Chapter III: Part I: Gold Coast and Ashanti (1)

=Origin of Tribes.=—Tradition among the natives maintains that the two great tribes of Fanti and Ashanti were originally from the same stock, and it is probable that this was also the case with regard to the people of Tufel, Denkera, Assin and Aquapim, who are said to speak a dialect of the same language as that of the Fantis and Ashantis. Completely different languages are, however, spoken by the Appolonias, Ahantas, Agoonahs, Accras, and Adampes living near the coast, and these are supposed to represent the remains of an earlier race.

The native belief is that the whole people were originally composed of twelve families or tribes, and that each was called by a separate name in some way indicating the occupation. According to Bowdich, those calling themselves after animals of the forest probably represented the families employing their time in hunting, and those bearing such names as cornstalk (Abrotoo) and plantain (Abbradi) applied themselves to agriculture. The name Agoonah, implying “oil-palm locality,” seems to have been applied to all those who were traders. Individuals are still said to assume these distinctive names without regard to their usual tribal affinities.

The probable reason for the backward condition of agriculture in the forest region is that a food supply was procurable from the forest itself, and the continual intertribal warfare, in which the people seemed to have been engaged, was opposed to the cultivation of crops, which might become an incentive to a covetous attack. More recently, since these conditions have become altered, through the pacification of the country, some of the tribes, who were the first to become settled, have adopted a form of cultivation which, although wasteful, seems to be common among the forest people of West Africa. By means of imperfect clearing of the ground before cultivation, and superficial turning up of the soil, small crops of grain (maize) and roots (yams and cassava) are raised, and the land is usually left to revert to a state of weeds and “bush” after two or three years’ use. This resembles the “Chena” system in Ceylon. The tribes who have developed a better and more economical form of working are those in whose districts the advent of cocoa planters has so raised the value of land that they are compelled to utilise the same plot more frequently for their annual crops. As an indication of this, the best cultivated fields are those of the Krobos, Akims, Krepes, and Kwahus, while the least advanced tribes are the Ashantis.

Owing to the remunerative return from cocoa cultivation in parts of the country, this commodity has attained the first place among exported agricultural and forest products. In recent years, moreover, development has been so rapid that the country is now the largest producer of cocoa in the world. Among exports, rubber, palm oil, palm kernels and timber follow it in order of importance.

=COCOA.=—As a preliminary to an account of the cocoa industry in the Gold Coast, it may be considered useful to refer briefly to the botanical position of the tree which produces cocoa, as well as to the varieties which are cultivated. A comparison of the methods employed in the Gold Coast with those adopted elsewhere seems also necessary.

The tree is a native of Trinidad and the north-eastern part of South America, and is botanically classified in the Natural Order _STERCULIACEÆ_, sub-Order _Buettnerieæ_, under the name of _Theobroma cacao_ of Linnæus.

In the West Indies, from which the cultivation has spread into several tropical countries, three fairly well-marked varieties are recognised as commercially useful, and these bear the local names of “Criollo,” “Forastero,” and “Calabacillo.” The first of these is said to be identical with that occurring at Caracas, in Venezuela, and is usually called by the name of that place when exported from South America. The _Criollo_ variety is the source of some of the highest-priced produce, but _Forastero_ has some points in its favour for general cultivation, the chief of which appears to be greater hardiness. For this reason it seems to have become easily established in the islands of San Thomé and Fernando Po, where the sub-variety known as _Amelonado_ is that of general occurrence, and to have spread from there to the mainland of West Africa. In Ceylon the _Forastero_ variety is also much grown in plantations. The third variety, _Calabacillo_, yields an inferior product and does not appear to have been introduced into the eastern hemisphere.[1]

Cocoa, as shipped from the plantations, is the dried bean or seed, which has been removed from the fruit pod of the tree, and may or may not have been fermented before drying. The properly fermented seeds or beans find more favour in European markets than those which have not undergone the process, but it is chiefly in an imperfectly fermented condition that cocoa beans are exported from the Gold Coast. Attempts are being made to alter this, so as to produce a better quality.

Cocoa forms a very nutritious food, and beverage after preparation by the manufacturer, entering the markets in a manufactured form under the names of cocoa or chocolate. No native manufacture is employed in the Gold Coast, although cocoa butter has been extracted on a small scale at Odumase.

The following account is that which is generally accepted regarding the first introduction of the tree into the Gold Coast. About the year 1879 a native trader, named Tete Quasshi, brought some of the seed from Fernando Po and made a small plantation at Mampong, which is situated about ten miles north of Aburi in the Volta River District. The trees grew well, and the first crops of pods were said to have been disposed of to other natives at £1 per pod. Following the example of this trader, the Basel Mission Trading Association imported more pods from Fernando Po, and for some time they were able to dispose of them at a large profit. The variety introduced was _Forastero-Amelonado_, and was found to thrive extremely well under the local conditions prevalent in the districts of the Volta River, Kwahu, and Eastern Akim.

The first shipment of cocoa from the Gold Coast was made in 1891, when 80 lbs., valued at £4, were exported. From that time onward the annual exported quantity has increased somewhat irregularly until the returns for 1919 show 176,155 tons, worth more than £8,000,000.

No estimate can be given of the area at present under cocoa cultivation, for the reason that a large number of the cultivators only possess a few trees standing near their houses or scattered in their farms. Where plantations exist they are usually small, and, owing to the irregularity of the planting, no efficient idea of the possible production could be obtained by measurement of the planted area alone.

