Chapter XIII: Part 13

In the meanwhile, the commander Bobadilla arrived at St. Domingo,[197] at which time I was at La Vega, and the Adelantado at Xaragua, where this Adrian had made his attempt; but by that time everything was quiet, the land was thriving, and the people at peace. The day after his arrival he declared himself governor, created magistrates, ordered executions, published immunities from the collection of gold and from the paying of tithes; and, in fine, announced a general franchise for twenty years, which is, as I have said, the calculation of an age. He also gave out that he was going to pay everyone, although they had not even done the service which was due up to that day; and he further proclaimed that he had to send me back loaded with chains, and my brother also (this he has done);[198] and that neither I, nor any of my family, should ever return to these lands: and, in addition, he made innumerable unjust and disgraceful charges against me. All this took place, as I have said, on the very day after his arrival, at which time I was absent at a distance, thinking neither of him nor of his coming. Some letters of their Highnesses, of which he brought a considerable number signed in blank, he filled up with exaggerated language, and sent round to the alcalde and his myrmidons, accompanying them with compliments and flattery. To me he never sent either a letter or a messenger, nor has he done so to this day. Reflect upon this, madam! what could any man in my situation think? Could it be that honour and favour were to be conferred on him who had lent himself to plundering their Highnesses of their sovereignty, and who had done so much injury and mischief?—Could it be that he who had defended and preserved their cause through so many dangers, was to be dragged through the mire? When I heard this, I thought he must be like Hojeda, or one of the other rebels; but I held my peace, when I learned for certain, from the friars, that he had been sent by their Highnesses. I wrote to him, to salute him on his arrival, to let him know that I was ready to set out to go to court, and that I had put up to sale all that I possessed. I entreated him not to be in haste on the subject of the grants; and I assured him that I would shortly yield this, and everything else connected with the government, implicitly into his charge. I wrote the same thing to the ecclesiastics, but I received no answer either from the one or the other. On the contrary, he took a hostile position, and obliged those who went to his residence to acknowledge him for governor, as I have been told, for twenty years. As soon as I knew what he had done with regard to the immunities, I proposed to repair this great mistake, and I thought he would himself be glad of it; for, without any reason or necessity, he had bestowed upon vagabonds privileges of such importance, that they would have been excessive even for men with wives and children. I published verbally, and in writing, that he could not make use of his credentials, because mine were of higher authority, and I showed the grants brought by Juan Aguado. All this I did for the purpose of gaining time, that their Highnesses might be informed as to the state of the country, and that they might have opportunity to give fresh orders upon everything touching their interests. It is useless to publish such grants in the Indies,—all is in favour of the settlers who have taken up their abode there, because the best lands are given up to them; and, at a low estimate, they are worth two hundred thousand maravedis a head for the four years, at which they are taken, without a single stroke of the mattock. I should not say so much if these people were married men; but there are not six among them all, whose purpose is not to amass all they can, and then decamp with it. It would be well that people should come from Spain, but that only such should be sent as are well known, so that the country may be peopled with honest men. I had agreed with these settlers that they should pay the third of the gold and of the tithes; and this they not only assented to, but were very grateful to their Highnesses. I reproached them when I heard they had afterwards refused it; they expected, however, to deal with me on the same terms as with the commander, but I would not consent to it. He meanwhile irritated them against me, saying, that I wished to deprive them of that which their Highnesses had given them; and strove to make me appear their enemy, in which he succeeded to the full. He induced them to write to their Highnesses, that they should send me no more commissioned as governor (truly I do not desire it any more for myself, or for any who belong to me, while the people remain unchanged); and to conciliate them, he ordered inquiries to be made respecting me with reference to imputed misdeeds, such as were never invented in hell. But God is above, who with so much wisdom and power rescued Daniel and the three children, and who, if he please, can rescue me with a similar manifestation of his power, and to the advancement of his own cause. I should have known well enough how to find a remedy for the evils which I now describe and have been describing as having happened to me since I came to the Indies, if I had had the wish or had thought it decent, to busy myself about my personal interest; but now I find myself undone, because I have hitherto maintained the justice and augmented the territorial dominions of their Highnesses. Now that so much gold is found, these people stop to consider whether they can obtain the greatest quantity of it by theft, or by going to the mines. For one woman they give a hundred castellanos,[199] as for a farm; and this sort of trading is very common, and there are already a great number of merchants who go in search of girls; there are at this moment from nine or ten on sale; they fetch a good price, let their age be what it will. I assert that when I said that the commander could not confer immunities, I did what he desired, although I told him that it was to gain time until their Highnesses had received information respecting the country, and had given their orders as to the regulations best calculated to advance their interest. I assert that the calumnies of injurious men have done me more harm, than my services have done me good: which is a bad example for the present as well as for the future. I declare solemnly that a great number of men have been to the Indies, who did not deserve baptism in the eyes of God or men, and who are now