security, to face inveterate, persecuting, and inflexible enemies, even on their own ground, and surrounded by their own strength and power, they felt confident that such a woman must be at once a favourite of heaven, a great queen, and a blessing to the people, who fervently offered up their prayers for her safety and her triumph! It will readily be supposed, then, with what joy the result of this important and unprecedented investigation filled the hearts of thousands, which manifested itself by shouts of exultation from the centre of the metropolis, and was re-echoed from the remotest corners of the land, by the unbought voices of a brave and generous people, who considered the unjust proceedings alike "derogatory to the dignity of the crown and the best interests of the nation."

From the very commencement of the queen's persecution, her majesty's counsellors appeared more in the capacity of MEDIATORS in the cause of _guilt_ than as _stern, unbending, and uncompromising champions of honour and truth_! In one of Mr. Brougham's speeches, he declared the queen had no intention to _recriminate_; but Mr. Brougham cannot, even at this distance of time, have forgotten that, when her majesty had an interview with him after this public assertion on his part, she declared herself INSULTED by such a remark, as her case demanded all the assistance it could possibly obtain from every legal quarter. Another peculiar trait of defection was conspicuously displayed during this extraordinary trial. The letter we gave a few pages back, written by an illustrious personage to the captain of the vessel in which the princess went in the memorable year 1814, offering him a reward to procure any evidence of improper conduct on the part of her royal highness, was submitted to Mr. Brougham, and shortly afterwards, at the supper table of the queen, he said aloud, that he HAD SHEWN THAT LETTER TO THE OPPOSITE SIDE OF THE COURT; and when remonstrated with for such extraordinary conduct, his only reply was, "Oh, it will do very well;" and soon after left the room. This and many other singular acts of the learned gentleman will seem surprising to his admirers. Such suspicious conduct, indeed, is hardly to be accounted for; but we could not dispute the evidence of our own senses!

At this period, a lady of her majesty's household received a note from a young person, stating the writer to be in possession of some papers of GREAT CONSEQUENCE TO THE QUEEN, which she wished to deliver to her majesty. A gentleman was sent to the writer of the note, and her information to him was, in substance, as follows:

That certain property, of a large amount, had been bequeathed to her; but that for many years she had been deprived of all interest arising from it. That Dr. Sir Richard Croft, accoucheur to her late royal highness, the Princess Charlotte, was an attendant witness to the will of her mother, by whom the property had been willed,--her father having engaged, upon his return from abroad, to put his daughter in possession of her rightful claims, proving her descent, &c. That, during her unprotected state, her guardian had caused her to sign bonds to an enormous amount; and, in consequence, she had been deprived of her liberty for nearly twelve months. As Dr. Sir Richard Croft was her principal witness and friend, she frequently consulted him on different points of her affairs, and also gave him several private letters for his inspection; but these letters not being returned to her when she applied for them, she reproached the doctor with his inattention to her interests. In consequence of this, Dr. Croft called upon her, and promised to send the letters back the next day. The doctor accordingly sent her a packet; but, upon examination, she found them to be, _not the letters alluded to_, but letters of VAST IMPORTANCE, from the HIGHEST PERSONAGES in the kingdom, and elucidating the most momentous subjects. Some time after, she sealed them up, and sent a servant back with them, giving him strict injunctions to deliver them ONLY into Sir Richard's hand. While the servant was gone, the doctor called upon her, and, IN GREAT AGITATION, inquired if she had received any other letters back besides her own. She replied she had, and said, "Doctor, what have you done?" He walked about the room for some time, and then said, abruptly, "I suppose you have read the letters?" She replied, "I have read enough to make me very uncomfortable." After some further remarks, he observed, "I am the most wretched man alive!" He then said he would communicate to her all the circumstances. Sir Richard commenced his observations by stating, that he was not the perpetrator of the deed, but had been made the instrument of others, which the letters proved. He then alluded, by name, to a NOBLEMAN; and said the circumstance was first discovered by the NURSE'S observing that a SEDIMENT WAS LEFT AT THE BOTTOM OF THE CUP IN WHICH THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE TOOK HER LAST BEVERAGE, and that Mrs. Griffiths directly charged the doctor with being privy to the act. He examined the contents of the cup, and was struck with horror at finding that it was the SAME DESCRIPTION OF MEDICINE WHICH HAD BEEN OBTAINED FROM HIS HOUSE, A FEW DAYS PREVIOUS, BY THE NOBLEMAN BEFORE ALLUDED TO!!! However, he endeavoured to persuade the nurse that she was mistaken; "but," said the doctor, "the more I endeavoured to persuade her, the more culpable, no doubt _I_ appeared to her."