Since the settlement of the Ashantis into more peaceful modes of living, and the adoption by them of agricultural work, cocoa planting has rapidly spread through Ashanti-Akim, and new plantations may be found even westward of Kumassi. From Axim also there is an extension of cocoa-growing towards the north, and it has recently been stated that the most promising land for the cultivation of the tree is to be found to the west of the railway, between Sekondi and Kumassi. The once proverbially truculent and warlike Ashantis have recently, to a large extent, become peaceful cocoa planters. Plantations are also found under European control, often in combination with rubber or kola; but cocoa does not combine with rubber as satisfactorily as coffee, which is more frequently employed. Under “Rubber” some particulars of the plantations, whose returns are available, are supplied.

In common with many other cultivated plants, cocoa requires certain definite combinations of climate and soil to ensure remunerative cultivation, and unless these exist the introduction is not to be recommended. With regard to climate, a considerable rainfall is generally thought necessary, the intervals of dry weather not being too prolonged. The drainage of the land should be good, for if the water cannot drain away within a reasonably short time, the trees will be adversely and often severely affected. Although it is recognised that cocoa can sustain itself under conditions of drought for a short time, districts subject to periodical absence of rain for a month or more are unsuitable, and trees planted in such places will generally die after a brief period. The annual rainfall in the cocoa districts of Trinidad averages about 72 inches, but a much heavier fall is experienced in the plantations of Ceylon. In neither of these countries, however, is there an annual long period of complete drought, which is a feature common in most parts of West Africa; and even when an interval without rain occurs, the humidity of the atmosphere compensates for the absence of it. Ceylon is visited by a double monsoon or rainy season, which is also the case in a less marked degree in the Gold Coast. The next requirement of importance is a soil of suitable quality. It is generally considered best to select land which possesses a moderate amount of loose clay mixed with sand, and, if the surface be thickly covered with vegetable deposit, so much the better. Steep hillsides, stiff, boggy, sandy, or rocky land are to be avoided. The presence of low scrub on uncleared land is an indication of poverty of soil, although the presence of heavy forest does not necessarily guarantee the suitability of the locality, as imperfectly drained land often bears a heavy forest growth. Good natural drainage is essential, and is nearly always found where the land slopes and the rock underlying the soil is friable or deep. Natural drainage can often be improved by artificial means. The last important condition necessary is the selection of a position where shade and wind protection can be obtained naturally to as great an extent as possible. Plantations in valleys, sheltered by mountain spurs or by belts of high forest, are suitable, and such formations are met with in many parts of the Gold Coast and Ashanti. In these localities the climate as well as the positions and soil obtainable are generally so well adapted for the fruitful growth of cocoa that, even where the average annual rainfall is as low as 41 inches (the average at Aburi), plantations are proving successful, the regular distribution, humidity of the atmosphere, and the natural shade constituting a compensation for the shortage.

The native planter sows the seeds in small patches or in roughly prepared beds in the vicinity of water, often in such proximity to one another as to choke a number of the young plants. This form of nursery is met with throughout the forests, and it is common to find circular patches containing two or three hundred plants adjoining a road. In addition to this, a large number of seedlings are grown at, and distributed from, the Government Botanic Gardens. Native plantations are for the most part formed of irregular lines of trees, generally planted too closely. The evil effect of this does not become apparent until the trees attain a large size, when the excessive shade they afford to their fruit-bearing branches, which in cocoa consist of the trunk and main structure, prevents the fruit from forming and induces rot through want of evaporation of moisture. The native planter is slow to recognise this, and disinclined to remedy the matter by removing some of the trees. The distance at which cocoa trees are planted by the native is roughly from 7 to 10 feet apart, whereas that recommended for plantations in the West Indies and Ceylon varies, with the quality of the soil and the elevation, from 12 to 15 feet; the latter would be more suitable for most of the Gold Coast plantations. The advantage which the native planter sees in his method of planting is, that in addition to getting a larger number of trees into a given space, the density of their foliage soon becomes so great that weeds cease to grow beneath, rendering cultivation unnecessary. Until such a state has been arrived at, the cutting of weeds is an operation which may have to be performed twice, or even three times, in the year. This is the only form of cultivation given, no manure being used or any breaking of the soil done. In the West Indies it is not customary to disturb the surface soil, except in so far as it may be necessary to apply manure or remove catch crops; but even in these cases great care is exercised, as it is found that the cocoa tree is to a large extent a surface feeder, and spreads lateral fine roots at very little depth below the surface. Shade is obtained naturally to a large degree, but in the early years of the tree’s existence, cassava and plantains are planted to afford it. The plantation of Para rubber with cocoa has been recommended in such a manner that each would occur alternately in a diagonal line. This does not appear a very satisfactory plan, owing to the fact that Para rubber trees in West Africa shed their leaves annually at about the time that cocoa most needs shade. In the small patches of cocoa trees, which constitute most of the native plantations, permanent and sufficient shade is generally given by the surrounding forest trees, and it is of small importance in such cases to consider the plantation of permanent shade trees.