returning thither. The governor has made every one hostile to me; and it appears, from the manner of his acting, and the plans that he has adopted, that he was already my enemy, and very virulent against me when he arrived; and it is said, that he has been at great expense to obtain this office: but I know nothing about the matter except what I have heard. I never before heard of any one who was commissioned to make an inquiry, assembling the rebels, and taking, as evidence against their governor, wretches without faith, and who are unworthy of unbelief. If their Highnesses would cause a general inquiry to be made throughout the land, I assure you they would be astonished, that the island has not been swallowed up. I believe that you will recollect, that when I was driven by a tempest into the port of Lisbon (having lost my sails), I was falsely accused of having put in thither with the intention of giving the Indies to the sovereign of that country. Since then, their Highnesses have learned the contrary, and that it was all malice. Although I am an ignorant man, I do not imagine that any one supposed me so stupid as not to be aware, that even if the Indies had belonged to me, I could not support myself without the assistance of some prince. In such case where should I find better support, or more security against expulsion, than in the king and queen our sovereigns? who, from nothing, have raised me to so great an elevation, and who are the greatest princes of the world, on the land and on the sea. These princes know how I have served them, and they uphold my privileges and rewards; and if any one violates them, their Highnesses augment them by ordering great favour to be shown me, and ordain me many honours, as was shown in the affair of Juan Aguado. Yes, as I have said, their Highnesses have received some services from me, and have taken my sons into their household, which would not have happened with another prince, because where there is no attachment, all other considerations prove of little weight. If I have now spoken severely of a malicious slander, it is against my will, for it is a subject I would not willingly recall even in my dreams. The governor Bobadilla has maliciously exhibited in open day his character and conduct in this affair; but I will prove without difficulty, that his ignorance, his cowardice, and his inordinate cupidity, have frustrated all his undertakings. I have already said that I wrote to him, as well as to the monks, and I set out almost alone, all our people being with the Adelantado and elsewhere, to remove suspicion; when he heard this he seized Don Diego, and sent him on board a caravel, loaded with irons; on my arrival he did the same to me; and afterwards to the Adelantado when he came. I have never spoken with him, and to this day he has not permitted any one to hold converse with me, and I solemnly declare that I cannot think for what reason I was made prisoner. His first care was to take the gold that I had, and that without measuring or weighing it, although I was absent; he said he would pay those to whom it was owing, and if I am to believe what has been reported to me, he reserved to himself the greater part, and sent for strangers to make the bargains. I had put aside some samples of this gold, some as large as a goose’s or a hen’s egg, and of various sizes, which a few persons had collected in a short space of time, that their Highnesses might be gratified and impressed with the importance of the affair, when they saw a quantity of large stones full of gold. This gold was the first that, after he had feathered his own nest (which he was in great haste to do), his malice suggested to give away, in order that their Highnesses might have a low opinion of the whole affair: the gold which required melting, diminished at the fire, and a chain weighing nearly twenty marks disappeared altogether. I have been yet more concerned respecting this matter of the gold than even about the affair of the pearls, that I have not been able to bring them to their Highnesses. In every thing that he thought could add to my annoyance, the governor has always shown himself ready to bestir himself. Thus, as I have said, with six hundred thousand maravedis, I should have paid every one, without injustice to any; and I had more than four millions of tithes and constabulary dues, without touching the gold. He made the most absurd gifts, although I believe he began with himself first; their Highnesses will be able to ascertain the truth on this subject when they demand the account to be rendered them, especially if I may assist at the examination. He is continually saying, that there is a considerable sum owing, while it is only what I have already reported, and even less. I have been wounded extremely by the thought, that a man should have been sent out to make inquiry into my conduct, who knew, that if he sent home a very aggravated account of the result of his investigation, he would remain at the head of the government. Would to God, their Highnesses had sent either him or some other person two years ago, for then I know that I should have had no cause to fear either scandal or disgrace; they could not then have taken away my honour, and I could not have been in the position to have lost it. God is just, and He will in due time make known by whom and how it has been done. Let them judge me, as a governor who had been sent to Sicily or some province or city under regular government, and where the laws could be executed without fear of danger to the public weal or subjection to any enormous wrong. I ought to be judged as a captain sent from Spain to the Indies, to conquer a nation numerous and warlike, with customs and religion altogether different to ours; a people who dwell in the mountains, without regular habitations for themselves or for us; and where, by the Divine will, I have subdued another world to the dominion of the King and Queen, our sovereigns; in consequence of which, Spain, that used to be called poor, is now the most wealthy of kingdoms. I ought to be judged as a captain, who for so many years has borne arms, never quitting them for an instant. I ought to be judged by cavaliers who have themselves won the meed of victory;[200] by knights of the sword and not of title deeds; as least, so it would have been among the Greeks and Romans, or any modern nation in which exists so much nobility as in Spain; for under any other judgment I receive great injury, because in the Indies there is neither civil right nor judgment seat.