Sir Richard said he was farther strengthened in his suspicions of the said nobleman by a conversation he had had a few days before with his lordship, who said, "If any thing should happen to the princess,--IF SHE WERE TO DIE,--it would be a melancholy event; yet I consider it would, in some considerable degree, be productive of good to the nation at large." Dr. Croft asked him how he could say so. "Because," said the nobleman, "every body knows her disposition sufficiently to be convinced, that she will ever be blind to her mother's most unequalled conduct; and I think any man, burdened with such a wife, would be _justified_ in using ANY MEANS in seeking to get rid of her! Were it my case, the friend who would be the means of, or assist in, releasing me from her shackles, I should consider would do no more than one man ought to do for another so circumstanced." Dr. Croft then said, he went to this nobleman directly after the death of the princess, and charged him with committing the crime. He at first denied it; but at length said, "It was better for one to suffer than that the whole country should be put into a state of confusion, which would have been the case if the princess had lived," and then alluded to the Princess of Wales coming into this country. The nobleman exonerated himself from the deed; but said "IT WAS MANAGED BY PERSONS IMMEDIATELY ABOUT THE DOCTOR'S PERSON." At this part of the narrative, the doctor became very much agitated, and the lady said, "Good God! who did do it?" To which question he replied, "_The hand that wrote that letter without a name, in conjunction with one of the attendants on the nurse!_" The lady further stated, that the doctor said, "Certain ladies are depending upon me for my services as accoucheur, and I will not extend life beyond my attendance upon them." This conversation took place just after the death of the Princess Charlotte.

Before Dr. Croft left the lady, she informed him of her anxiety to return the letters as soon as she discovered their importance, and mentioned that the servant was then gone with them. Sir Richard quickly exclaimed, "You bid him not leave them?" and inquired what directions had been given to the servant. Having been informed, he said, "Don't send them again; keep them until I come and fetch them, and that will be to-morrow, if possible." But the lady never saw him afterwards, and consequently retained the letters.

The gentleman then received exact copies of all the letters before alluded to. We here present our readers with three of the most important, which will substantiate some of our former statements.

COPY OF A LETTER FROM SIR B. BLOOMFIELD TO DR. SIR RICHARD CROFT.

"MY DEAR CROFT,

"I am commanded by his royal highness to convey to you his solicitude for your health and happiness; and I am to inform you, that the aid of so faithful a friend as yourself is indispensable. _It is by her majesty's command I write this to you._

"We have intelligence by the 20th ult. that the Princess of Wales is to take a road favourable to the accomplishment of our long-desired wishes; that we may keep pace with her, there is no one upon whose fidelity we can more fully rely than you yourself.

"A few months relaxation from the duties of your profession will banish all gloomy ideas, and secure the favour of her majesty.

"Come, my boy, throw physic to the dogs, and be the bearer of the happy intelligence of a divorce, to render ourselves still more deserving the confidence of our beloved master, whose peace and happiness we are bound in duty to secure by every means in our power.

"Remember this: the road to fortune is short; and let me see you to-day at three o'clock, without fail, in my bureau.

"Yours faithfully,"
**********.

"Carlton House,
"Monday, 9th November, 1817."

COPY OF A LETTER FROM DR. CROFT TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT.

"The gracious assurance of his royal highness for my happiness was this day conveyed to me, by _the desire of her most gracious majesty_.

"The many former favours and kindnesses bestowed by my royal benefactor is retained in my mind with the deepest sense of gratitude.