=Pruning,= in the West Indies, is attended with the greatest amount of care, and is performed for the purpose of producing a vigorous tree by the removal of all useless wood, and of encouraging fruiting branches to increase their production. In order to do the latter it is essential to remove any superfluous number of primary branches, three or four being considered sufficient for one tree. A similar regulation of growth is required with regard to the secondary and tertiary branches. In addition to this, care is given to retain the correct balance for the tree, and, when cutting out branches, to avoid making jagged cuts or slashes. The West African native does not prune with these objects in view, but employs a “cutlass” or “machete” to cut out those branches which seem to be giving too much shade or which have become interlaced, regardless of their value to the tree or of the wounds inflicted in the operation. Efforts have been made to teach pruning at the Botanical Stations, but the demonstrations have not been largely attended, and a great deal of damage continues to be done through ignorance of the objects and effects of pruning. Many of the older plantations, owing to bad treatment and too close planting, are yielding an annually diminishing crop, but new ones are springing up in increasing numbers each year, which is an obvious indication that the industry is proving a profitable one.

=Insect Pests and Vegetable Parasites.=—Wounds, such as those described above, often render the tree more susceptible to the attacks of insect pests; but, although it has been stated that cocoa trees in the Gold Coast are seriously affected in this way, such is not often the case. Beetles of the _Longicorn_ group are found damaging the tree to some extent wherever it has been planted. Two species are recorded from the West Indies: _Steirastoma histrionica_, White, from Trinidad, and _S. depressa_, Linn., from Grenada. On the trees in the Gold Coast _Armatosterna buquetiana_, White, and a _Glenea sp._ have been found doing similar damage. These insects deposit their eggs in crevices of the bark or on wounds, and the grubs which emerge bore into the trunk, living and growing in size in the interior of the wood until mature, when they change into pupæ, and finally into beetles. The presence of these grubs is easily detected by the quantity of fine particles of wood or “frass” which are thrown out of the entrance hole; and, if a flexible wire be inserted until it reaches and impales the grub, it will often prevent the damage becoming serious. The nests of large red ants (_Œcophylla sp._), which feed upon the saccharine juices which exude from the pods, may often be observed on cocoa trees, but as the ants viciously bite any living thing which may venture upon the tree, they are probably a safeguard against the depredations of rats and squirrels that eat out the contents of the ripe fruit while still on the tree.

Fig. 16, p. 51.]

Fig. 17, p. 53.]

Fig. 18, p. 61.]

In 1909 the writer drew attention to a black hemipterous insect causing destruction to plantations in the Ashanti-Akim region, where careless cultivation prevailed (cf. _Bull. Entom. Research_, vol. i. pt. viii. 1910). This insect, known as the “Black cocoa-bark bug” or “Sankonuabe,” was named _Sahlbergella theobroma_, Distant, and subsists in all its stages upon the sap of cocoa branches obtained through punctures made by its proboscis.[2] The attacked trees are atrophied or killed outright (Fig. 16). Spraying with petroleum-soap emulsion has proved an effective remedy, but native planters do not readily adopt it. Recently the insect has been found sapping the silk cotton tree, and planters are warned against having this tree in their plantations.

Another insect, which belongs to the same Order as the last, and the genus _Helopeltis_, has been observed puncturing the pods and causing them to become black-spotted, distorted, and sometimes killed by the attack. This is allied to _H. Antonii_, Sign., which punctures cocoa pods in the same manner in Ceylon. The insect does not appear to be numerous at present, but should be sought on damaged pods and killed at every opportunity, as some species of the same genus have developed into the worst enemies of tea and cinchona in other parts of the world.

Fungoid parasites appear to be rare in the Gold Coast, although they have been observed commonly in other places in Africa. In some of the damper parts of Ashanti a fungoid thread blight was observed on cocoa, and was found to be common upon several forest shrubs in the same places. This is perhaps _Stilbum nanum_, Massee; it should be treated by means of scraping with a wooden knife combined with spraying with Bordeaux mixture.

=Harvesting and Preparing.=—The native cocoa grower collects the pods from his trees at the time when he estimates he can gather the most, and, in consequence, many over-ripe and under-ripe fruits are taken with the ripe. The effect of this is to give an irregular product which can never possess the attributes of a good cocoa. The pods are usually pulled off the tree, a knife being seldom used; and in the action of pulling off, the cushion, upon which the pod is borne, is often torn and injured. As it is from this point, or near it, that the successive crops of flowers and fruits proceed, the bearing power of the tree is frequently diminished in this way. The use of a knife and the necessity for frequent pickings, to ensure the pods being taken when mature, are among the most important lessons which the native planter should be taught. The pods after collection are thrown into a heap upon the ground, and are often left without further attention for two or three days, after which they are broken open with the aid of a “cutlass,” and the contents are scooped out into a basket. The result is a mixture of beans, in their surrounding pulp, in different stages of maturity. The length of time that the beans remain in the basket is generally only regulated by the convenience of the collector. The next operation is to remove as much of the pulp as possible by washing in a stream, and this is more easily effected with the over-ripe beans or with those which have been allowed to “sweat” or ferment. After washing, the beans are spread thinly upon mats, raised upon rough frames, in order to dry them in the sun. An illustration is given showing this process (Fig. 17). Such is the crude and irregular method employed by the natives of the Gold Coast, who until quite recently had little or no knowledge of the advantages of fermentation. Owing to the small quantities with which they worked at one time, it is probable that the fermenting action in the pulp was seldom set up. During the last few years attention has been given to this by the more intelligent planters, and it is not uncommon to find that boxes and barrels have been brought into use by them, and that fermentation has been allowed to proceed for from four to ten days with satisfactory results. Drying is still conducted in the manner described above, and is often incomplete, but, to remedy the defects of this, one of the European buying firms has erected a drying machine, in which all the cocoa bought is thoroughly dried before shipment.

