Chapter III: Results of Abolition

The actual working of the apprenticeship in Jamaica, was the specific object of our investigations in that island. That it had not operated so happily as in Barbadoes, and in most of the other colonies, was admitted by all parties. As to the _degree_ of its failure, we were satisfied it was not so great as had been represented. There has been nothing of an _insurrectionary_ character since the abolition of slavery. The affair on Thornton's estate, of which an account is given in the preceding chapter, is the most serious disturbance which has occurred during the apprenticeship. The _fear_ of insurrection is as effectually dead in Jamaica, as in Barbadoes--so long as the apprenticeship lasts. There has been no _increase of crime_. The character of the negro population has been gradually improving in morals and intelligence. Marriage has increased, the Sabbath is more generally observed, and religious worship is better attended. Again, the apprentices of Jamaica have not manifested any peculiar _defiance of law_. The most illiberal magistrates testified that the people respected the law, when they understood it. As it respects the _industry_ of the apprentices, there are different opinions among the _planters_ themselves. Some admitted that they were as industrious as before, and did as much work _in proportion to the time they were employed_. Others complained that they _lacked the power_ to compel industry, and that hence there was a falling off of work. The prominent evils complained of in Jamaica are, absconding from work, and insolence to masters. From the statements in the preceding chapter, it may be inferred that many things are called by these names, and severely punished, which are really innocent or unavoidable; however, it would not be wonderful if there were numerous instances of both. Insolence is the legitimate fruit of the apprenticeship, which holds out to the apprentice, that he possesses the rights of a man, and still authorizes the master to treat him as though he were little better than a dog. The result must often be that the apprentice will repay insult with insolence. This will continue to exist until either the former system of _absolute force_ is restored, or a system of free compensated labor, with its powerful checks and balances on both parties, is substituted. The prevalence and causes of the other offence--absconding from labor--will be noticed hereafter.

The atrocities which are practised by the masters and magistrates, are appalling enough. It is probable that the actual condition of the negroes in Jamaica, is but little if any better than it was during slavery. The amount of punishment inflicted by the special magistrates, cannot fall much short of that usually perpetrated by the drivers. In addition to this, the apprentices are robbed of the _time_ allowed them by law, at the will of the magistrate, who often deprives them of it on the slightest complaint of the overseer. The situation of the _free children_[A] is often very deplorable. The master feels none of that interest in them which he formerly felt in the children that were his property, and consequently, makes no provision for them. They are thrown entirely upon their parents, who are _unable_ to take proper care of them, from the almost constant demands which the master makes upon their time. The condition of pregnant women, and nursing mothers, is _decidedly worse_ than it was during slavery. The privileges which the planter felt it for his interest to grant these formerly, for _the sake of their children_, are now withheld. The former are exposed to the inclemencies of the weather, and the hardships of toil--the latter are cruelly dragged away from their infants, that the master may not lose the smallest portion of time,--and _both_ are liable at any moment to be incarcerated in the dungeon, or strung up on the treadwheel. In consequence of the cruelties which are practised, the apprentices are in a _disaffected state_ throughout the island.

[Footnote A: All children under _six years_ of age at the time of abolition, were made entirely free.]

In assigning the causes of the ill-working of the apprenticeship in Jamaica, we would say in the commencement, that nearly all of them are embodied in the intrinsic defects of the system itself. These defects have been exposed in a former chapter, and we need not repeat them here. The reason why the system has not produced as much mischief in all the colonies as it has in Jamaica, is that the local circumstances in the other islands were not so adapted to develop its legitimate results.

It is not without the most careful investigation of facts, that we have allowed ourselves to entertain the views which we are now about to express, respecting the conduct of the planters and special justices--for it is to _them_ that we must ascribe the evils which exist in Jamaica. We cheerfully accede to them all of palliation which may be found in the provocations incident to the wretched system of apprenticeship.

The causes of the difficulties rest chiefly with the _planters_. They were _originally_ implicated, and by their wily schemes they soon involved the special magistrates. The Jamaica planters, as a body, always violently opposed the abolition of slavery. Unlike the planters in most of the colonies, they cherished their hostility _after the act of abolition_. It would seem that they had agreed with one accord, never to become reconciled to the measures of the English government, and had sworn eternal hostility to every scheme of emancipation. Whether this resulted most from love for slavery or hatred of English interference, it is difficult to determine. If we were to believe the planters themselves, who are of the opposition, we should conclude that they were far from being in favor of slavery--that they were "as much opposed to slavery, as any one can be[A]." Notwithstanding this avowal, the tenacity with which the planters cling to the remnant of their power, shows an affection for it, of the strength of which they are not probably themselves aware.