"That I regret, with heartfelt grief, the invisible power that determined my inevitable misery, and marks the hand that gave the blow to my eternal peace. Could no other arm inflict the wound than he who, in happier moments, indulged me with the most apparent unfeigned friendship? That I shall not, to my latest breath, cease to complain of such injustice, heaped upon me in the eyes of the world, and before the nation, who at my hands have lost their dearest hopes.

"My conscious innocence is the only right I plead to a just and Almighty God! That I consider this deed of so foul a nature as to stamp with ignominy, not only its perpetrators, but the throne itself, now to be obtained by the death of its own offspring, _and that death enforced by the Queen of England_, whose inveterate hatred is fully exemplified, by heaping wrongs upon the unfortunate partner of your once happy choice, who now only impedes your union to another.

"To remove now this only remaining obstacle, I am called upon by the ministers. With a view of tranquillizing my mind, every restitution is offered me. But, no doubt, many will be found amongst them, who can, without a pang, enjoy the reward of such services--_as her majesty will most liberally recompense_.

"It has ever been my highest ambition to fulfil the arduous duty of my situation; to be rewarded by upright encomiums; and to merit, as a subject and a servant, the approbation of my most gracious benefactor, as conveyed to me on the 9th of this month by Sir B. Bloomfield, would have been a sufficient recompense to me under any circumstances of life.

"I can, therefore, only assure his royal highness, with unfeigned sincerity, that I should feel happy upon any occasion to forfeit my life for his peace and happiness; nor can I more fully evince the same than by assuring his royal highness, that this melancholy circumstance shall be eternally buried in my mind.

(Signed) "RICHARD CROFT."

"November 10th, 1817."

COPY OF A LETTER FROM QUEEN CHARLOTTE TO DR. CROFT.

"We are sensible how much it were to be desired that the obligations provided for could have been traced without the necessity of our writing. But we are yet more sensible how much it is our duty to promote the happiness of our most dear and most beloved son, who so justly deserves the efforts which we make for him. Whatever price will cost our tender love, we shall at least have the comfort, in the melancholy circumstance of this juncture, which our kingdom most justly laments with us, to give to our subjects a successor more worthy of the possession of our crown, either partly or wholly, than the detested daughter of our dearest brother, who, by her conduct, has brought disgrace upon our royal house, and whom now we will, for us, and our descendants, without difference of the substance of blood and quality, that she shall at all events be estranged from us and our line for ever. To this end, we believe the method concerted by our faithful friends at Trieste is the most effectual to ensure it, not by divorce; be it by whatever means which may seem effectual to our friends, to whom we grant full power in every thing, as if we ourselves were present, to obtain the conclusion we so much desire; and whosoever shall accomplish the same shall be placed in the immediate degree with any peer of our kingdom, with fifty thousand pounds, which we guarantee to our worthy friend, Sir Richard Croft, on whom we can rely in every thing,--his services being considered unavoidable on this occasion. And for the better security of all, we promise the bearer hereof, being in every part furnished with sufficient power to write, sign, and secure, by letter or any other obligation, in our name, and which is to be delivered to Sir Richard Croft before his departure from London,--reminding him of his own engagements to the secrecy of this also,--whereunto we put our name, this 12th day of November, 1817.

"Let him be faithful unto death.

(Signed) "C. R."

Who can peruse these letters, and the particulars with which they are accompanied, without being shocked at the dark and horrible crime proved to have been committed, as well as those deep-laid plans of persecution against an innocent woman, which they unblushingly state to have had their origin in the basest of motives,--to gratify the vindictive feelings of her heartless and abandoned husband! It must appear surprising to honourable minds that these atrocities did not find some one acquainted with them of sufficient virtue and nerve to drag their abettors to justice. But, alas! those who possessed the greatest facilities for this purpose were too fond of place, pension, or profit, to discharge such a duty. Queen Caroline, at this period, resolved to ask for a public investigation of the causes and attendant circumstances of the death of her daughter, and expressed her determination to do so in the presence of several noblemen. Her majesty considered these and other important letters to be amply sufficient to prove that the Princess Charlotte's death was premeditated, and procured unfairly. Her majesty also knew that, in 1817, a most respectable resident of Claremont publicly declared that the regent had said, "_NO HEIR OF THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE SHALL EVER SIT UPON THE THRONE OF ENGLAND!_" The queen was likewise _personally_ assured of the truths contained in the letter signed "C. R." dated 12th of November; for the infamous Baron Ompteda, in conjunction with another similar character, had been watching all her movements for a length of time, and they were actually waiting her arrival at Trieste, at the time before named, while every one knew they had a coadjutor in England, in the person of Souza Count Funshall!!!