The skilled cocoa planter of the West Indies and Ceylon is careful to pick only those pods which are quite mature, and, in order to do this, he is obliged to go over his plantation frequently. Mature pods are those which have assumed a yellowish or reddish colour, and considerable experience is necessary to judge this with accuracy. The pods are removed by means of a cutting instrument called a “cocoa hook,” with which care can be more easily given to the preservation of the cushion. The pods are placed in heaps and, in the case of small estates where one day’s picking is insufficient to procure a fermentation, they are left for, perhaps, two days until a sufficient quantity has been obtained. Sorting, according to variety and degree of maturity, is resorted to before opening, and, again, when cut open, care is taken to separate such beans as are found over-ripe. This practice is strictly adhered to in Ceylon, but is often disregarded in the West Indies. No washing is done at this stage, but the beans, with their pulp attached, are placed in barrels, boxes, or vats for the purpose of fermentation, which is brought about by the decomposition of the pulp, and is complete when the liquor, thus formed, has impregnated the interior of the bean and changed the colour of it from purple to rich chocolate brown. The shell becomes toughened, and the remaining pulp is more easily removed after this process has been undergone. Washing, if it is considered necessary, is then proceeded with, and is generally done in Ceylon, though not in the West Indies. Drying is chiefly done in the sun in the West Indies, and the beans are spread thickly and turned constantly. Drying houses, which have roofs capable of being slid over the cocoa on the approach of rain, are used. In Ceylon hot air distributed by centrifugal fans is the common method. Polishing, which is often employed in the West Indies, is done by sifting finely powdered red earth over the partly dried beans while they are exposed to the sun, when, it is maintained, the earth assists to remove the remaining pulp as well as to absorb the moisture, at the same time giving the surfaces of the beans a polished exterior. Annatto is said to be used instead of red earth in Venezuela, but the addition of this is, presumably, with the object of colouring, rather than polishing. “Dancing” is an operation designed to prevent the development of mildew, and consists of treading the beans with the bare feet.

Some of the large manufacturers in Europe have recommended that the Gold Coast planters should ferment their produce, but should not wash the beans after fermentation.

=Markets.=—Certain large cocoa-buying centres are recognised, which, in the Volta River district, are situated at the foot of the hilly country, in positions convenient for transport to the ports of shipment. In addition to these, however, a good deal of buying is proceeded with at smaller places in the midst of the growing districts, but these probably represent the localities for the transactions carried on by agents or middlemen. Until the produce is actually in the hands of the shippers, the conveyance of cocoa is almost entirely done by head-loads of about 60 lbs. The head-load is the standard for trading, and the local price quoted is always with reference to it. It is customary for the buying shippers to send out their agents to the cocoa districts to arrange for the purchase of the crops, and it is always necessary that such purchases should be paid for in silver, no notes or cheques being accepted. Owing to competition during the past few years, the agents have often paid the grower a sum of money long before his crop was ready for picking, in order to guarantee that it may be bought by no one else. This has had the effect of making the grower careless in the preparation of his crop, and has caused the production of much bad material. The report that at another town, often distant by many days’ journey, a higher price is being paid than that obtained in a market close at hand, will frequently induce a native to convey his head-loads to the distant market, regardless of the fact that the extra shilling or so he may receive does not appear to be sufficient compensation for the additional labour and time expended. This points to the fact that the native does not put the same value on his time and labour when he is working for himself as he does when he is employed by others.

The buyers of cocoa pack it in bags for shipment, and these are conveyed to the ports by motor lorries or placed inside large casks, similar to those used for palm oil, and rolled along the roads. Some of the shipments are conveyed in river steamers on the Volta, and, more recently, owing to the growers having found a better market for a short time at Kumassi, a considerable amount was sent by rail from that place to Sekondi. In consequence of the imperfect state of dryness in which the cocoa is often sold by the planter, a great amount of care should be exercised before mixing and packing. Sorting is not much practised, and some of the beans often become attacked by mildew before reaching Europe, which depreciates the value of the whole package. It is partly owing to the disregard of the precautions of sorting and final drying that the West African cocoa has earned such a bad name, and if more shippers were to follow the example set by the one firm that has erected a drying apparatus, it would do much to improve matters in this direction. Cocoa is difficult to dry completely in the growing districts by means of the sun, as the atmosphere in these localities is often so humid that the beans absorb moisture when removed from the sun’s rays, and it is for this reason especially that the final drying should be done by the shippers. Transport to the ports of shipment from the growing districts will be facilitated by the construction of a short railway, which it is contemplated making from Accra, and until this is ready the carriage by head-loads, cask-rolling, and motor lorries will probably continue. The presence of the “tsetse” fly throughout the growing districts prevents the possibility of draught cattle being used.