[Footnote A: It seems to be the order of the day, with the opposition party in Jamaica, to disclaim all friendship with slavery. We noticed several instances of this in the island papers, which have been most hostile to abolition. We quote the following sample from the Royal Gazette, (Kingston) for May 6, 1837. The editor, in an article respecting Cuba, says:

"In writing this, one chief object is to arouse the attention of our
own fellow-subjects, in this colony, to the situation--the dangerous
situation--in which they stand, and to implore them to lend all
their energies to avert the ruin that is likely to visit them,
should America get the domination of Cuba.

The negroes of this and of all the British W.I. colonies have been
'_emancipated_.' Cuba on the other hand is still a _slave country_.
(Let not our readers imagine for one moment that we advocate the
_continuance of slavery_,") &c.
]

When public men have endeavored to be faithful and upright, they have uniformly been abused, and even persecuted, by the planters. The following facts will show that the latter have not scrupled to resort to the most dishonest and unmanly intrigues to effect the removal or to circumvent the influence of such men. Neglect, ridicule, vulgar abuse, slander, threats, intimidation, misrepresentation, and legal prosecutions, have been the mildest weapons employed against those who in the discharge of their sworn duties dared to befriend the oppressed.

The shameful treatment of the late governor, Lord Sligo, illustrates this. His Lordship was appointed to the government about the period of abolition. Being himself a proprietor of estates in the island, and formerly chairman of the West India Body, he was received at first with the greatest cordiality; but it was soon perceived that he was disposed to secure justice to the apprentices. From the accounts we received, we have been led to entertain an exalted opinion of his integrity and friendship for the poor. It was his custom (unprecedented in the West Indies,) to give a patient hearing to the poorest negro who might carry his grievances to the government-house. After hearing the complaint, he would despatch an order to the special magistrate of the district in which the complainant lived, directing him to inquire into the case. By this means he kept the magistrates employed, and secured redress to the apprentices to many cases where they would otherwise have bean neglected.

The governor soon rendered himself exceedingly obnoxious to the planters, and they began to manoeuvre for his removal, which, in a short time, was effected by a most flagitious procedure. The home government, disposed to humor their unruly colony, sent them a governor in whom they are not likely to find any fault. The present governor, Sir Lionel Smith, is the antipode of his predecessor in every worthy respect. When the apprentices come to him with their complaints, he sends them back unheard, with curses on their heads. A distinguished gentleman in the colony remarked of him that he _was a heartless military chieftain, who ruled without regard to mercy_. Of course the planters are full of his praise. His late tour of the island was a _triumphal procession_, amid the sycophantic greetings of oppressors.

Several special magistrates have been suspended because of the faithful discharge of their duties. Among these was Dr. Palmer, an independent and courageous man. Repeated complaints were urged against him by the planters, until finally Sir Lionel Smith appointed a commission to inquire into the grounds of the difficulty.

"This commission consisted of two local magistrates, both of them planters or managers of estates, and two stipendiary magistrates, the bias of one of whom, at least, was believed to be against Dr. Palmer. At the conclusion of their inquiry they summed up their report by saying that Dr. Palmer had administered the abolition law in the spirit of the English abolition act, and in his administration of the law he had adapted it more to the comprehension of freemen than to the understandings of apprenticed laborers. Not only did Sir Lionel Smith suspend Dr. Palmer on this report, but the colonial office at home have dismissed him from his situation."

The following facts respecting the persecution of Special Justice Bourne, illustrate the same thing.

"A book-keeper of the name of Maclean, on the estate of the Rev. M.
Hamilton, an Irish clergyman, committed a brutal assault upon an old
African. The attorney on the property refused to hear the complaint
of the negro, who went to Stephen Bourne, a special magistrate. When
Maclean was brought before him, he did not deny the fact; but said
as the old man was not a Christian, his oath could not be taken! The
magistrate not being able to ascertain the amount of injury
inflicted upon the negro (whose head was dreadfully cut,) but
feeling that it was a case which required a greater penalty than
three pounds sterling, the amount of punishment to which he was
limited by the local acts, detained Maclean, and afterwards
committed him to jail, and wrote the next day to the chief justice
upon the subject. He was discharged as soon as a doctor's
certificate was procured of the state of the wounded man, and bail
was given for his appearance at the assizes. Maclean's trial came on
at the assizes, and he was found guilty by a Jamaica Jury; he was
severely reprimanded for his inhuman conduct and fined thirty
pounds. The poor apprentice however got no remuneration for the
severe injury inflicted upon him, and the special justice was
prosecuted for false imprisonment, dragged from court to court,
represented as an oppressor and a tyrant, subjected to four hundred
pounds expenses in defending himself, and actually had judgment
given against him for one hundred and fifty pounds damages.