Her majesty was also well acquainted with the scheme of the king or his ministers, that the former or the latter, or both conjointly, had caused a work to be published in Paris, the object of which was "to set aside the succession of the Princess Charlotte and her heirs, (under the plea of the illegality of her father's marriage) and to supply the defect by the DUKE OF YORK!" Lord Moira offered very handsome terms to an author, of some celebrity, to write "Comments in favour of this book;" but he declined, and wrote explanatory of the crimes of the queen and her family. This work, however, was bought up by the English court for seven thousand pounds! In this book of comments was given a fair and impartial statement of the MURDER OF SELLIS, and, upon its appearance, a _certain duke_ thought it "wisest and best" to go out of this country! _Why_ the duke resolved to seek safety in flight is best known to himself and those in his immediate confidence; but to uninterested and impartial observers, such a step was not calculated to exonerate the duke's character. This took place at a very early period after the murder had been committed in the palace of St. James, and all the witnesses were then ready again to depose upon the subject, as well as those persons who had not been permitted to give their evidence at the inquest. Another examination of the body of Sellis might have been demanded, though doubtless in a more public manner than before, as it was not supposed to be past exhumation! The people reasoned sensibly, when they said, "The duke certainly knows something of this awful affair, or else he would cause the strictest inquiry, rather than suffer such a stain upon his royal name and character, which are materially injured in public opinion by the royal duke's refusal to do so, and his sudden determination to go abroad." The duke, however, _did_ go abroad, and did not return until inquiry had, apparently, ceased.

