Chapter VII: Front Matter (7)

The providing for the redemption of our money, and the establishment of a marine, are objects, which in my view, far exceed in the magnitude and extent of their importance, any that are at present under public consideration; they greatly depend on each other, and permit me to say, all our future operations in a great degree depend on them. We cannot pay the interest of any considerable loan without commerce, which cannot be revived effectually without a marine force of our own, which may I am confident be formed on the enclosed plan, and be ready in a short space of time to act with vigor. Great Britain has long had the empire of the ocean, and in consequence the whole world has been her tributary; her own bad policy and the present war will deprive her of that empire; at this important crisis it depends on the measures taken by the United States, whether they shall succeed Great Britain or not in this extensive dominion. Reason, observation, and experience authorise me to say, there is not in the world any power so capable of it, and as the United States can never aim at foreign conquests, but simply to guard their own coasts, and to protect the commerce of their subjects, their superiority at sea can never give just cause of jealousy or offence to any other nation. I am confident that a fleet of forty sail, to consist of twenty such large ships as I have described, and twenty frigates, will be more than equal to this purpose, and such a fleet may be got to sea in the course of the coming year, if the materials wanted from Europe can be procured, which, if immediately applied for, I have not the least doubt of.

I have the honor to remain, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

_P. S._ I am still without the honor of any answer to my letter of the 7th ult.

November 13th.

After writing the above, my apprehension, lest I should be thought any way out of the usual course in communicating my sentiments to Congress, made me omit sending it to you with the enclosed, but the alarming intelligence, which I received but a day or two since, of the sentiments of my countrymen in different parts on the present situation of the credit of our money, the state of our finances and resources, and of the temper and disposition prevailing in consequence, has made me waive every personal consideration, and communicate this with the enclosed to Congress, and I shall count it one of the happiest occurrences of my life, if anything in my power will help to prevent that total loss of public as well as private credit, which I am sorry to find begins to be almost universally apprehended, and I fear appearances at this time are in support of such apprehensions, which though at bottom they may be ill founded, yet, if once generally prevailing, will produce consequences easily foreseen. I beg leave to refer to Colonel Duer for the substance of the intelligence I refer to, having communicated the letters I have received to him, for as they contain many things merely personal, I could not lay them at large before Congress.

S. D.

* * * * *

PLAN _for sinking fiftythree millions of dollars of the Continental Currency, and to establish a Bank of one million, and a half sterling, or $6,666,666-2/3 in Europe for the use of the States of America, at the expense of forty millions of dollars in specie only, or of Bills upon Europe equivalent_.

1st. Let a loan be obtained of twentyfive millions of dollars on account of the United States; the interest and necessary charges will probably amount to, and will not exceed, six per cent per annum.

2dly. Let a fund be established of two millions and a half annually, clear of all charges of collecting and remittances, out of which let the interest of the loan be paid, and the surplus unalienably appropriated as a sinking fund to discharge the principal; the annual interest of twentyfive million dollars; at six per cent will be 1,500,000 dollars, the sinking fund one million.

3dly. The calculation which follows demonstrates, that this fund of two millions and a half of dollars will, in sixteen years, pay off the principal and interest of the twentyfive millions borrowed, and leave a surplus of $673,103 in the hands of the States, which may be supposed equivalent to the charge of managing the money, and paying the loan in Europe.

4thly. A fund of two millions and a half for sixteen years amounts to forty millions, but twentyfive millions at six per cent simple interest will in that time amount to fortynine millions, supposing the interest annually paid; hence it is evident, that a sinking fund of one million operating on such a loan of twentyfive millions, will make a saving of nine millions of dollars to the States out of what will otherwise be paid on the same capital, on the plan of borrowing practised in our, and indeed in most other loan offices; or in other words would reduce the interest from six to little more than three and a half per cent, which is demonstrated in the following calculations.