Already the road is opened to the gold and pearls, and it may surely be hoped that precious stones, spices, and a thousand other things, will also be found. Would to God that it were as certain that I should suffer no greater wrongs than I have already experienced, as it is that I would, in the name of our Lord, again undertake my first voyage; and that I would undertake to go to Arabia Felix as far as Mecca, as I have said in the letter that I sent to their Highnesses by Antonio de Torres, in answer to the division of the sea and land between Spain and the Portuguese; and I would go afterwards to the North Pole, as I have said and given in writing to the monastery of the Mejorada.

The tidings of the gold which I said I would give, are, that on Christmas-day, being greatly afflicted and tormented by the wicked Spaniards and the Indians, when I was at the point of leaving all to save my life if possible, our Lord comforted me miraculously, saying to me, “_Take courage, be not dismayed nor fear, I will provide for all; the seven years, the term of the gold, are not yet passed; and in this, as in the rest, I will redress thee._” I learned that same day, that there were twenty-four leagues of land where they found mines at every step, which appear now to form but one. Some of the people collected a hundred and twenty castellanos’ worth in one day, others ninety; and there have been those who have gathered the equivalent of nearly two hundred and fifty castellanos. They consider it a good day’s work when they collect from fifty to seventy, or even from twenty to fifty, and many continue searching; the mean day’s work is from six to twelve, and those who get less are very dissatisfied. It appears that these mines, like all others, do not yield equally every day; the mines are new, and those who collect their produce inexperienced. According to the judgment of everybody here, it seems that, if all Spain were to come over, every individual, however inexpert he might be, would gain the equivalent of at least one or two castellanos in a day; and so it is up to the present time. It is certain that any man who has an Indian to work for him, collects as much, but the management depends upon the Spaniard. See, now, what discernment was shown by Bobadilla when he gave up everything for nothing, and four millions of tithes without any reason, and even without being asked to do so, and without first giving notice to their Highnesses of his intention; and this is not the only evil which he has caused. I know, assuredly, that the errors which I may have fallen into, have been committed without any intention of doing wrong, and I think that their Highnesses will believe me when I say so; but I know and see that they show mercy towards those who intentionally do injury to their service. I, however, feel very certain that the day will come when they will treat me much better; since, if I have been in error, it has been innocently and under the force of circumstances, as they will shortly understand beyond all doubt: I, who am their creature, and whose services and usefulness they will every day be more willing to acknowledge. They will weigh all in the balance, even as, according to the Holy Scripture, it will be with the evil and the good at the day of judgment. If, nevertheless, their Highnesses ordain me another judge, which I do not expect, and if my examination is to be holden in the Indies, I humbly beseech them to send over two conscientious and respectable persons at my expense, and they would readily acknowledge that, at this time, five marks of gold may be found in four hours: be it however as it may, it is highly necessary that their Highnesses should have this matter inquired into. The governor, on his arrival at St. Domingo, took up his abode in my house, and appropriated to himself all that was therein. Well and good; perhaps he was in want of it: but even a pirate does not behave in this manner towards the merchants that he plunders. That which grieves me most is the seizure of my papers, of which I have never been able to recover one; and those that would have been most useful to me in proving my innocence, are precisely those which he has kept most carefully concealed. Behold the just and honest inquisitor! But whatever he may have done, they tell me that he has now bidden good bye to justice and is simply a despot. Our Lord God retains His power and wisdom as of old; and, above all things, He punishes injustice and ingratitude.

CARTA

_Del Almirante al ama (que habia sido) del Principe D. Juan, escrita hacia fines del año 1500._