Such were the remarks of Caroline, Queen of England, upon these serious subjects, of which she felt herself competent to say more than any other subject in the realm. The secret conduct of the government was not unknown to her majesty, and her sufferings, she was well aware, had their origin in STATE TRICK; while fawning courtiers, to keep their places, had sacrificed _truth_, _justice_, and _honour_. "Then," said the queen, "can I wonder at any plan or plans they may invent to accomplish the wish of my husband? No; I am aware of many, very many, foul attempts to insult, degrade, and destroy me! I cannot forget the embassy of Lord Stewart, the base conduct of that most unprincipled man, Colonel Brown, and other unworthy characters, who, to obtain the favour of the reigning prince, my husband, condescended to say and do any and every thing prejudicial to my character, and injurious to my dignity, as the legitimate princess of the British nation; and for what purpose is this extraordinary conduct pursued? Only to gratify revengeful inclinations, and prevent my full exposures of those odious crimes, by which the honour of the family is and will ever be attainted! But," added her majesty, "the untimely, unaccountable death of my Charlotte is, indeed, heavy upon my heart! I remember, as if it were only yesterday, her infant smile when first I pressed her to my bosom; and I must always feel unutterable anguish, when I reflect upon the hardships she was obliged to endure at our cruel separation! Was it not more than human nature was able to endure, first to be insulted and deceived by a husband, then to be deprived of an only and lovely child, whose fondness equalled her royal father's cruelty? Well may I say, my Charlotte's death ought to be explained, and the bloodthirsty aiders in the scheme punished as they really merit. Who are these proud, yet base, tyrants,--who, after destroying the child, still continue their plans to destroy her mother also? Are they not the sycophants of a voluptuous monarch, whose despotic influence has for a long period destroyed the liberties and subverted the rights of the people, over whom he has exercised such uncontrouled and unconstitutional power? And what is the MORAL character of these state hirelings, (continued the queen) who neither act with judgment, or speak with ability, but who go to court to bow, and cringe, and fawn? Alas! is it not disgraceful in the extreme?--are they not found debasing themselves in the most infamous and unnatural manner? From youth, have not even some of the late queen's sons been immoral and profane? Was not one of them invited to dinner, by a gentleman of the first rank, during his stay in the West Indies, and did he not so conduct himself before one of the gentleman's daughters, that his royal highness was under the necessity of making a precipitate retreat? Yet this outrage upon decency was only noticed by one fearless historian! And amongst the courtiers, where is morality to be found? Yet these individuals are the judges, as well as the jury, and are even empowered to assault, insult, and reproach the consort of the first magistrate, their sovereign the king! But he is in their power; guilt has deprived my lord and husband of all ability to set the perfidious parasites at defiance! If this were not the case, would his proud heart have allowed him to be insulted by my Lord Bloomfield, or Sir W. Knighton? No; the answer must be obvious. Yet such was actually the fact, as all the _private_ friends of his majesty can testify. My honour is indeed insulted, and yet I am denied redress. I suspected what my fate would be when so much equivocation was resorted to during my journey to this country. I was not treated as any English subject, however poor and defenceless, ought to expect; far otherwise, indeed. I waited some months to see Mr. Brougham, and was disappointed from time to time, until I determined to return to England in despite of all obstacles. I reached St. Omers on the 1st of June; Mr. Brougham did not arrive until the evening of the 3rd; he was accompanied by his brother and Lord Hutchinson; and I judged from their conversation, that my only safety was to be found in the English capital. Propositions were made me, of the most infamous description; and, afterwards, Lord Hutchinson and Mr. Brougham said, 'they understood the outline of those propositions originated with myself.' How those gentlemen could indulge such an opinion for one moment, I leave the world to judge. If it had been my intention to receive fifty thousand pounds per annum to remain abroad, UNQUEENED, I should have reserved my several establishments and suite. I was requested to delay my journey until despatches could be received; but my impatience to set my foot once more on British ground prevented my acquiescence. I had been in England a very short time, when I was most credibly informed the cause for soliciting that delay; namely, that this government had required the French authorities to station the military in Calais, at the command of the English consul, for the express purpose of seizing my person, previous to my embarkation! What would not have been my fate, if I once had been in the grasp of the Holy Alliance!! This fact will satisfy the English people, that the most wicked plans were organized for my destruction. The inhabitants of Carlton House were all petrified upon my arrival, having been assured that I never should again see England, and that my legal adviser had supported the plan of my remaining abroad, and had expressed his opinion that I should accept the offer. It is also a solemn fact that, at that period, a PROCESS OF DIVORCE, in the Consistory Court in Hanover, was rapidly advancing, under the direction of Count Munster; and, as the king is there an arbitrary sovereign, the regal will would not have found any obstacle. When the day of retribution shall arrive, may God have mercy upon Lords Liverpool, Castlereagh, and their vile associates,--even as they wished to have compassion upon their insulted and basely-treated queen! Had I followed my first opinion after these unhandsome transactions, I should have changed my counsel; but I did not know where to apply for others, as I too soon found I was intended to be sacrificed, either privately or publicly. Devotion in public characters is seldom found to be unequivocally sincere in times of great trouble and disappointment! What is a defenceless woman, though a queen, opposed to a despotic and powerful king? Alas! but subject to the rude ebullition of pampered greatness, and a mark at which the finger of scorn may point. Well may I say--

"Would I had never trod the English earth,
Or felt the flatteries that grow upon it!
Ye have angels' faces; but heaven knows your hearts.
What will become of me now, wretched lady?
I am the most unhappy woman living.
No friend, no hope, no kindred, weep for me;
_Almost no grave allowed me_! Like the lily,
That once was mistress of the field, and flourished,
I'll hang my head, and perish!"