5thly. Twentyfive millions of dollars may be computed in value equal to £5,625,000 sterling. Of this, let one million and a half, or £1,620,000 sterling be applied to the payment of debts contracted in Europe, contracted by the commissioners, for the discharge of which no particular mode has been stipulated and agreed upon, and for the establishing a bank or fund for other uses and benefit of the United States.

6thly. As the sum of £125,000 sterling will be equal to the public debts already contracted in Europe, except those to the Farmers-General and the house of Rodrique Hortalez & Co. there will remain, agreeable to the plan, one million and a half sterling, or $6,666,666-2/3 in the Congress' Bank in Europe, and four millions sterling, or $17,777,777-2/3, for the purpose of sinking the sum of fiftythree millions proposed.

7thly. The present rate of exchange is from five to six for one; it must happen that as bills are brought to market to a greater amount they will fall, but if it be considered that the ordinary demand of these States on Europe for goods exceeded four millions sterling annually in times of peace, that the demand at present and for two or three years to come, even if peace should take place immediately, must exceed the former usual demand, that though the cancelling and sinking of fiftythree millions of dollars will tend to appreciate the remainder in circulation, yet as there will still remain in circulation a greater nominal sum than the commerce of these States call for, the appreciation will not be repaid; and if it be further considered, that the merchants in the United States are at present destitute of their usual means of remittance, having neither ships, specie, nor produce on hand,--I say under these considerations it is improbable, if not impossible, consistent with the interest of individuals, that bills drawn on Europe for the sum of four millions sterling should be under three for one on an average.

8thly. Four millions sterling, or $17,777,777-2/3, at three for one, will amount to $53,333,333 here. Allowing $333,333 for the charge of drawing the bills, for other expenses and deficiencies unforeseen, and there will be, agreeable to the proposals in the plan, fiftythree millions of dollars of the Continental currency paid off by the sales of those bills.

The benefits resulting from this plan, if realized, are numerous, indisputable, and obvious. As the sum proposed to be drawn for, does not exceed the ordinary amount of importation before the war, it cannot be presumed that this plan can produce any ill effects on commerce, especially if the Congress should think it wise and prudent to drop the merchants themselves, and depend on individuals for their supplies. The capital difficulty is to obtain the loan. On this, as well as on the preceding plan, I will make a few observations after the following calculations already referred to.

FIRST CALCULATION.

| Produce of the | Total of the |
Years.| sinking fund at | Debts paid at | EXPLANATION.
| the end of | the end of |
| every year. | every year. |
------+-----------------+----------------+------------------------
1 | 1,000,000 | 1,000,000 | The first column marks
| 60,000 | | the years; the second
2 | 1,060,000 | 2,060,000 | the produce or amount
| 63,600 | | of the sinking fund at
3 | 1,123,600 | 3,103,600 | the end of each year,
| 67,416 | | the third shows how
4 | 1,191,016 | 4,374,616 | large a part of the
| 71,461 | | capital has been paid
5 | 1,262,477 | 5,637,093 | off at the end of each
| 75,788 | | year. The sum in the
6 | 1,338,265 | 6,975,358 | second column is found
| 80,296 | | by adding to it
7 | 1,418,561 | 8,393,919 | annually the interest
| 85,113 | | of that part of the
8 | 1,503,674 | 9,897,593 | capital paid off the
| 90,220 | | preceding year, and the
9 | 1,593,894 | 11,491,487 | sum in the third by
| 95,633 | | adding yearly the
10 | 1,689,527 | 13,181,014 | payments.
| 101,372 | |
11 | 1,790,899 | 14,971,913 |
| 107,454 | |
12 | 1,898,353 | 16,870,266 |
| 113,901 | |
13 | 2,012,254 | 18,882,520 |
| 120,735 | |
14 | 2,132,989 | 21,015,509 |
| 127,979 | |
15 | 2,260,968 | 23,276,477 |
| 135,658 | |
16 | 2,396,626 | 25,673,103 |
| | |
| Principal Loan | 25,000,000 |
| Surplus | 673,103 |

SECOND CALCULATION.