Thus have the planters succeeded in pulling down every magistrate
who ventures to do more than fine them three pounds sterling for any
act of cruelty of which they may be guilty. On the other hand, there
were two magistrates who were lately dismissed, through, I believe,
the representation of Lord Sligo, for flagrant violations of the law
in inflicting punishment; and in order to evince their sympathy for
those men, the planters gave them a farewell dinner, and had
actually set on foot a subscription, as a tribute of gratitude for
their "Impartial" conduct in administering the laws, as special
justices. Thus were two men, notoriously guilty of violations of law
and humanity, publicly encouraged and protected, while Stephen
Bourne, who according to the testimony of the present and late
attorney-general had acted not only justly but _legally_, was
suffering every species of persecution and indignity for so doing."

Probably nothing could demonstrate the meanness of the artifices to which the planters resort to get rid of troublesome magistrates better than the following fact. When the present governor, in making his tour of the island, came into St. Thomas in the East, some of the planters of Manchioneal district hired a negro constable on one of the estates to go to the governor and complain to him that Mr. Chamberlain encouraged the apprentices to be disorderly and idle. The negro went accordingly, but like another Balaam, he prophesied _against his employers_. He stated to the governor that the apprentices on the estate where he lived were lazy and wouldn't do right, _but he declared that it was not Mr. C.'s fault, for that he was not allowed to come on the estate!_

Having given such an unfavorable description of the mass of planters, it is but just to add that there are a few honorable exceptions. There are some attorneys and overseers, who if they dared to face the allied powers of oppression, would act a noble part. But they are trammelled by an overpowering public sentiment, and are induced to fall in very much with the prevailing practices. One of this class, an attorney of considerable influence, declined giving us his views in writing, stating that his situation and the state of public sentiment must be his apology. An overseer who was disposed to manifest the most liberal bearing towards his apprentices, and who had directions from the absentee proprietor to that effect, was yet effectually prevented by his attorney, who having several other estates under his charge, was fearful of losing them, if he did not maintain the same severe discipline on all.

The special magistrates are also deeply implicated in causing the difficulties existing under the apprenticeship. They are incessantly exposed to multiplied and powerful temptations. The persecution which they are sure to incur by a faithful discharge of their duties, has already been noticed. It would require men of unusual sternness of principle to face so fierce an array. Instead of being _independent_ of the planters, their situation is in every respect totally the reverse. Instead of having a central office or station-house to hold their courts at, as is the case in Barbadoes, they are required to visit each estate in their districts. They have a circuit from forty to sixty miles to compass every fortnight, or in some cases three times every month. On these tours they are absolutely dependent upon the hospitality of the planters. None but men of the "sterner stuff" could escape, (to use the negro's phrase) _being poisoned by massa's turtle soup._ The _character_ of the men who are acting as magistrates is thus described by a colonial magistrate of high standing and experience.

"The special magistracy department is filled with the most worthless men, both domestic and imported. It was a necessary qualification of the former to possess no property; hence the most worthless vagabonds on the island were appointed. The latter were worn out officers and dissipated rakes, whom the English government sent off here in order to get rid of them." As a specimen of the latter kind, this gentleman mentioned one (special Justice Light) who died lately from excessive dissipation. He was constantly drunk, and the only way in which to get him to do any business was to take him on to an estate in the evening so that he might sleep off his intoxication, and then the business was brought before him early the next morning, before he had time to get to his cups.

It is well known that many of the special magistrates are totally unprincipled men, monsters of cruelty, lust, and despotism. As a result of natural character in many cases, and of dependence upon planters in many more, the great mass of the special justices are a disgrace to their office, and to the government which commissioned them. Out of sixty, the number of special justices in Jamaica, there are not more than fifteen, or twenty at farthest, who are not the merest tools of the attorneys and overseers. Their servility was graphically hit off by the apprentice. "If busha say flog em, he flog em; if busha say send them to the treadmill, he send em." If an apprentice laughs or sings, and the busha represents it to the magistrate as insolence, he _feels it his duty_ to make an example of the offender!

The following fact will illustrate the injustice of the magistrates. It was stated in writing by a missionary. We conceal all names, in compliance with the request of the writer. "An apprentice belonging to ---- in the ---- was sent to the treadmill by special justice G. He was ordered to go out and count the sheep, as he was able to count higher than some of the field people, although a house servant from his youth--I may say childhood. Instead of bringing in the tally cut upon a piece of board, as usual, he wrote the number eighty upon a piece of paper. When the overseer saw it, he would scarcely believe that any of his people could write, and ordered a piece of coal to be brought and made him write it over again; the next day he turned him into the field, but unable to perform the task (to hoe and weed one hundred coffee roots daily) with those who had been accustomed to field work all their lives, he was tried for neglect of duty, and sentenced to fourteen days on the treadmill!"

We quote the following heart-rending account from the Telegraph, (Spanishtown,) April 28, 1837. It is from a Baptist missionary.