A very few weeks after making these remarks, her majesty, in correspondence with a friend, wrote as follows:

"I grow weary of my existence. I am annoyed upon every occasion. I am actually kept without means to discharge my honourable engagements. Lord Liverpool returns the most sarcastic replies (if such they may be called) to my notes of interrogation upon these unhandsome and unfair delays, as if I were an object of inferior grade to himself. I think I have sufficient perception to convince me what the point is to which the ministers are now lending their ready aid, which is nothing less than to FORCE ME TO RETURN ABROAD! This they never shall accomplish, so long as my life is at all safe; and in vain does Mr. WILDE press upon my notice the propriety of such a step."

Illuminations and other rejoicings were manifested by the people at the queen's acquittal; but the state of her majesty's affairs, as explained in the above extract, were such as to preclude her receiving that pleasure which her majesty had otherwise experienced at such testimonies of the affectionate loyalty of the British people.

We must now proceed to the year

1821,

in which pains and penalties supplied the place of kindness, and the sword upheld the law! while men who opposed every liberal opinion hovered around the throne of this mighty empire. In the hardness of their hearts, they justified inhumanity, and delighted to hear the clank of the chains of slavery. They flattered but to deceive, and hid from their master the miseries of his subjects! This was base grovelling submission to the royal will, and not _REAL LOYALTY_; for loyalty does not consist in a slavish obedience to the will of a tyrannical chief magistrate, but in a firm and faithful adherence to the law and constitution of the community of which we are members. The disingenuity of Lord Liverpool and his coadjutors, however, who were impelled by high church and high tory principles, wished to limit this comprehensive principle, which takes in the whole of the constitution, and therefore tends to the conservation of it all in its full integrity, to the _person_ of the king, because they knew he would favour their own purposes as well as the extension of power and prerogative,--the largesses of which they hoped to share in reward for their sycophantic zeal, and their mean, selfish, perfidious adulation. With such views, the king's ministers represented every spirited effort in favour of the people's rights as originating in _disloyalty_. The best friends to the English constitution, in its purity, were held up to the detestation of his majesty, as being disaffected to his person. Every stratagem was used to delude the unthinking part of the people into a belief that their only way of displaying loyalty was to display a most servile obsequiousness to the caprices of the reigning prince, and to oppose every popular measure. The ministers themselves approached him in the most unmanly language of submission, worthier to have been received by the Great Mogul or the Chinese emperor than the chief magistrate of a professedly free people. In short, George the Fourth only wished to be feared, not loved. The servile ministry fed this passion, though they would have done the same for a Stuart, had one been in power. It was not the man they worshipped, but the _power_ he possessed to add to their _own dignity and wealth_! Let us not here be misunderstood. We are willing to award honour to the person of a man invested with kingly power, provided his deeds are in accordance with his duty, though not otherwise. A good king should be regarded with true and sincere affection; but we ought not to pay any man, reigning over a free country, so ill a compliment as to treat him like a despot, ruling over a land of slaves. We must, therefore, reprobate that false, selfish, adulatory loyalty, which, seeking nothing but its own base ends, and feeling no real attachment either to the person or the office of the king, contributes nevertheless, by its example, to diffuse a servile, abject temper, highly injurious to the spirit of freedom.

Though "the bill" was now ingloriously abandoned by Lord Liverpool, the queen received but little benefit. Her majesty was even refused means to discharge debts unavoidably contracted for the bare support of her table and her household. As a proof of the economical style of her living, we witnessed one evening a party of friends sitting down to supper with her majesty, when a chicken at the top and another at the bottom of the table were the _only dishes_ set before the company. What a contrast this would have presented to the loaded tables, groaning under the luxurious display of provisions for gluttony, in the king's several residences, where variety succeeded variety, and where even the veriest menial lived more sumptuously than his master's consort!