A system of pooling purchases was agreed upon some years ago by a number of leading shippers, in accordance with which competition among themselves was suppressed, and a fixed price was to be given for all cocoa. This action was doubtless taken in order to prevent ruinous competition, but had the effect of checking improvement in the quality, as no encouragement was given to the planter to prepare the cocoa with greater care. The few shippers who did not join in this “combine” were enabled to obtain the better qualities at a very slightly enhanced price. In 1906 the general quality of Gold Coast cocoa had so deteriorated that the merchants were asked by the Government for their assistance to improve it. This led to an inquiry which revealed the state of affairs mentioned above. The obvious remedy of paying a price according to quality did not find favour with the combine, who appear to have argued that it would not profit them to pay a higher price for the small variable lots of improved produce which might result. It was stated by some of the local merchants in Accra that Gold Coast cocoa was generally suitable for sale in certain European markets, where it was adapted for the manufacture of a cheap form of sweetmeat, and that, if the quality were improved and the price raised in consequence, damage would be done to a new and rapidly growing trade. The merchants ultimately agreed to endeavour to improve the standard of quality, and it was arranged that all the cocoa brought in to the markets at Aimensa and Dodowa should be graded, with a view to regulating the price according to grade. This plan fell through at the last moment, as a test sample of picked cocoa was said to have been priced at only 1_s_. 6_d_. per cwt. over ordinary “Accra” in the European market. The fall in the value of the residue was said to be uncompensated for by the small increase mentioned.

=Improvement of Quality.=—Inquiries conducted by the Imperial Institute pointed to the fact that well-prepared Gold Coast cocoa could obtain high prices in Europe. In 1907 a consignment was sent to the Imperial Institute for examination and report, and proved to be of good quality, and when subsequently sold, it obtained a high price. This established confidence with regard to the possibility of fine grades being prepared in the country. During this year, owing to the action of the Fernando Po and San Thomé growers, in withholding their crop, a greater demand was created for Gold Coast cocoa, and the advent of large buyers, working outside the “combine,” forced the local price to a high figure. This did not assist in the improvement of the quality, as the competition induced native buying agents to buy the produce in almost any form, in consequence of which large quantities of imperfectly dried stuff were obtained. On the market becoming steadier, many of the more intelligent natives realised the advantage of careful preparation, to which they are now turning their attention.

Towards this latter result Messrs. Cadbury Bros., Ltd., rendered great assistance. This firm sent representatives into the country, who proved to the natives that they were willing to pay an enhanced price for cocoa prepared in a manner suitable for their requirements. A fair amount of cocoa was purchased by them, and demonstrations were made in some places with regard to the proper mode of fermentation. In addition to this a number of seedlings of the _Criollo_ variety were given to the Agricultural Department for experimental work at the Aburi Botanic Station.

The _Forastero-amelonado_ variety, a hardy but commercially inferior kind, has been mainly employed in plantations, and experiments have been carried on for some years at Aburi with _Pentagona_, _Caracas_ and _Cundeamor_ besides _Criollo_ mentioned above. Such good results were obtained with _Cundeamor_ that, in 1913, keen competition was aroused among planters to obtain seed. The years 1913 and 1914 are said to have shown an improvement in the quality of the cocoa produced. The attention of the Agricultural Department has been given to the general instruction of the natives in improved methods of cultivation and preparation, both by means of lectures and demonstrations at the Botanic Stations and by the issue of pamphlets in English and the Twi language. There was at first an insufficient staff for instruction to be given except at the Botanic Stations, and only those growers who lived in the vicinity were able to obtain benefit from it. After holding several conferences with chiefs and planters in the cocoa districts it became evident that the appointment of European Travelling Instructors was necessary, and following this the Government detailed certain officers for the work; the object being that they should occupy a large portion of their time in travelling through the country in order to give personal instruction to the natives in correct methods of treating cocoa and other agricultural products. Persons selected by chiefs are now trained to act as instructors in planting in their own native towns.

The preparation of a large quantity of cocoa of even quality is so greatly dependent upon the similarity of the treatment and conditions at a time when the material is undergoing fermentation and drying, that it is almost imperative that a large quantity should be prepared at one operation. This is an important consideration in British West Africa, where native plantations range in size from a few trees to about five acres in extent, the average being perhaps about a hundred trees, or, roughly, one-tenth of an acre. The production of each plantation is at present prepared independently, and the result of one picking of pods, if all mature, is often quite inadequate to yield sufficient for fermentation purposes, it being recognised that a few hundredweights of beans in their pulp are necessary for the satisfactory accomplishment of the operation. The same difficulty has presented itself in the West Indies with regard to the crops picked by owners of small plantations, and arrangements are usually made by some larger concern in the neighbourhood to purchase the pods from them. The establishment of central fermenting and drying houses, controlled by the shippers themselves, would perhaps get over the difficulty on the Gold Coast and result in a superior class of cocoa being produced. The planters would doubtless consent to sell their pods, instead of performing the laborious work of preparation themselves, and would probably be able to extend the size of their individual plantations, which, by reason of their inability to prepare more cocoa, single-handed, they have been unable, hitherto, to do. The efforts of the Administration to improve the preparation have been somewhat handicapped by the system employed by some merchants of securing the crop for themselves, by money advances, with but little regard to its preparation, and of pooling the produce.

Cocoa planting has revolutionised the native system of land titles. Where only annual crops were under consideration, a short, temporary occupation with subsequent reversion to tribal ownership seemed an adequate provision, but with the establishment of permanent cocoa plantations the planter claimed perpetual and undivided proprietorship.