"I see something is doing in England to shorten the apprenticeship
system. I pray God it may soon follow its predecessor--slavery, for
it is indeed slavery under a less disgusting name. Business lately
(December 23) called me to Rodney Hall; and while I was there, a
poor old negro was brought in for punishment. I heard the fearful
vociferation, 'twenty stripes.' 'Very well; here ----, put this man
down.' I felt as I cannot describe; yet I thought, as the supervisor
was disposed to be civil, my presence might tend to make the
punishment less severe than it usually is--but I was disappointed. I
inquired into the crime for which such an old man could be so
severely punished, and heard various accounts. I wrote to the
magistrate who sentenced him to receive it; and after many days I
got the following reply."

"_Logan Castle, Jan. 9, 1836._

Sir--In answer to your note of the 4th instant, I beg leave to
state, that ---- ----, an apprentice belonging to ---- ----, was
brought before me by Mr. ----, his late overseer, charged upon oath
with continual neglect of duty and disobedience of orders as
cattle-man, and also for stealing milk--was convicted, and sentenced
to receive twenty stripes. So far from the punishment of the
offender being severe, he was not ordered one half the number of
stripes provided for such cases by the abolition act--if he received
more than that number, or if those were inflicted with undue
severity, I shall feel happy in making every inquiry amongst the
authorities at Rodney Hall institution.

I remain, sir, yours, truly,

T.W. JONES, S.M."

'Rev. J. Clarke, &c., &c.'

From Mr. Clarke's reply, we make the following extract:

"_Jericho, January 19, 1836._

Sir--I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 9th
instant.

Respecting the punishment of ---- ----, I still adhere to the
opinion I before expressed, that, for an old man of about sixty
years of age, the punishment was severe. To see a venerable old man
tied as if to be broken on the wheel, and cut to the bone by the
lash of an athletic driver--writhing and yelling under the most
exquisite torture, were certainly circumstances sufficiently strong
to touch the heart of any one possessed of the smallest degree of
common humanity. The usual preparations being made, the old man
quietly stripped off his upper garments, and lay down upon the
board--he was then tied by his legs, middle, above the elbows, and
at each wrist. Mr. ---- then called out to the driver, 'I hope you
will do your duty--he is not sent here for nothing.' At the first
lash the skin started up; and at the third, the blood began to flow;
ere the driver had given ten, the cat was covered with gore; and he
stopped to change it for a dry one, which appeared to me somewhat
longer than the first. When the poor tortured creature had received
sixteen, his violent struggles enabled him to get one of his hands
loose, which he put instantly to his back--the driver stopped to
retie him, and then proceeded to give the remaining four. The
struggles of the poor old man from the first lash bespoke the most
extreme torture; and his cries were to me most distressing. 'Oh! oh!
mercy! mercy! mercy! oh! massa! massa! dat enough--enough! oh,
enough! O, massa, have pity! O, massa! massa! dat enough--enough!
Oh, never do de like again--only pity me--forgive me dis once! oh!
pity! mercy! mercy! oh! oh!' were the cries he perpetually uttered.
I shall remember them while I live; and would not for ten thousand
worlds have been the cause of producing them. It was some minutes
after he was loosed ere he could rise to his feet, and as he
attempted to rise, he continued calling out, 'My back! oh! my back!
my back is broken.' A long time he remained half-doubled, the blood
flowing round his body; 'I serve my master,' said the aged sufferer,
'at all times; get no Saturday, no Sunday; yet this is de way
dem use me.'

With such planters, and such magistrates to play into their hands,
is it to be wondered at that the apprentices do badly? Enough has
been said, we think, to satisfy any candid person as to the _causes
of the evils in Jamaica_. If any thing further were needed, we might
speak of the peculiar facilities which these men have for
perpetrating acts of cruelty and injustice. The major part of the
island is exceedingly mountainous, and a large portion of the sugar
estates, and most of the coffee plantations, are among the
mountains. These estates are scattered over a wide extent of
country, and separated by dense forests and mountains, which conceal
each plantation from the public view almost as effectually as though
it were the only property on the island. The only mode of access to
many of the estates in the mountainous districts, is by mule paths
winding about, amid fastnesses, precipices, and frightful solitudes.
In those lone retirements, on the mountain top, or in the deep glen
by the side of the rocky rivers, the traveller occasionally meets
with an estate. Strangers but rarely intrude upon those little
domains. They are left to the solitary sway of the overseers
dwelling amid their "gangs," and undisturbed, save by the weekly
visitations of the special magistrates. While the traveller is
struck with the facilities for the perpetration of those enormities
which must have existed there during slavery; he is painfully
impressed also with the numerous opportunities which are still
afforded for oppressing the apprentices, particularly where the
special magistrates are not honest men.[A]

[Footnote A: From the nature of the case, it must be impossible to know how much actual flogging is perpetrated by the overseers. We might safely conjecture that there must be a vast deal of it that never comes to the light. Such is the decided belief of many of the first men in the island. The planters, say they, flog their apprentices, and then, to prevent their complaining to the magistrate, threaten them with severe punishment, or bribe them to silence by giving them a few shillings. The attorney-general mentioned an instance of the latter policy. A planter got angry with one of his head men, who was a constable, and knocked him down. The man started off to complain to the special magistrate. The master called him back, and told him he need not go to the magistrate--that he was constable, and had a right to fine him himself. "Well, massa," said the negro, "I fine you five shillings on de spot." The master was glad to get off with that--the magistrate would probably have fined him £5 currency.]