$2,500,000 annually collected and paid
for sixteen years, amount to (the whole sum
paid) 40,000,000

But the surplus of $673,103 deducted,
leaves $39,326,897, the net sum applied
to sink a principal of $25,000,000, and the
interest for sixteen years, 673,103
----------
39,326,897

The annual interest of $25,000,000 at six
per cent is 1,500,000, which at simple interest
in sixteen years is 24,000,000, 24,000,000
Add the principal, 25,000,000
----------
49,000,000
Bring down 39,326,897
----------
Surplus, 9,673,103

By these calculations it is clearly demonstrated,

First, that a certain net annual revenue of two millions and a half of dollars is sufficient for sinking the loan proposed of 25,000,000 in sixteen years, and to leave a surplus of $673,103 after discharging both principal and interest. In the second place, that by this plan the public will save the sum of $9,673,103 more than if the same sum is borrowed in the usual way of simple interest; or in other words, the money on this plan will be borrowed at 3-1/2 per cent interest nearest, a sum well deserving the attention of the public at this, and at every other time, and it is for that purpose the foregoing plan and calculations are submitted.

The only difficulties, that can possibly occur in the carrying this plan and every part of it into execution, are in the establishing such a fund, as will be certain for raising the two millions and a half of dollars annually, and in the next place in procuring the loan. The first may be obviated with greater ease and certainty than the second. It cannot in justice be concealed, that the loan cannot be obtained with the same ease now as it might have been six or seven months past, nor that the longer it is delayed, the greater the difficulty will be. It is however attainable if applied for in season, and in a proper manner. It is but too probable, that if delayed many months longer, it will not be obtained on any terms whatever. The war now kindling in Europe will probably in the course of another year become general, the consequence of which will be, that the emperor of Germany, the empress of Russia, and some other powers, the two former in particular, who have improved the late peace to regulate their finances, and to reduce and pay off their foreign debts, will on this change of affairs become borrowers afresh; in a word, there will be in Europe seven or eight, or more powers under the necessity of borrowing, and not more than two or three at the most in a situation to lend, and when so many demands are made for money, it will be very difficult to have ours preferred. To obtain it, therefore, requires immediate application, interest, and address; which thoughts, with the above plan, are respectfully submitted to the wisdom of Congress.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

PROPOSALS _for equipping such a fleet, as will be sufficient to defend the coasts and commerce of the United States against any force, which Great Britain will be able to send to America_.

It is necessary to premise, that the obtaining a loan, and setting on foot a naval force, are so connected with, and dependent on each other, and so many important consequences depend on both, that I have preferred placing one directly after the other, that my ideas on these great subjects may be perceived at one view, rather than the placing them in any manner separate or disjointed from each other. Without a naval force sufficient to protect in some degree our commerce as it revives, it will be very difficult, if not impossible, to pay either the principal or interest of the money we may borrow, and without some probably certain prospect of doing this, it would hardly be honest to borrow at all. I have only to add, that the following calculations are not founded on light and uncertain estimates, but on the most certain knowledge of the quantity of each of those articles necessary for the purpose. The prices are fixed at what they were last season in Sweden, and in the north of Europe; what I have ventured to say respecting ships of a new construction carrying fortytwo to fortyeight cannon, being equal to sixtyfour and even seventyfour line of battle ships, I am convinced of the truth of, not merely from my own observation and reasoning on the subject, but from the opportunities I have had of conversing with some of the most able and experienced constructors and commanders of ships in Europe, as well as in America. France, as well as England, has already several ships of such a plan on the stocks, which is a full proof in what light they view this plan of building; but fortunately for these States, their old prejudices, as well as the opposition of commanders of large ships, and a great number of men, to the changing them for ships of a less rate and fewer men, as well as of less pomp and appearance, will in a great measure prevent either of those nations from much immediate success in this plan for an improvement or reform.