Further information regarding Gold Coast cocoa will be found in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, 1907, p. 361; 1912, pp. 240, 556; 1913, p. 154; 1914, p. 387; 1915, pp. 149, 645; 1916, p. 123; 1917, p. 117; 1919, pp. 49, 102; and Johnson’s _Cocoa_, 1912.

=Exports of Cocoa.=—The exports of cocoa from 1900 to 1919 are as follows:

Year Tons Year Tons Year Tons
1900 536 1907 9,355 1914 52,888
1901 980 1908 12,743 1915 77,278
1902 2,396 1909 20,213 1916 72,162
1903 2,276 1910 22,631 1917 90,964
1904 5,112 1911 39,726 1918 66,342
1905 5,093 1912 38,647 1919 176,155
1906 8,975 1913 50,554

=RUBBER.= =Indigenous Species.=—The most important source of rubber in the Gold Coast and Ashanti is the indigenous tree locally called “Ofruntum”; a comparatively small amount is also derived from some of the vines belonging to the same Natural Order, and from one or more of the wild trees of the Ficus Order.

Reports on the quality and commercial value of some of the principal kinds of rubber obtained in the Gold Coast are published in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. v. (1907), p. 248.

=Botanical Position of the “Ofruntum” Tree.=—The “Ofruntum,” or African rubber, is botanically placed in the Natural Order _APOCYNACEÆ_, under the specific name of _Funtumia elastica_, Stapf. Until recently it was referred to as _Kicksia africana_, Benth. and others (a genus which is not known to occur in West Africa), and it was also confused with a very nearly allied species, occurring in the same localities, and now known as _Funtumia africana_, Stapf. Owing to the great similarity which these species of Funtumia bear to one another, it is important that the differences between them should be recognised, _F. africana_ not furnishing any but very inferior rubber. The most reliable method of testing the species which produces rubber, is by rubbing a small quantity of latex between the finger and thumb, when small particles of rubber should be quickly formed, the latex of _F. africana_ becoming only a sticky mass under the operation. The leaf of _F. elastica_ can usually be recognised by the presence of a small pit at the origin of each secondary nerve or vein on the under-surface, which feature is not characteristic of the leaf of _F. africana_, although recently individual trees have been found exhibiting this peculiarity. The flower bud of _F. elastica_ is typically much shorter than that of _F. africana_, and the double seed pod of the former species is shorter and more blunt than that of the latter.

=Distribution of _F. elastica_.=—The Funtumia rubber tree occurs in a wild state in the forests throughout the Gold Coast and Ashanti, although it has been nearly exterminated in some parts. It appears to be most plentiful in the dense forest regions of Northern Ashanti.

=Native Methods for Preparing.=—Funtumia rubber is exported under the names of “Ashanti lump” and “Niggers,” which consist of much adulterated, evil-smelling substances, for which a low price is procurable in comparison with that paid for pure rubber. In certain years the demand for this has been maintained, but the adequate supplies of good rubber from elsewhere, and the rapid expansion of the cocoa industry, have caused a diminution in the export of native-made rubber, which has been replaced to a small extent by plantation rubber.

The wild trees grow from 50 to 100 feet in height, and often have a girth of three feet at four feet from the base; the trunk being commonly without branches for a considerable height. The native ascends the trunk by means of a sling passed round it, to one end of which is a loop which fits over his right thigh and to the other a stirrup in which he keeps his left foot. By moving the rope up the tree the ascent is quickly accomplished, and when stationary, both hands are left free. The climber carries a gouge, or semi-cylindrically-faced chisel, with which he cuts vertical as well as transverse oblique grooves, forming a rough “herring-bone” pattern, which may be continued for the whole length of the trunk, and even extend on to the main branches. To make the cuts the tool is either used in one hand or is held in the left and driven by blows on the end of the handle, given with the palm of the right hand. The flow of latex commences at once, and is directed down the vertical channel into a calabash placed at the base of the tree, into which the latex is guided by a lip of clay or a chip of wood. The illustration shows a native in Ashanti tapping a tree (Fig. 18). The quantity of latex procured at the one tapping varies; an exceptionally large amount being about two quarts from a large tree. The tree is not tapped again for several months and until the wounds have healed. On the second tapping the same form of cuts is made upon the opposite side of the tree, and the transverse channels often intersect those made previously; besides this, owing to the want of regulation in the depth of the cuts, the inner or cambium layer of the bark may be so damaged that the intersecting cuts may ring the tree and cause death. Few trees probably survive the third or fourth tapping.

Fig. 19, p. 72.]

Fig. 20, p. 66.]

Fig. 21, p. 61.]

If the herring-bone cuts were made carefully upon the lower part of the trunk, and attention given to their depth and direction, the tree might be preserved for a longer period. An illustration given shows the incorrect mode of tapping, where the transverse cuts are opposite instead of alternate (Fig. 21). Experiments seem to show that there is not the same “wound response” in the case of Funtumia trees as is found in that of the “Para” tree (_Hevea brasiliensis_); the paring of the wounds some days after tapping yielding no flow of latex similar to that procured in the first instance. On cutting the bark area between the transverse channels, the latex cells appeared to be empty and to indicate that a large area is drained on the first tapping. Further investigation is necessary in order to compare the results obtained from this tree with those of _Hevea_.