In view of the local situation of Jamaica--the violent character of
its planters--and the inevitable dependency of the magistrates, it
is very manifest _that immediate emancipation was imperatively
demanded there_. In no other colony did the negroes require to be
more _entirely released from the tyranny of the overseers, or more
thoroughly shielded by the power of equal law_. This is a principle
which must hold good always--that where slavery has been most
rigorous and absolute, there emancipation, needs to be most
unqualified; and where the sway of the master has been _most
despotic, cruel, and_ LONG CONTINUED, there the protection of law
should be most SPEEDILY _extended and most impartially applied_."[B]

[Footnote B: Since the above was written we have seen a copy of a message sent by Sir Lionel Smith, to the house of assembly of Jamaica, on the 3d November, 1837, in which a statement of the deprivations of the apprentices, is officially laid before the house. We make the following extract from it, which contains, to use his Excellency's language, "the principal causes, as has been found by the records of the special magistrates, of complaints among the apprentices; and of consequent collisions between the planters and magistrates."

"Prudent and humane planters have already adopted what is
recommended, and their properties present the good working of this
system in peace and industry, without their resorting to the
authority of the special magistrates; but there are other properties
where neither the law of the apprenticeship nor the usages of
slavery have been found sufficient to guard the rights of the
apprentices.

First, the magistrates' reports show that on some estates the
apprentices have been deprived of cooks and water-carriers while at
work in the field--thus, the time allowed for breakfast, instead of
being a period of rest, is one of continual labor, as they have to
seek for fuel and to cook. The depriving them of water-carriers is
still more injurious, as the workmen are not allowed to quit their
rows to obtain it. Both these privations are detrimental to the
planter's work. Second, a law seems wanting to supply the estates'
hospitals with sufficient attendants on the sick apprentices, as
well as for the supply of proper food, as they cannot depend on
their own grounds, whilst unable to leave the hospitals. The first
clause of the abolition law has not been found strong enough to
secure these necessary attentions to the sick. Third, in regard to
jobbers, more exposed to hardships than any other class. A law is
greatly required allowing them the distance they may have to walk to
their work, at the rate of three miles an hour, and for compelling
the parties hiring them to supply them with salt food and meal;
their grounds are oftentimes so many miles distant, it is impossible
for them to supply themselves. Hence constant complaints and
irregularities. Fourth, that mothers of six children and upwards,
pregnant women, and the aged of both sexes, would be greatly
benefited by a law enforcing the kind treatment which they received
in slavery, but which is now considered optional, or is altogether
avoided on many properties. Fifth, nothing would tend more to effect
general contentment and repress the evils of comparative treatment,
than the issue of fish as a right by law. It was an indulgence in
slavery seldom denied, but on many properties is now withheld, or
given for extra labor instead of wages. Sixth, his Excellency during
the last sessions had the honor to address a message to the house
for a stronger definition of working time. The clause of the act in
aid expressed that it was the intention of the legislature to
regulate 'uniformity' of labor, but in practice there is still a
great diversity of system. The legal adviser of the crown considers
the clause active and binding; the special magistrate cannot,
therefore, adjudicate on disputes of labor under the eight hour
system, and the consequences have been continual complaints and
bickerings between the magistrates and managers, and discontent
among the apprentices by comparison of the advantages which one
system presents over the other. Seventh, if your honorable house
would adopt some equitable fixed principle for the value of
apprentices desirous of purchasing their discharge, either by
ascertained rates of weekly labor, or by fixed sums according to
their trade or occupation, which should not be exceeded, and
allowing the deduction of one third from the extreme value for the
contingencies of maintenance, clothing, medical aid, risk of life,
and health, it would greatly tend to set at rest one cause of
constant disappointment. In proportion as the term of apprenticeship
draws to a close, THE DEMANDS FOR THE SALE OF SERVICES HAVE GREATLY
INCREASED. It is in the hope that the honorable house will be
disposed to enforce a more general system of equal treatment, that
his Excellency now circumstantially represents what have been the
most common causes of complaint among the apprentices, and why the
island is subject to the reproach that the negroes, in some
respects, are now in a worse condition than they were in slavery."
]

We heard frequent complaints in Jamaica respecting the falling off of the crops since abolition. In order that the reader may know the extent of the failure in the aggregate island crops, we have inserted in the appendix a table showing the "exports for fifty-three years, ending 31st December, 1836, condensed from the journals of the House."