Muy virtuosa Señora: Si mi queja del mundo es nueva, su uso de maltratar es de muy antiguo. Mil combates me ha dado y á todos resistí fasta agora que no me aprovechó armas ni avisos. Con crueldad me tiene echado al fondo. La esperanza de aquel que crio á todos me sostiene: su socorro fue siempre muy presto. Otra vez, y no de lejos estando yo mas bajo, me levantó con su brazo divino, diciendo: _ó hombre de poca fe, levantate que yo soy, no hayas miedo_. Yo vine con amor tan entrañable á servir á estos Principes, y hé servido de servicio de que jamas se oyó ni vido. Del nuevo cielo y tierra que decia muestro Señor por S. Juan en el Apocalipse, despues de dicho por boca de Isaías, me hizo dello mensagero, y amostró en cual parte. En todos hobo incredulidad, y á la Reina mi Señor dió dello el espíritu de inteligencia y esfuerzo grande, y lo hizo de todo heredera como á cara y muy amada hija. La posesion de todo esto fuí yo á tomar en su Real nombre. La ignorancia en que habian estado todos quisieron enmendallo traspasando el poco saber á fablar en inconvenientes y gastos. Su Alteza lo aprobaba al contrario, y lo sostuvo fasta que pudo. Siete años se pasaron en la platica y nueve ejecutando cosas muy señaladas y dignas de memoria se pasaron en este tiempo: de todo no se fizo concepto. Llegué yo y estoy que non ha nadie tan vil que no piense de ultrajarme. Por virtud se contará en el mundo á quien puede no consentillo. Si yo robara las Indias ó tierra que san face[201] en ello de que agora es la fabla del altar de S. Pedro, y las diera á los moros, no pudieran en España amostrarme mayor enemiga. Quién creyera tal adonde hobo siempre tanta nobleza? Yo mucho quisiera despedir del negocio si fuera honesto para con mi Reina: el esfuerzo de nuestro Señor y de su Alteza fizo que yo continuase, y por aliviarle algo de los enojos en que á causa de la muerte estaba, cometí viaje nuevo al nuevo cielo é mundo, que fasta entonces estaba en oculto, y sino es tenido allí en estima, así como los otros de las Indias, no es maravilla porque salió á parecer de mi industria. A S. Pedro abrasó el Espíritu Santo y con él otros doce, y todos combatieron acá, y los trabajos y fatigas fueron muchas; en fin de todo llevaron la victoria. Este viaje de Paria creí que apaciguara algo por las perlas y la fallada del oro en la Española. Las perlas mandé yo ayuntar y pescar á la gente con quien quedó el concierto de mi vuelta por ellas, y á mi comprender á medida de fanega: si yo non lo escribí a SS. AA. fue porque así quisiera haber fecho del oro antes. Esto me salió como otras cosas muchas; no las perdiera ni mi honra si buscara yo mi bien propio y dejara perder la Española, ó se guardaran mis previlegios é asientos. Y otro tanto digo del oro que yo tenia agora junto, que con tantas muertés y trabajos, por virtud divinal, he llegado á perfecto. Cuando yo fuí á Paria fallé cuasi la mitad de la gente en la Española alzados, y me han guerreado fasta agora como á moro, y los indios por otro cabo gravemente. En esto vino Hojeda y probó á echar el sello, y dijo que sus Altezas lo enviaban con promesas de dádivas y franquezas y paga: allegó gran cuadrilla, que en toda la Española muy pocos hay, salvo vagabundos y ninguno con muger y fijos. Este Hojeda me trabajó harto y fuele necesario de se ir, y dejó dicho que luego seria de vuelta con mas navíos y gente, y que dejaba la Real persona de la Reina á la muerte. En esto llegó Viceinte Yañez con cuatro carabelas: hobo alboroto y sospechas, mas no daño. Los indios dijeron de otras muchas á los canibales y en Paria, y despues una nueva de seis otras carabelas que traía un hermano del Alcalde, mas fue con malicia, y esto fue ya á la postre cuando ya estaba muy rota la esperanza que sus Altezas hobiesen jamas de enviar navios á las Indias, ni nos esperarlos, y que vulgarmente decian que su Alteza era muerta. Un Adrian en este tiempo probó alzarse otra vez como de antes, mas nuestro Señor no quiso que llegase á efecto su mal propósito. Yo tenia propuesto en mi de no tocar el cabello á nadie, y á este por su ingratitud con lágrimas no se pudo guardar, así como yo lo tenia pensado. A mi hermano no hiciera menos si me quisiera matar y robar el señorío que mi Rey é Reina me tenian dado en guarda. Este Adrian, segun se muestra, tenia enviado á D. Fernando á Jaragua á allegar á algunos sus secuaces, y allá hobo debate con el Alcalde, adonde nació discordia de muerte; mas no llegó á efecto. El Alcalde le prendió y á parte de su cuadrilla: y el caso era que él los justiciaba sin que yo lo proveyere: estovieren presos esperando carabela en que se fuesen: las nuevas de Hojeda que yo dije ficieron perder la esperanza que ya no venia. Seis meses habia que yo estaba despachado para venir á sus Altezas con las buenas nuevas del oro y fuir de gobernar gente disoluta que no teme á Dios ni á su Rey ni Reina, llena de achaques y de