1st. A fleet consisting of twenty such ships as mentioned above, joined by twenty frigates from twentyfour to thirtysix guns, will be sufficient to guard this coast against any naval force, which Great Britain, or any other maritime power can spare, to send against us. An American fleet, opposing a foreign one on this coast, will always have many very decisive circumstances in their favor, which are obvious at first view, particularly that of clean ships and healthy men against foul ships and sickly men, or fatigued by a long voyage, and that of being able with ships of the proposed construction to enter harbors in case of storm or other accident, which larger ships cannot.

2dly. The twenty large ships, and ten or a less number of the frigates may be put on the stocks and built in America, and though the present price of labor is dear, yet were the undertakers to be paid in sterling bills, or in specie, the hulls or bodies of the ships may perhaps be had nearly at the same price as before the war; but suppose they cost more, yet if every other article be procured from Europe at the first cost and common charges, the ships complete will not amount to much more than such ships usually cost before the war in America, probably not so much.

3dly. Suppose also that eight of the frigates be built in America, and twelve purchased in Europe, to transport the materials from thence for the rest. In the first place, let a calculation be made what all these materials, allowing a large proportion, will amount to, and also for the purchase of the twelve frigates, or ships for frigates, which are to transport those materials over to America.

CALCULATION.

Livres.
160,000 aulms of sailcloth, 240,000

500,000 cwt of anchors, 125,000

3,200,000 cwt of cordage, 1,280,000

6,000,000 cwt of cannon, 960,000

10,000 fuzees, fit for marine service, 200,000

200 tons of powder, 400,000

N. B. As iron is scarce and dear in America,
especially in the east and northward states, I
suppose 300 tons of iron, 160,000

12 ships fit for sea, capable of being armed as
frigates of 24 to 36 guns, will unarmed cost
250,000 livres each, nearly 3,000,000

I suppose for shells, shot, cutlasses, spears,
hand-grenadoes, and a variety of small articles, too
many to be enumerated in such a general calculation,
the sum of 1,000,000
---------
Total amount, 7,365,000

Equal to one million six hundred and seventytwo thousand dollars,[18] for which sum twelve of the ships will be purchased, and all the capital materials for the others. One million of livres, or two hundred thousand dollars, is a large allowance for the small articles, and I know, from offers made me from Sweden, that the ships and other articles referred to, may be purchased there at the above rates, if they have not risen since the month of March last.

4thly. Of the proposed loan by the plan preceding, there will remain, after sinking the fiftythree millions and the payment of the present debts, the sum of one million and a half sterling, or 6,666,666-2/3 dollars, out of which deduct the above sum of 1,672,000, and there remains the sum of 4,994,666-2/3 dollars, or twentyfive millions of livres nearest, for other purposes; a sum sufficient for many great purposes. The commissioners, to the time of my leaving France, had not in the whole ever received four millions of livres, to enable them to procure all the supplies, which they engaged and sent over.

5thly. These stores, and ships to transport them, may be procured on the best terms in Sweden. Swedish ships are not so durable as those built in England, or of cedar and live oak, but I am well assured they greatly exceed those built of the common American oak. Sweden is ever so under the influence of France, that there is no doubt but with proper management these ships and stores may be obtained, and a convoy for them, which, by sailing in June next and coming north about, might arrive at Boston in season, and with very little or no risk; but the fear of being too tedious prevents my being more particular.

6thly. If it be agreeable to make the purchase of the materials enumerated, but not of the ships, as ships may be had to freight them over, it will amount to much the same.

7thly. I will only add, that in time of peace should any of these ships proposed, be to be disposed of out of the continental, they will not be too large for many branches of the merchant service. If these proposals should appear just and practicable, many less matters connected with them will require consideration, and as in the first, so in this plan, every thing depends on immediate despatch.

It has been objected, that such a number of ships could not be manned, but if it is considered that there are now employed in privateering a greater number of men, than are sufficient to man this proposed fleet, it is easy to obviate this difficulty by offering such inducements, as will infallibly lead both officers and men to prefer the public to any private service whatever. The United States have not in view private or partial, but public and extensive objects, the humbling our enemies, the defence of our coasts, and the laying the foundation of a great and flourishing marine. If the whole of the prize money be divided among the seamen and officers, or suppose threefourths actually shared, and the remainder appropriated for the building and support of a hospital for sick, wounded, and disabled seamen, such a resolution will be a generous one, and cannot fail of answering the end. His Most Christian Majesty has generously done this for his officers and seamen serving in his marine, by his ordinance of April last.