The latex of Funtumia will remain in an uncoagulated state for a longer time than that of Hevea, but it may become damaged by fermentation if a quantity is kept in bulk for a lengthened period. The native does not usually produce a pure Funtumia rubber, but mixes with the latex the latices of several other plants, among which may be named “Odum” (_Chlorophora excelsa_), “Osese” (_Funtumia africana_), “Ofo,” “Okre,” “Sindru” (_Conopharyngia crassa_ and _Alstonia sp._). Having mixed some of these latices with that of the Funtumia, the whole is heated and poured into a hole in the ground, which has been prepared to serve as a mould. Coagulation and decomposition proceed together at a slow rate, and finally produce a rubber containing a number of holes which serve as receptacles for the liquefied decomposed constituents. The rubber mass is black outwardly, but whitish within, and is more or less sticky. It is said that the latex of _Landolphia owariensis_, the vine from which “Krepi ball” rubber is made, is sometimes mixed with the rest to hasten coagulation.

=Improved Methods.=—In 1906 attention was drawn to the use of a plant called “Niama” in the Ivory Coast, by which Funtumia rubber latex was coagulated by adding a hot decoction of the leaves. This plant was subsequently found to be _Bauhinia reticulata_, which bears the name of “Otakataka” in the Gold Coast. Experiments with this afforded excellent results. An examination of the plant made at the Imperial Institute proved that the tannin contained in the leaves was responsible for the coagulation of the latex, and that the infusion of any plant containing tannin is equally effective. The obstacle to the general use of _B. reticulata_ for coagulation, is that the plant does not occur in the same localities as the wild Funtumia tree. Doubtless other tannin-yielding plants may be found in the rubber forests which would answer the purpose equally well, among them the pods of _Acacia arabica_. A simple method of coagulation, which was demonstrated to the chiefs and rubber collectors in 1908, is that of diluting the latex with about four or more times the volume of water, straining and boiling it, when the rubber quickly separates and can be collected from the surface of the water by means of a stick and immediately pressed into a rough biscuit.

The rubber made in the manner mentioned above has been valued at more than twice the price obtained for the adulterated stuff, but it appears difficult to persuade the local merchants to offer a higher price for it, and it therefore suits the rubber collector better to make the inferior quality. So long as this state of things continues, it is to be feared that instruction in the improvement of quality will not lead to the adoption of better methods.

In 1908 a Commission of Enquiry was appointed and made certain recommendations for legislation for the protection of the industry. Articles on Gold Coast rubber will be found in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vols. viii. (1910), x. (1912), xi. (1913), xii. (1914), xii. (1915) and xv. (1917).

=Plantations.=—Large numbers of Funtumia seedlings have been grown at and distributed from the Government Botanic Gardens at Aburi, Tarkwa, and Kumassi, and some of the Ashanti kings and chiefs, who have expressed a wish to attempt to renovate their rubber forests, have obtained assistance from the officers of the Agricultural Department, who have conducted planting operations in the forests in the presence of those interested. Plantations under European management and with European capital are in progress in the vicinity of Axim and Sekondi. Most of the recently made plantations are said to consist more of Para than of Funtumia rubber trees, although in 1913 one of these in the Dunkwa district of Ashanti was reported to contain 20,000 trees of the latter kind. The tree appears to thrive well when planted closely, and straight trunks are soon formed.

=Insect Pest.=—At Aburi and elsewhere the Funtumia tree is found to be attacked by the larva of a moth of the family _Pyralidæ_, identified as _Glyphodes ocellata_, Hampson, which denudes it of leaves. No severe damage seems to be done by this pest, which has only been observed in plantations, and was destroyed at Aburi by repeated applications of lime and ashes.

=Fungoid Pest.=—A sooty fungoid growth is sometimes seen upon the leaves, similar to that occurring on orange trees in the country, and probably belongs to the genus _Meliola_. It is destroyed by the application of sprays of Bordeaux mixture.

=Rubber Machinery.=—A fully equipped installation of rubber-washing and crêpeing machinery was exhibited at the Kumassi Agricultural Exhibition of 1908, and was subsequently taken over by one of the leading mercantile firms at that place, where the local rubber is now washed, crêped, and pressed before export. It might prove advantageous to come to an arrangement with the rubber collectors to bring the latex to Kumassi, where, under proper supervision, it could be made into rubber of high quality. As the latex will remain for a considerable time without alteration, it should not be difficult to bring it in from places several days’ journey distant.

=Vine Rubber.=—Several species of vines, belonging to the Natural Order _APOCYNACEÆ_, produce rubber in Africa, but the only one of commercial importance occurring in the Gold Coast is _Landolphia owariensis_, Pal. Beauv., from which “Krepi” or “White ball” is obtained. Unless the plant is observed during the flowering as well as the fruiting season, it is difficult to distinguish it from some nearly allied, but useless, species of the same genus, which are found commonly in the same localities.

The vine is found throughout the forest region of the Gold Coast and Ashanti, climbing over and interlacing the main branches of large forest trees; but an apparently terrestrial form of the same species has recently been discovered in the ultra-forest region, where the stunted habit in which it grows is probably occasioned by the annual grass fires.