malicias. A la gente acabara yo de pagar con seiscientos mil maravedises: y para ello habia cuatro cuentos de diezmos é alguno sin el tercio del oro. Antes de mi partida supliqué tantas veces á sus Altezas que enviasen allá á mi costa á quien tuviese cargo de la justicia, y despues que fallé alzado al Alcalde se lo supliqué de nuevo ó por alguna gente, ó al menos algun criado con cartas, porque mi fama es tal que aunque yo faga iglesias y hospitales siempre serán dichas espeluncas para latrones. Proveyeron ya al fin, y fue muy al contrario de lo que la negociacion demandaba: vaya en buena, hora, pues que es á su grado. Yo estuve allá dos años sin poder ganar una provision de favor para mí ni por los que allá fuesen, y este llevó una arca llena: si pararán todas á su servicio Dios lo sabe. Ya por comienzos hay franquezas por veinte años, que es la edad de un hombre, y se coge el oro, que hobo persona de cinco marcos en cuatro horas, de que diré despues mas largo. Si pluguiese á sus Altezas de desfacer un vulgo de los que saben mis fatigas, que mayor daño me ha hecho el mal decir de las gentes que no me ha aprovechado el mucho servir y guardar su facienda y senorío, seria limosna, é yo restituido en mi honra, é se fablaria dello en todo el mundo, porquel negocio es de calidad que cada dia ha de ser mas sonada y en alta estima. En esto vino el Comendador Bobadilla á Santo Domingo, yo estaba en la Vega y el Adelantado en Jaragua, donde este Adrian habia hecho cabeza, mas ya todo era llano y la tierra rica, y en paz toda. El segundo dia que llegó se crió Gobernador y fizo oficiales y ejecuciones, y apregonó franquezas del oro y diezmos, y generalmente de toda otra cosa por veinte años, que como digo es la edad de un hombre, y que venia para pagar á todos, bien que no habian servido llenamente hasta ese dia, y publicó que á mi me habia de enviar en fierros, y á mis hermanos, así como lo ha fecho, y que nunca yo volveria mas allí ni otro de mi linage, diciendo de mi mil deshonestidades y descorteses cosas. Esto todo fue el segundo dia quel llegó, como dije, y estando yo lejos absente sin saber dello ni de su venida. Unas cartas de sus Altezas firmadas en blanco, de que el llevaba una cantidad, hinchó y envió al Alcalde y á su compañía con favores y encomiendas. A mi nunca me envió carta ni mensagero, ni me ha dado fasta hoy. Piense vuestra merced qué pensaria quien tuviera mi cargo? honrar y favorecer á quien probó á robar á sus Altezas el señorío, y ha fecho tanto mal y daño! y arrastrar á quien con tantos peligros se lo sostuvo? Cuando supe esto, creí que esto seria como lo de Hojeda, ó uno de los otros: templóme que supe de los frailes de cierto que sus Altezas lo enviaban. Escrebile yo que su venida fuese en buena hora, y que yo estaba despachado para ir á la corte, y fecho almoneda de cuanto yo tenia, y que en esto de las franquezas que no se acelerase, que esto y el gobierno yo se lo daria luego tan llano como la palma, y así lo escribí a los religiosos. Ni él ni ellos me dieron respuesta, antes se puso él en son de guerra, y apremiaba á cuantos allí iban que le jurasen por Gobernador, dijeronme que por veinte años. Luego que yo supe de estas franquezas pensé de adobar un yerro tan grande, y que él seria contento, las cuales dió sin necesidad y causa de cosa tan gruesa y á gente vagabunda, que fuera demasiado para quien trujera muger y hijos. Publiqué por palabra y por cartas que él no podia usar de sus provisiones, porque las mias eran las mas fuertes, y les mostré las franquezas que llevó Juan Aguado. Todo esto que yo fice era por dilatar, porque sus Altezas fuesen sabidores del estado de la tierra, y hobiesen lugar de tornar á mandar en ello lo que fuese su servicio. Tales franquezas escusado es de las apregonar en las Indias. Los vecinos que han tomado vecindad es logro, porque se les dan las mejores tierras y á poco valer valerán docientos mil maravedis al cabo de los cuatro años que la vecindad se acaba, sin que den una azadonada en ellas. No diria yo así si los vecinos fuesen casados, mas no hay seis entre todos que no esten sobre el aviso de ayuntar lo que pudieren y se ir en buena hora. De Castilla seria bien que fuesen, y aun saber quién y cómo, y se poblase de gente honrada. Yo tenia asentado con estos vecinos que pagarian el tercio del oro y los diezmos, y esto á su ruego, y lo recibieron en grande merced de sus Altezas. Reprendiles cuando yo oí que se dejaban dello, y esperaban quél conmigo faria otro tanto, mas fue el contrario. Indignólos contra mí diciendo, que yo les queria quitar lo que sus Altezas les daban, y trabajo de me los echar acuestas, y lo hizo, y que escribiesen á sus Altezas que no me enviasen mas al cargo, y así se lo suplico yo por mí y por toda cosa mia, en cuanto no haya otro pueblo, y me ordenó él con ellos pesquisas de maldades que al infierno nunca se supo de las semejantes. Allí