Philadelphia, 13th November, 1778.

_P. S._ Apprehensive of being tedious when I wrote the above, I said nothing on the methods for paying the interest for the first two or three years, until a certain revenue can be established, for considering the present depreciated state of our currency, and the scarcity of specie, it cannot be instantly expected. I take therefore the liberty of suggesting two methods, one of which will most certainly answer the purpose. The first is to borrow of France or Spain, the interest money for the first three years, by which, the interest punctually paid, a credit will become established, and future loans may be made if wanted, and our commerce will be so far restored, that it will not be difficult to raise specie equal to the payment. But should this method fail, there still remains a certain resource, for even if the plan for equipping a navy be adopted, yet there will still remain in bank, as will be seen by the calculation and estimate, a sum sufficient for more than three years interest.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[18] There seems to be a mistake here, if the author's mode of reckoning five livres to the dollar be adopted. The sum would then be one million four hundred and seventy three thousand dollars.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 19th November, 1778.

Sir,

I did myself the honor of writing to you on the 7th of October last, and having since received a letter from Mr Williams, I send it enclosed, to show Congress that the monies mentioned by Mr A. Lee, in his letter of the 1st of June last, to have been received by that gentleman, have, in the opinion of two of the commissioners, been well laid out and faithfully accounted for. It gives me great pleasure to find, that the clothes contracted for by Mons. Monthieu, Messrs Holker, Sabbatier, and Desprez, and others, are on examination approved of, and allowed to be the best of the kind, both as to the quality of the cloth and fashion they are made in, of any that have ever been imported; it is indeed a fortunate circumstance, that out of near forty thousand suits so few have been intercepted. As Mr A. Lee, in his letters, has insinuated that the contracts for these clothes were made entirely by me, and has charged me with great extravagance in them, I beg leave to inform Congress, that these suits complete, and delivered on board, do not cost, on an average, thirtysix livres, or thirtyone shillings and sixpence sterling the suit. I labored hard to send over shoes, stockings, and shirts in proportion, and so far as it was effected, the suit complete, with shoes, stockings and shirt, does not amount in the whole to forty shillings sterling. These facts being known, I am content to take on myself the merit or demerit of furnishing these supplies.

I will make no comment on the dismission of a man of Mr Williams' known abilities, integrity, and economy, and who did the business of the public for two per cent, to make room for the deputies of Mr William Lee, who shares five per cent with them, nor on the still more unaccountable conduct of Mr A. Lee, in ordering bills accepted by Messrs Franklin and Adams to be protested. It gives me pain to be forced to lay these facts before Congress, but I cannot, consistent with the duty I owe my country, nor with the justice due myself, permit them, and others of the like nature, to remain longer concealed from public view and examination.

My letter of the 7th ult. covered observations on Mr Lee's and Mr Izard's letters to Congress, to which I am still without the honor of any reply; nothing would give me greater satisfaction, than to learn by what part of my public conduct I have merited the neglect, with which my letters and most respectful solicitations for months past, to be heard before Congress, have been treated. I confess that I once flattered myself the services I performed in procuring supplies, and sending them to the United States at the most critical period of their affairs, and in assisting to bring forward and conclude the treaties, together with the honorable testimonials from the Court of France, whilst I had the honor of residing there, would have merited the approbation of Congress. And I now leave it with every person of sensibility and honor, to imagine what must be my disappointment and chagrin, to find myself obliged at last to leave America without being informed if exceptions have been taken to any part of my conduct, or what they may be. Thus situated, though I can but feel most sensibly, yet a consciousness of the integrity and zeal, which have ever guided and animated my conduct, and a sense of the important services I have been so fortunate as to render my country, with the confidence I have that justice will yet be done me, support and will never permit me to forget or desert myself or my country, whilst in my power to be useful.