By the disaffected planters, the diminished crops were hailed as "an evident token of perdition." They had foretold that abolition would be the ruin of cultivation, they had maintained that sugar, coffee, rum, &c., could not be produced extensively without the _whip of slavery_, and now they exultingly point to the short crops and say, "See the results of abolition!" We say exultingly, for a portion of the planters do really seem to rejoice in any indication of ruin. Having staked their reputation as prophets against their credit as colonists and their interests as men, they seem happy in the establishment of the former, even though it be by the sacrifice of the latter. Said an intelligent gentleman in St. Thomas in the East, "The planters have _set their hearts upon_ ruin, and they will be sorely disappointed if it should not come."

Hearing so much said concerning the diminution of the crops, we spared no pains to ascertain the _true causes_. We satisfied ourselves that the causes were mainly two.

First. The prevailing impression that the negroes would not _work well_ after the abolition of slavery, led many planters to throw a part of their land out of cultivation, in 1834. This is a fact which was published by Lord Sligo, in an official account which he gave shortly before leaving Jamaica, of the working of the apprenticeship. The overseer of Belvidere estate declared that he knew of many cases in which part of the land usually planted in canes was thrown up, owing to the general expectation that _much less work_ would be done after abolition. He also mentioned one attorney _who ordered all the estates under his charge to be thrown out of cultivation_ in 1834, so confident was he that the negroes would not work. The name of this attorney was White. Mr. Gordon, of Williamsfield, stated, that the quantity of land planted in cane, in 1834, was considerably less than the usual amount: on some estates it was less by twenty, and on others by forty acres. Now if such were the fact in the Parish of St. Thomas in the East, where greater confidence was felt probably than in any other parish, we have a clue by which we may conjecture (if indeed we were left to conjecture) to what extent the cultivation was diminished in the island generally. This of itself would satisfactorily account for the falling off in the crops--which at most is not above one third. Nor would this explain the decrease in '34 _only_, for it is well known among sugar planters that a neglect of planting, either total or partial, for one year, will affect the crops for two or three successive years.

The other cause of short crops has been the _diminished amount of time for labor_. One fourth of the time now belongs to the laborers, and they often prefer to employ it in cultivating their provision grounds and carrying their produce to market. Thus the estate cultivation is necessarily impeded. This cause operates very extensively, particularly on two classes of estates: those which lie convenient to market places, where the apprentices have strong inducements to cultivate their grounds, and those (more numerous still) which _have harsh overseers_, to whom the apprentices are averse to hire their time--in which cases they will choose to work for neighboring planters, who are better men. We should not omit to add here, that owing to a singular fact, the falling off of the crops _appears_ greater than it really has been. We learned from the most credible sources that _the size of the hogsheads_ had been considerably enlarged since abolition. Formerly they contained, on an average, eighteen hundred weight, now they vary from a ton to twenty-two hundred! As the crops are estimated by the number of hogsheads, this will make a material difference. There were two reasons for enlarging in the hogsheads,--one was, to lessen the amount of certain port charges in exportation, which were made _by the hogshead_; the other, and perhaps the principal, was to create some foundation in appearance for the complaint that the crops had failed because of abolition.

While we feel fully warranted in stating these as the chief causes of the diminished crops, we are at the same time disposed to admit that the apprenticeship is in itself exceedingly ill calculated either to encourage or to compel industry. We must confess that we have no special zeal to vindicate this system from its full share of blame; but we are rather inclined to award to it every jot and tittle of the dishonored instrumentality which it has had in working mischief to the colony. However, in all candor, we must say, that we can scarcely check the risings of exultation when we perceive that this party-fangled measure--this offspring of old Slavery in her dying throes, _which was expressly designed as a compensation to the proprietor_, HAS ACTUALLY DIMINISHED HIS ANNUAL RETURNS BY ONE THIRD! So may it ever be with legislation which is based on _iniquity and robbery!_

But the subject which excites the deepest interest in Jamaica _is the probable consequences of entire emancipation in 1840_. The most common opinion among the prognosticators of evil is, that the emancipated negroes will abandon the cultivation of all the staple products, retire to the woods, and live in a state of semi-barbarism; and as a consequence, the splendid sugar and coffee estates must be "thrown up," and the beautiful and fertile island of Jamaica become a waste howling wilderness.