está nuestro Señor que escapó á Daniel y á los tres muchachos con tanto saber y fuerza como tenia, y con tanto aparejo si le pluguiere como con su gana. Supiera yo remediar todo esto y lo otro que está dicho y ha pasado despues que estoy en las Indias, si me consintiera la voluntad á procurar por mi bien propio y me fuera honesto. Mas el sostener de la justicia y acrecentar el señorío de sus Altezas fasta agora, me tiene al fondo. Hoy en dia que se falla tanto oro hay division en que haya mas ganancia, ir robando ó ir á las minas. Por una muger tambien se fallan cien castellanos como por una labranza, y es mucho en uso, y ha ya fartos mercaderes que andan buscando muchachas: de nueve á diez son agora en precio: de todas edades ha de tener un bueno. Digo que en decir yo que el Comendador no podia dar franquezas que hice yo lo que él deseaba; bien que yo á él dijese que era para dilatar fasta que sus Altezas toviesen el aviso de la tierra y tornasen á ver y mandar lo que fuese su servicio. Digo que la fuerza del maldecir de desconcertados me ha hecho mas daño que mis servicios fecho provecho: mal ejemplo es por lo presente y por lo futuro. Fago juramento que cantidad de hombres han ido á las Indias que no merescian el agua para con Dios y con el mundo, y agora vuelven allá. Enemistólos á ellos todos conmigo, y él parece, segun se hobo y segun sus formas, que ya lo venia y bien encendido, ó es que se dice que ha gastado mucho por venir á este negocio; no se dello mas de lo que oyo. Yo nunca oí que el pesquisidor allegase los rebeldes y los tomase por testigos contra aquel que gobierna á ellos y á otros sin fe, ni dignos della. Si sus Altezas mandasen hacer una pesquisa general allí vos digo yo que verian por gran maravilla como la isla no sé funde. Yo creo que se acordará vuestra merced cuando lo tormenta sin velas me echó en Lisbona, que fuí acusado falsamente que habia ido ya allá al Rey para darle las Indias. Despues supieron sus Altezas al contrario, y que todo fue con malicia. Bien que yo sepa poco: no sé quien me tenga por tan torpe que yo no conozca que aunque las Indias fuesen mias, que yo no me pudiera sostener sin ayuda de Príncipe. Si esto es así, adónde pudiera yo tener mejor arrimo y seguridad de no ser echado dellas del todo que en el Rey é Reina nuestros Señores, que de nada me han puesto en tanta honra y son los mas altos Príncipes por la mar y por la tierra del mundo? los cuales tienen que yo les haya servido, é me guardan mis privilegios y mercedes, y si alguien me los quebranta sus Altezas me los acrescientan con aventaja, como se vido en lo de Juan Aguado, y me mandar hacer mucha honra, y como dije ya sus Altezas rescibieron de mí servicios y tienen mis hijos sus criados, lo que en ninguna manera pudiera esto llegar con otro Príncipe, porque adonde no hay amor todo lo otro cesa. Dije yo agora ansi contra un maldecir con malicia y contra mi voluntad, porque es cosa que ni en sueños debiera allegar á memoria, porque las formas y fechos del Comendador Bobadilla, con malicia las quiere alumbrar en esto: mas yo le faré ver con el brazo izquierdo que su poco saber y gran cobardiá con desordenada cudicia le ha fecho caer en ello. Ya dije como yo le escrebí y á los frailes, y luego partí así como le dije muy solo, porque toda la gente estaba con el Adelantado, y tambien por le quitar de sospecha: él cuando lo supo echó á D. Diego preso en una carabela cargado de fierros, y á mi en llegando fizo otro tanto, y despues al Adelantado, cuando vino. Ni le fablé mas á él ni consintió que hasta hoy nadie me haya fablado, y fago juramento que no puedo pensar por qué sea yo preso. La primera diligencia que fizo fue á tomar el oro, el cual hobo sin medida ni peso, é yo absente dijo que queria él pagar dello á la gente, y segun oí para sí fizo la primera parte, y enviar por resgate resgatadores nuevos. Desto oro tenia yo apartado ciertas muestras, granos muy gruesos como huevos como de ánsar, de gallina y de pollas, y de otras muchas fechuras, que algunas personas tenian cogido en breve espacio, con que se alegrasen sus Altezas, y por ello comprendiesen el negocio con una cantidad de piedras grandes llenas de oro. Este fue el primero á se dar con malicia, porque sus Altezas no tuviesen este negocio en algo fasta quel tenga fecho el nido de que se dá buena priesa. El oro que está por fundir mengua al fuego: una cadena que pesaria fasta veinte marcos nunca se ha visto. Yo he sido muy agraviado en esto del oro mas aun que de las perlas, porque no las he traido á sus Altezas. El Comendador en todo lo que le pareció que me dañaria luego fue puesto en obra. Ya dije, con seiscientos mil maravedises pagara á todos sin robar á nadie y habia mas de cuatro cuentos de diezmos y alguacilazgo sin tocar en el oro. Hizo unas larguezas que son de risa, bien que creo que encomenzó en sí la primera parte: allá lo sabran sus Altezas cuando le mandaren tomar cuenta, en especial si yo estuviese á ella. El no face sino decir que se debe gran suma, y es la que yo dije y no tanto. Yo he sido muy mucho agraviado en que se haya enviado pesquisidor sobre mí, que sepa que si la pesquisa que él enviare fuere muy grave que él quedará en el gobierno.