On the 5th of May, the Emperor Napoleon Buonaparte expired at St. Helena, having endured captivity, under the most unfavourable circumstances, and with a constitutional disease, more than six years and a half. As we shall have occasion, in our second volume, to speak of this illustrious man and his cruel treatment by our government, it would be unnecessary to say more in this place than merely give an outline of his extraordinary career. Napoleon was born at Ajaccio, the capital of Corsica, August 15, 1769; and was, consequently, fifty-two years of age, wanting three months, when he died. He was the eldest son of a lawyer, of Italian descent, and his family had pretensions to ancestry of high birth and station in Italy. He was educated in the _royal_ military school; and first attracted notice when, as an officer of engineers, he assisted in the bombardment of Toulon in 1793; next signalized himself by repressing an infuriated mob of Parisians in 1795, which caused his promotion to the command of the army of Italy; was made first consul in 1799; elected emperor in 1804; "exchanged" the sceptre of France and Italy for that of Elba (so it was expressed in the treaty of Fontainbleau) on the 11th of April, 1814; landed at Cannes, in Provence, on the 1st of March, 1815; entered Paris triumphantly, at the head of the French army, a few days afterwards; fought the last fatal battle of Waterloo on the 18th of June in the same year; abdicated in favour of his son; threw himself upon the generosity of the English, through promises made to him by Lord Castlereagh; was landed at St. Helena on the 18th of October, 1815; and died as before stated, a victim to the arbitrary treatment of our government, which we shall presently prove.

Leopold now (in July) called upon her majesty, for the first time since her return to this country. His serene highness was announced and ushered into the presence of the mother of his late consort. The queen appeared exceedingly agitated, though her majesty did not urge one word of complaint or inquiry at the delay of the prince's visit. Previous to the departure of Leopold, the queen appeared much embarrassed and affected, and, addressing the prince, said, "Do you not think that the death of my Charlotte was too sudden to be naturally accounted for? and do you think it not very likely that she died unfairly?" The prince replied, "I also have my fears; but I do not possess any PROOF of it." He then said, "My suspicions were further excited by the _EXCESSIVE JOY_ the royal family shewed at her death; for the Regent and the Duke of York got DRUNK upon the occasion." These, we pledge ourselves, were his highness' OWN WORDS, _verbatim et literatim_.

About this time, when the coronation was expected to take place in a few days, her majesty, in writing to one of her firmest friends, said,

"I do not foresee any happy result likely to ensue from my attempting to get into the Abbey; for my own part, I do not think it a prudent step. My enemies hold the reins of power, and _most_ of my professed friends appear rather shy; so I fear the advice I have received upon the subject. Alderman Wood intends to go in his civic capacity, which, to me, is very unaccountable indeed; for certainly, if I ever required the assistance and presence of my _real_ friends, it is most probable I shall need both at such a period. I can unbosom myself to you, for _I know you to be my real friend_; believe me, I do not assure myself that I have another in the whole world! To _you alone_ can I speak freely upon the death of my child and her infant, and I dare tell _you_, I yet hope to see the guilty murderers brought to condign punishment. I say, with Shakespeare,

"'Blood will have blood!
Stones have been known to move, and trees to speak,
To bring forth the secret man of blood.'

"Such is my earnest hope; may it yet prove true in the case of my lovely departed daughter. While her remains are dwelling in the gloomy vault of death, her father and his associates are revelling in the most abominable debauchery, endeavouring to wash that,--THE FOUL STAIN, THE ETERNAL STAIN,--from their remembrance. Still I live in expectation that the dark deed will be avenged, and the perpetrators meet with their just reward.

"The deep-rolling tide of my enemies' success against me will find a mighty barrier, when all shall be explained, in the simple and unaffected language of truth. Weak and presumptuous as my Lord Liverpool is, I did not believe he would dare to promise one thing, and act the reverse before the world. I did think he was too anxious to retain A NAME for honour, if he merited it not; but I am deceived, and very probably not for the last time. You will sympathize with me; I labour under the pressure of many heavy misfortunes, and also under the provocation of great and accumulated injustice. Yes, and though so unfortunate, I am scarcely at liberty to lament my cruel destiny. These things frequently hang heavy, very heavy, upon my heart; and I sometimes reflect, with inexpressible astonishment, upon the nerve with which I still bear up under the trying burden. For more than fourteen years I have been a victim to perjury and conspiracy; my enemies were in ambush in the shade, but they aimed at me poisoned arrows; they watched, most eagerly watched, for the moment in which they might destroy me, without its being known who drew the bow, or who shot the shaft. You, my friend, know that I delight in disseminating happiness. My bliss is to diffuse bliss around me; I do not wish misery to be known within the circle of my influence. I covet not the glory arising from the carnage of battle, which fills the grave with untimely dead, or covers the earth with mutilated forms. I wish you distinctly to understand me upon these several subjects. I have not any personal feelings against the king, in my own case. I do assuredly pity his majesty, that he should allow himself to be a tool in the hands of a wicked ministry; but my cause for sorrow is, that he should leave this world without exposing the base schemes formed against the SUCCESSION and LIFE of his royal daughter. If his majesty will make restitution upon this point, my anxieties would be in some degree relieved, although nothing on this side the grave will ever make any atonement for the loss of such an amiable and well-formed mind. Well indeed may his majesty be afraid to be left alone; well may he discharge all persons from naming the departed child he ought to have protected; at this I do not wonder, for guilt produces terror and dismay.