Under different atmospheric conditions the latex of _L. owariensis_ behaves differently. In the drier regions it coagulates upon the wound almost immediately upon exposure to the air, whereas in other and moister places it runs from the cut in such a manner as to allow it to be collected in a vessel. The acid juices of some of the local wild fruits are added to hasten coagulation, when this is necessary, or the collector is said to smear the fresh latex upon his naked body, until enough has been coagulated to form a small ball, which serves as a nucleus for winding on the strings of fresh latex as the new cuts are made. There is a quantity of “scrap rubber” formed on the wedge-shaped cuts which it is usual to make, and this is added to the ball, which attains a diameter of three or four inches when complete. The crushing of the root and stem for the manufacture of so-called “root-rubber” does not appear to be practised in this country, although common elsewhere in West Africa.

On account of the colour and form of this rubber, the name of “White ball” is usually applied to it, although, from the fact that the Krepi tribes, living on the east bank of the Volta river, produce a large quantity of it, the name of “Krepi ball” is frequently given.

White ball rubber is seldom adulterated by the addition of other latices, as these would retard coagulation and interfere with the preparation of it in the manner mentioned. For this reason the rubber sold under this name usually obtains a higher price than other rubber.

_Landolphia owariensis_ presents many disadvantages for cultivation in plantations, and the yield is small in proportion to the space which the plant occupies. Several species of this and allied genera are being grown experimentally at the Aburi Botanic Gardens.

“Flake rubber” is a name given to a very inferior quality of rubber which is produced upon a small scale in many parts of West Africa, but it has not been determined from which species of vine that exported from the Gold Coast is obtained. In Northern Nigeria _Carpodinus hirsutus_, Hua, is said to be the source of the exported rubber of this name.

=Fig Rubber.=—One or more species of wild fig trees (_Ficus sp._) are tapped for the production of what is locally termed “Memeluku” rubber, and it is generally supposed that _F. Vogelii_ is that mostly employed. The trees attain a large size, and the rubber is composed of the scrap, collected from a large number of small cuts made on the trunk and branches. This scrap rubber is pressed together into thick biscuits. The rubber has usually little resiliency and breaks easily; it is, in consequence, of small value.

=Introduced Species.=—Experiments have been carried on for several years with “Para” rubber (_Hevea brasiliensis_), “Ceara” (_Manihot Glaziovii_), and _Castilloa elastica_, all indigenous to South America. The last-named has been so badly attacked in the Botanic Stations by boring beetle larvæ that it has shown no promise of success. Ceara grows well, but for some reason the production of latex from it is uncertain, and this has caused little value to be attached to it in the Gold Coast, although in the drier region of Togoland this species is being planted. Para rubber seems to show much better results, although, up to the present, no extensive experiments to ascertain the yield of rubber have been made. Tapping two trees growing at Aburi, Mr. Johnson obtained a larger quantity of latex than from _Funtumia elastica_ under the same conditions; and following this an extensive area was planted with Hevea trees at the Tarkwa Botanic Gardens, where the experiment appears to be proving successful. Views are given of a tree at Aburi (Fig. 20). Large plantations of Hevea are being made near Tarkwa, Axim and Sekondi as well as in the Kwahu district, where the tree seems to thrive remarkably well. A few of these plantations made returns in 1913 showing promise of success. At one, on the Offin river, there were said to be 90,000 Para trees of different ages, 20,000 Funtumia and 6,000 coffee (_C. robusta_). At another the yield of rubber from a number of mature trees gave an average of 1·08 lb. of dry rubber per tree in eight months’ tapping, and a third had 22,000 Para trees of which about 8,450 had been tapped and yielded 10,565 lbs. of rubber, or 1¼ lb. per tree tapped. Labour was reported plentiful and good. There are said to be many more rubber plantations in the country from which returns had not been received. Up to 1913 the Agricultural Department had distributed 250,000 Para seedlings and 1,500,000 seeds.

Commenting on the fluctuation in the exported amounts of rubber, His Excellency the Governor (Sir Hugh Clifford), in his message to the Legislative Council in October 1918, explained the recrudescence during 1916 and 1917 as due to the development of rubber plantations under European control. It remains to be seen whether the Gold Coast will be able to successfully compete in this work with the Far East. Articles on Para rubber from the Gold Coast are to be found in the _Bulletin of the Imperial Institute_, vol. x. (1912), vol. xi. (1913), vol. xii. (1914), vol. xv. (1917) and vol. xvii. (1919).

=PALM OIL AND KERNELS.=—Records are available showing that the export of palm oil from West Africa has continued for over one hundred years, but the quantity shipped from the Gold Coast during the last fifteen years shows a rapid decrease from the average of the twenty years previous.

The tree which yields the oil of commerce is known as _Elæis guineensis_, Jacq., and is placed in the Tribe _COCOINEÆ_ of the Natural Order _PALMÆ_, together with the genus _Cocos_, to which the Coconut palm belongs. (Cf. _Bull. Imp. Inst._, 1909, p. 357; 1920, p. 209.)

=Habits of the Oil Palm.=—The oil palm occurs most plentifully in the moist regions near the coast, although it will not thrive on land which is perpetually marshy. The palm becomes scarcer when the dense forests of Ashanti are reached, but it is not entirely absent until the ultra-forest tract commences.

The tree often bears fruit when it has only attained the height of ten feet, which it is said to do about the seventh year, but the yield is supposed to increase annually until the tree is thirty or more years old, often continuing for a much longer time. It is not possible to give any positive assurance on this point, as observations have not been recorded for any length of time.