—Pluguiera á nuestro Señor que sus Altezas le enviaran á él ó á otro dos años ha, porque sé que yo fuera ya libre de escándalo y de infamia, y no se me quitara mi honra ni la perdiera: Dios es justo, y ha de hacer que se sepa por que y cómo. Allí me juzgan como Gobernador que fue á Cecilia ó ciudad ó villa puesta en regimiento y adonde las leyes se pueden guardar por entero sin temor de que se pierda todo, y rescibo grande agravio. Yo debo ser juzgado como Capitan que fue de España á conquistar fasta las Indias á gente belicosa y mucha, y de costumbres y seta á nos muy contraria: los cuales viven por sierras y montes, sin pueblo asentado ni nosotros; y adonde por voluntad Divina he puesto só el señorio del Rey é de la Reina nuestros Señores otro mundo; y por donde la España, que era dicha pobre, es la mas rica. Yo dobo ser juzgado como Capitan que de tanto tiempo fasta hoy trae las armas á cuestas sin las dejar una hora, y de Caballeros de conquistas y del uso, y no de letras, salvo si fuesen de Griegos ó de Romanos, ó de otros modernos de que hay tantos y tan nobles en España, ca de otra guisa rescibo grande agravio porque en las Indias no hay pueblo ni asiento. Del oro y perlas ya está abierta la puerta y cantidad de todo, piedras preciosas y especería, y de otras mil cosas se pueden esperar firmemente; y nunca mas mal me viniese como con el nombre de Nuestro Señor le daria el primer viage, así como diera la negociacion del Arabia feliz fasta la Meca, como yo escribí á sus Altezas con Antonio de Torres en la respuesta de la reparticion del mar é tierra con los Portogueses: y despues viniera á lo de polo artico, así coma lo dije y dí por escripto en el monesterio de la Mejorada. Las nuevas del oro que yo dije que daria son que dia de Navidad, estando yo muy afligido guerreado de los malos Cristianos y de Indios, en términos de dejar todo y escapar si pudiese la vida; me consoló nuestro Señor milagrosamente y dijo: “_Esfuerza, no desmayes mi temas: yo proveeré en todo; los siete años del término del oro no son pasados, y en ello y en lo otro te daré remedio._” Ese dia supe que habia ochenta leguas de tierra, y en todo cabo dellas minas; el parecer agora es que sea toda una. Algunos han cogido ciento y veinte castellanos en un dia, otros noventa, y se ha llegado fasta docientos y cincuenta. De cincuenta fasta setenta, y otros muchos de veínte fasta cincuenta, es tenido por buen jornal y muchos lo continuaban: el comun es seis fasta doce, y quien de aquí abaja no es contento. Parece tambien que estas minas son como las otras que responden en los dias no igualmente: las minas son nuevas y los cogedores. El parecer de todos es que aunque vaya allá toda Castilla, que por torpe que sea la persona, que no abajará de un castellano ó dos cada dia, y agora es esto así en fresco. Es verdad que el que tiene algun indio coge esto, mas el negocio consiste en el Cristiano. Ved que discrecion fue de Bobadilla dar todo por ninguno y cuatro cuentos de diezmos sin causa ni ser requerido, sin primero lo notificar á sus Altezas; y el daño no es este solo. Yo sé que mis yerros no han sido con fin de facer mal, y creo que sus Altezas lo creen así como yo lo digo; y sé y veo que usan de misericordia con quien maliciosamente los desirve. Yo creo y tengo por muy cierto que muy mejor y mas piedad harán conmigo que caí en ello con inocencia y forzosamente, como sabran despues por entero, y el cual soy su fechura, y mirirán á mis servicíos, y cognoscerán de cada dia que son muy aventajados. Todo pornan en una balanza, así como nos cuenta la Santa Escriptura que será el bien con el mal en el dia del juicio. Si todavía mandan que otro me juzgue, lo cual no espero, y que sea por pesquisa de las Indias, humilmente les suplico que envien allá dos personas de consciencia y honrados á mi costa, los cuales fallaran de ligero agora que se halla el oro cinco marcos en cuatro horas, con esto é sin ello es muy necesario que lo provean. El Comendador, en llegando á Santo Domingo se aposentó en mi casa; así como la falló así dió todo por suyo: vaya en buena hora, quizá lo habia menester: cosario nunca tal usó con mercader. De mis escripturas tengo yo mayor queja que así me las haya tomado, que jamas se le pudo sacar una, y aquellas que mas me habian de aprovechar en mi disculpa esas tenia mas ocultas. Ved que justo y honesto pesquisidor. Cosa de cuantas él haya hecho me dicen que haya seido con término de justicia, salvo absolutamente. Dios nuestro Señor está con sus fuerzas y saber, como solia, y castiga en todo cabo, en especial la ingratitud de injurias.