The _reasons_ for this opinion consist in part of naked assumptions, and in part of inferences from _supposed_ facts. The assumed reasons are such as these. The negroes will not cultivate the cane _without the whip_. How is this known? Simply because _they never have_, to any great extent, in Jamaica. Such, it has been shown, was the opinion formerly in Barbadoes, but it has been forever exploded there by experiment. Again, the negroes are _naturally improvident_, and will never have enough foresight to work steadily. What is the evidence of _natural_ improvidence in the negroes? Barely this--their carelessness in a state of slavery. But that furnishes no ground at all for judging of _natural_ character, or of the developments of character under a _totally different system_. If it testifies any thing, it is only this, that the natural disposition of the negroes is not always _proof_ against the degenerating influences of slavery.[A] Again, the actual wants of the negroes are very few and easily supplied, and they will undoubtedly prefer going into the woods where they can live almost without labor, to toiling in the hot cane fields or climbing the coffee mountains. But they who urge this, lose sight of the fact that the negroes are considerably civilized, and that, like other civilized people, they will seek for more than supply for the necessities of the rudest state of nature. Their wants are already many, even in the degraded condition of slaves; is it probable that they will be satisfied with _fewer of the comforts and luxuries of civilized life_, when they are elevated to the sphere, and feel the self-respect and dignity of freemen? But let us notice some of the reasons which profess to be _founded on fact_. They may all be resolved into two, _the laziness of negroes, and their tendency to barbarism_.

[Footnote A: Probably in more instances than the one recorded in the foregoing chapter, the improvidence of the negroes is inferred from their otherwise unaccountable preference in walking six or ten miles to chapel, rather than to work for a maccaroni a day.]

i. They _now_ refuse to work on Saturdays, even with wages. On this assertion we have several remarks to make.

1.) It is true only to a partial extent. The apprentices on many estates--whether a majority or not it is impossible to say--do work for their masters on Saturdays, when their services are called for.

2.) They often refuse to work on the estates, because they can earn three or four times as much by cultivating their provision grounds and carrying their produce to market. The ordinary day's wages on an estate is a quarter of a dollar, and where the apprentices are conveniently situated to market, they can make from seventy-five cents to a dollar a day with their provisions.

3.) The overseers are often such overbearing and detestable men, that the apprentices doubtless feel it a great relief to be freed from their command on Saturday, after submitting to it compulsorily for five days of the week.

2. Another fact from which the laziness of the negroes is inferred, is their _neglecting their provision grounds_. It is said that they have fallen off greatly to their attention to their grounds, since the abolition of slavery. This fact does not comport very well with the complaint, that the apprentices cultivate their provision grounds to the neglect of the estates. But both assertions may be true under opposite circumstances. On those estates which are situated near the market, provisions will be cultivated; on those which are remote from the market, provisions will of course be partially neglected, and it will be more profitable to the apprentices to work on the estates at a quarter of a dollar per day, raising only enough provisions for their own use. But we ascertained another circumstance which throws light on this point. The negroes expect, after emancipation, to _lose their provision grounds_; many expect certainly to be turned off by their masters, and many who have harsh masters, intend to leave, and seek homes on other estates, and _all_ feel a great uncertainty about their situation after 1840; and consequently they can have but little encouragement to vigorous and extended cultivation of their grounds. Besides this, there are very many cases in which the apprentices of one estate cultivate provision grounds on another estate, where the manager is a man in whom they have more confidence than they have in their own "busha." They, of course, in such cases, abandon their former grounds, and consequently are charged with neglecting them through laziness.

3. Another alleged fact is, that _actually less work_ is done now than was done during slavery. The argument founded on this fact is this: there is less work done under the apprenticeship than was done during slavery: therefore _no work at all_ will be done after entire freedom! But the apprenticeship allows _one fourth less time_ for labor than slavery did, and presents no inducement, either compulsory or persuasive, to continued industry. Will it be replied that emancipation will take away _all_ the time from labor, and offer no encouragement _but to idleness_? How is it now? Do the apprentices work better or worse during their own time when they are paid? Better, unquestionably. What does this prove? That freedom will supply both the time and the inducement to the most vigorous industry.

The _other reason_ for believing that the negroes will abandon estate-labor after entire emancipation, is their _strong tendency to barbarism!_ And what are the facts in proof of this? We know but one.