"I cannot conclude this without adverting again to the pecuniary difficulties I have to endure. For nearly eight years, I have given up fifteen thousand pounds per annum out of the annuity allowed me by parliament. This amounts now to above one hundred thousand pounds; yet, notwithstanding this, I am refused means to live in a respectable style, to say nothing of regal state. All the royal family have had their debts paid, and the Duke of Clarence received his _arrears_. The chancellor of the Exchequer promised I should receive an outfit, if the prosecution against me failed. It did fail; but I have received no outfit at all,--not even the value of one shilling,--so that, of necessity, I am involved in debt to the amount of thirty thousand pounds. How differently was the late Queen Charlotte situated; and, since her demise, more than twenty thousand pounds per annum have been paid in pensions to her numerous and already wealthy household! while I am incapable to acknowledge my real sentiments to those who have been generous to me, even at the expense of being unjust to themselves, unless I do it from borrowed resources.

"You will not feel surprised at these remarks. Alas! I wish it were not in my power to make more serious ones; but I will await, with firmness, the coronation.

"Believe me ever,
"Your faithful and grateful friend,
"C. R."

Nearly at the same time, the following letter was forwarded to the same friend of the queen, by a professional gentleman, who had for some time been employed to arrange some of her majesty's affairs:

"You may indeed rest assured that no consideration shall induce me to give up 'The Documents' I hold, relative to the queen and her lost, though lamented, daughter, unless you require me to return them to her majesty, or to entrust them into your own care. For, as I obtained them from no other motive than to serve the queen, so I will certainly retain them and use them in this noble cause, without regard to any personal consideration, or convenience, until that object be fully accomplished; and feeling (as you do) the very great importance of such proofs, I will defy all the power of the enemy to dispute the matter with me. Yet, at the same time, I am very candid to acknowledge, that it is my confident opinion every effort will be used to suppress all testimony which may have a tendency to bring THE FAMILY into disgrace. With whom to trust this business, I am at a loss to determine, as it would no doubt be considered rather a ticklish affair. I have thought of Dr. Lushington; but, as you are better acquainted with this learned gentleman's sentiments and opinions upon her majesty's case than I am, I beg to submit the suggestion for your serious deliberation. No time ought to be lost; every thing that CAN be done OUGHT to be done, without delay. The queen is placed in the most serious situation. You ought not to forget, for one moment, that her enemy is her sovereign; and such is the utter absence of principle manifested to this illustrious lady since her left-handed marriage with the son of George the Third, that every person must fear for her safety, unless their hearts are hard as adamant, and themselves actors in the villanous tragedy.

"I give my opinion thus boldly, because I know your fidelity to the queen to be unshaken, even amidst all the rude and unmanly clamours raised against her friends by the agents of her tyrannical husband. This is, and ought to be, your satisfactory reflection,--that you have been faithful to this innocent and persecuted queen, from _principle alone_. 'Honourable minds will yield honourable meed,' and to such you are justly entitled. To-morrow evening, I intend to give you further intelligence, as I am now going out for the purpose of meeting an especial enemy of her majesty, by whose rancour I may judge the course intended.

"I have the honour to be,"
&c. &c. &c. ******.

Continuation from the same to the same, two days after the foregoing.