FOOTNOTES:

[189] Although Zuñiga says that Doña Maria de Guzman was appointed nurse by Queen Isabella at the birth of Prince John, it is nevertheless certain that this letter was addressed by Columbus to Doña Juana de la Torres, a great favourite of the queen, sister of Antonio de Torres, who was with the admiral in the second voyage, and who bore the memorial to their Highnesses.

[190] This is related by his son Don Ferdinand, in cap. 84 of his history, and is more amply described in the letter addressed by Columbus to the sovereigns, describing his fourth voyage. It took place the day after Christmas day, 1499.

[191] He refers to the death of Prince John, which occurred in Salamanca, on the fourth of October 1497.

[192] After the admiral had discovered the island of Trinidad, he sailed along the coast of Paria, discovered the island of Margarita, and entered the harbour of San Domingo the thirtieth of August 1498, where he found the colony in rebellion, and the Spaniards embroiled in quarrels, both with each other and with the Indians.

[193] Alonzo de Hojeda reached Española on the fifth of September 1498.

[194] Roldan was by this time reconciled to the Admiral, and the rebellion was allayed, when Hojeda arrived, making great boast of his favour with bishop Fonseca, Columbus’ enemy, and endeavoured to excite fresh animosity against him; but he had to leave Española completely.

[195] Adrian Mogica, who had been one of the rebels with Roldan.

[196] Columbus returned to Cadiz from his second voyage, on the 11th of June, 1496. He was well received by the sovereigns, and they gave orders for preparing the requisites for a third voyage; but the fulfilment of these orders was delayed by Bishop Fonseca until the 30th of May, 1498.

[197] Francesco de Bobadilla, commander of the order of Calatrava, reached San Domingo on the 23rd of August, 1500.

[198] This expression of the Admiral’s, makes it appear that he wrote this letter when he was near reaching Cadiz, on the 25th of November, 1500.

[199] An ancient gold coin, varying in value under different kings.

[200] The old Spaniards used to give the name of “_caballero de conquista_,” to each of the conquerors, among whom the conquered lands were divided.

[201] There is no sense in this expression, nor as it is given in the “Codice Colombo Americano”, where it stands thus: “que jaz hase ellas de que”, etc. Perhaps “hase” is miscopied for “hacia” “towards.”

FOURTH VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.

_A Letter written by Don Christopher Columbus, Viceroy and Admiral of the Indies, to the most Christian and mighty Sovereigns, the King and Queen of Spain, in which are described the events of his voyage, and the countries, provinces, cities, rivers, and other marvellous matters therein discovered, as well as the places where gold and other substances of great richness and value are to be found._

Most Serene, and very high and mighty Princes, the King and Queen our Sovereigns:—My passage from Cadiz to the Canary occupied four days, and thence to the Indies, from which I wrote, sixteen days. My intention was to expedite my voyage as much as possible while I had good vessels, good crews and stores, and because Jamaica was the place to which I was bound. I wrote this in Dominica.

Up to the period of my reaching these shores I experienced most excellent weather, but the night of my arrival came in with a dreadful tempest, and the same bad weather has continued ever since. On reaching the island of Española I despatched a packet of letters, by which I begged as a favour that a ship should be supplied me at my own cost in lieu of one of those that I had brought with me, and which had become unseaworthy, and could no longer carry sail. The letters were taken, and your Highnesses will know if a reply has been given to them. For my part I was forbidden to go on shore; the hearts of my people failed them lest I should take them further, and they said that if any danger were to befall them, they should receive no succour, but, on the contrary, in all probability have some great affront offered them. Moreover every man had it in his power to tell me that the new Governor would have the superintendence of the countries that I might acquire.

The tempest was terrible throughout the night, all the ships were separated, and each one driven to the last extremity, without hope of anything but death; each of them also looked upon the loss of the rest as a matter of certainty. What man was ever born, not even excepting Job, who would not have been ready to die of despair at finding himself as I then was, in anxious fear for my own safety, and that of my son, my brother, and my friends, and yet refused permission either to land or to put into harbour on the shores which by God’s mercy I had gained for Spain with so much toil and danger?

But to return to the ships: although the tempest had so completely separated them from me as to leave me single, yet the Lord restored them to me in his own good time. The ship which we had the greatest fear for, had put out to sea for safety, and reached the island of Gallega, having lost her boat and a great part of her provisions, which latter loss indeed all the ships suffered. The vessel in which I was, though dreadfully buffeted, was saved by our Lord’s mercy from any injury whatever; my brother went in the ship that was unsound, and he under God was the cause of its being saved. With this tempest I struggled on till I reached Jamaica, and there the sea became calm, but there was a strong current which carried me as far as the Queen’s Garden without seeing land. Hence as opportunity afforded I pushed on for terra firma, in spite of the wind and a fearful contrary current, against which I contended for sixty days, and after all only made seventy leagues. All this time I was unable to get into harbour, nor was there any cessation of the tempest, which was one continuation of rain, thunder, and lightning; indeed it seemed as if it were the end of the world. I at length reached the Cape of Gracias a Dios, and after that the Lord granted me fair wind and tide; this was on the twelfth of September. Eighty-eight days did this fearful tempest continue, during which I was at sea, and saw neither sun nor stars; my ships lay exposed, with sails torn, and anchors, rigging, cables, boats, and a great quantity of provisions lost; my people were very weak and humbled in spirit, many of them promising to lead a religious life, and all making vows and promising to perform pilgrimages, while some of them would frequently go to their messmates to make confession. Other tempests have been experienced, but never of so long a duration or so fearful as this: many whom we looked upon as brave men, on several occasions showed considerable trepidation; but the distress of my son who was with me grieved me to the soul, and the more when I considered his tender age, for he was but thirteen years old, and he enduring so much toil for so long a time. Our Lord, however, gave him strength even to enable him to encourage the rest, and he worked as if he had been eighty years at sea, and all this was a consolation to me. I myself had fallen sick, and was many times at the point of death, but from a little cabin that I had caused to be constructed on deck, I directed our course. My brother was in the ship that was in the worst condition and the most exposed to danger; and my grief on this account was the greater that I brought him with me against his will.