We heard it said repeatedly that the apprentices were not willing to have their free children educated--that they had pertinaciously declined every offer of the _bushas_ to educate their children, and _this_, it was alleged, evinced a determination on the part of the negroes to perpetuate ignorance and barbarism among their posterity. We heard from no less than four persons of distinction in St. Thomas in the East, the following curious fact. It was stated each time for the double purpose of proving that the apprentices did not wish to have their children _learn to work_, and that they were opposed to their _receiving education_. A company of the first-gentlemen of that parish, consisting of the rector of the parish, the custos, the special magistrate, an attorney, and member of the assembly, etc., had mustered in imposing array, and proceeded to one of the large estates in the Plantain Garden River Valley, and there having called the apprentices together, made the following proposals to them respecting their free children, the rector acting as spokesman. The attorney would provide a teacher for the estate, and would give the children four hours' instruction daily, if the parents would _bind them to work_ four hours every day; the attorney further offered to pay for all medical attendance the children should require. The apprentices, after due deliberation among themselves, unanimously declined this proposition. It was repeatedly urged upon them, and the advantages it promised were held up to them; but they persisted in declining it wholly. This was a great marvel to the planters; and they could not account for it in any other way than by supposing that the apprentices were opposed both to labor and education, and were determined that their free children should grow up in ignorance and indolence! Now the true reason why the apprentices rejected this proposal was, _because it came from the planters_, in whom they have no confidence. They suspected that some evil scheme was hid under the fair pretence of benevolence; the design of the planters, as they firmly believed, was to get their _free children bound to them_, so that they might continue to keep them in a species of apprenticeship. This was stated to us, as the real ground of the rejection, by several missionaries, who gave the best evidence that it was so; viz. that at the same time that the apprentices declined the offer, they would send their free children _six or eight miles to a school taught by a missionary_. We inquired particularly of some of the apprentices, to whom this offer was made, why they did not accept it. They said that they could not trust their masters; the whole design of it was to get them to give up their children, and if they should give them up _but for a single month_, it would be the same as acknowledging that they (the parents) were not able to take care of them themselves. The busha would then send word to the Governor that the people had given up their children, not being able to support them, and the Governor would have the children bound to the busha, "and _then_," said they, "_we might whistle for our children_!" In this manner the apprentices, the _parents_, reasoned. They professed the greatest anxiety to have their children educated, but they said they could have no confidence in the honest intentions of their busha.

The views given above, touching the results of entire emancipation in 1840, are not unanimously entertained even among the planters, and they are far from prevailing to any great extent among other classes of the community. The missionaries, as a body, a portion of the special magistrates, and most of the intelligent free colored people, anticipate glorious consequences; they hail the approach of 1840, as a deliverance from the oppressions of the apprenticeship, and its train of disaffections, complaints and incessant disputes. They say they have nothing to fear--nor has the island any thing to fear, but every thing to hope, from entire emancipation. We subjoin a specimen of the reasoning of the minority of the planters. They represent the idea that the negroes will abandon the estates, and retire to the woods, as wild and absurd in the extreme. They say the negroes have a great regard for the comforts which they enjoy on the estates; they are strongly attached to their houses and little furniture, and their provision grounds. These are as much to them as the 'great house' and the estate are to their master. Besides, they have very _strong local attachments_, and these would bind them to the properties. These planters also argue, from _the great willingness_ of the apprentices now to work for money, during their own time, that they will not be likely to relinquish labor when they are to get wages for the whole time. There was no doubt much truth in the remark of a planter in St. Thomas in the East, that if _any_ estates were abandoned by the negroes after 1840, it would be those which had harsh managers, and those which are so mountainous and inaccessible, or barren, that they _ought_ to be abandoned. It was the declaration of a _planter_, that entire emancipation would _regenerate_ the island of Jamaica.

* * * * *

We now submit to the candid examination of the American, especially the Christian public, the results of our inquiries in Antigua, Barbadoes, and Jamaica. The deficiency of the narrative in ability and interest, we are sure is neither the fault of the subject nor of the materials. Could we have thrown into vivid forms a few only of the numberless incidents of rare beauty which thronged our path--could we have imparted to pages that freshness and glow, which invested the institutions of freedom, just bursting into bloom over the late wastes of slavery--could we, in fine, have carried our readers amid the scenes which we witnessed, and the sounds which we heard, and the things which we handled, we should not doubt the power and permanence of the impression produced. It is due to the cause, and to the society under whose commission we acted, frankly to state, that we were not selected on account of any peculiar qualifications for the work. As both of us were invalids, and compelled to fly from the rigors of an American winter, it was believed that we might combine the improvement of health, with the prosecution of important investigations, while abler men could thus be retained in the field at home; but we found that the unexpected abundance of materials requires the strongest health and powers of endurance. We regret to add, that the continued ill health of both of us, since our return, so serious in the case of one, as to deprive him almost wholly of participation in the preparation of the work, has necessarily, delayed its appearance, and rendered its execution more imperfect.

We lay no claim to literary merit. To present as simple narrative of facts, has been our sole aim. We have not given the results of our personal observations merely, or chiefly, nor have we made a record of private impressions or idle speculations. _Well authenticated facts_, accompanied with the testimony, verbal and documentary, of public men, planters, and other responsible individuals, make up the body of the volume, as almost every page will show. That no statements, if erroneous, might escape detection and exposure, we have, in nearly every case, given the _names_ of our authorities. By so doing we may have subjected ourselves to the censure of those respected gentlemen, with whose names we have taken such liberty. We are assured, however, that their interest in the cause of freedom will quite reconcile them to what otherwise might be an unpleasant personal publicity.

Commending our narrative to the blessing of the God of truth, and the Redeemer of the oppressed, we send it forth to do its part, however humble, toward the removal of slavery from our beloved but guilty country.