I took the liberty on the 12th instant, in writing to Congress, again to remind them of my being without any answer to my request, and having written already repeatedly, I will not trouble that honorable body further on the subject of my being heard, agreeable to what by their resolutions which recalled me, and since I hoped for, and had reason to expect; but praying them to accept my sincere thanks for the honor they did me, in appointing me their commercial and political agent in Europe, and afterwards one of their commissioners to the Court of France, by which I have had an opportunity of rendering my country important services, I have only to repeat my former request, that orders may be given to their minister at the Court of France to have my accounts examined and settled, immediately on my return thither, referring to my letter of the 7th, on that head, and entreating for a speedy resolution on the subject.

I have the honor to remain,

With the most profound respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

_P. S._ Since writing the above, I am informed that letters have been received from the honorable Mr Lee, and read in Congress, which mention certain proceedings of Mr Hodge, and that a sum of money had been paid Mr S. Wharton by my order, without the knowledge of the commissioners, and which I left unexplained and unaccounted for. I will only say here, that any insinuation of this kind is totally groundless, and makes me feel most sensibly what I suffer by not being permitted to be heard before Congress, which I still solicit for.

S. D.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 30th November, 1778.

Sir,

I am still so unhappy, as to be without the honor of any reply to the several letters I have written through you to Congress, praying that honorable body to favor me with an audience, and that they would give the necessary orders to their ministers or commissioners at the Court of Versailles to examine, adjust, and settle my accounts immediately on my return to France. I take the liberty now to add to what I have already written, that the hopes of being favored with an audience have already occasioned my losing several very agreeable and safe opportunities of returning, until the season has become as pressing as the business which calls me back, and obliges me most earnestly to entreat the attention of Congress to my situation and requests.

I have the honor to remain, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Friday, 4th December, 1778.

Sir,

I have now to acknowledge your favors of 10 o'clock last evening, and to thank you for the attention paid to my last letter to you. Previous to receiving the intimation you have given me, "that Congress had resolved to take into consideration their foreign affairs, and that such branches as I had been particularly concerned in, would in due course become subjects of deliberation," I had prepared to leave this city, and had made my arrangements accordingly, which it will not be in my power to dispense with for any time. I take the liberty of mentioning this, as I do not find in the intimation you have given me of the resolution of Congress any time fixed for my attendance, and I take the liberty of repeating what I have before had the honor of writing to you, that my detention is extremely prejudicial to my private affairs, and, so far as I am able to judge, in some degree so to those of the public, which I have had the honor of being intrusted with, some of which require my presence at the settlement of them, as well on account of my own reputation, as for the interest of the United States.[19]

I have the honor to be, with much respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] On the 5th of December, Mr Deane published an article in the Pennsylvania Gazette, reflecting on the conduct of some of the commissioners in Europe. This publication gave much offence to Messrs Arthur Lee and William Lee, and Mr Izard, as will be seen hereafter in their letters to Congress.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 21st December, 1778.

Sir,

In obedience to the orders of Congress of the 7th inst.[20] I have now committed to writing as particular an account of my agency of their affairs in Europe as my situation will permit, and wait the pleasure of Congress to lay the same before them. And I have only to request, that the letters written by the commissioners to Congress, or the Committee of Foreign Affairs, during my agency or since, which refer thereto, ordered to be read in Congress, may be laid on their table, when I shall have the honor to be admitted. I request this, from my not having the copies of those letters with me, to which the accounts I am directed to give refer, but recollecting the substance of them, I have judged it unnecessary to trouble Congress for copies of them at present, as it might cause some delay, and I am anxious to complete as soon as possible the information expected from me. I flatter myself that an early day will be fixed, and if I may take the liberty to mention one, I wish it may be tomorrow if consistent with the business of Congress.

I have the honor to be, with the utmost respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[20] "_Resolved_, That Silas Deane report to Congress in writing as soon as may be, his agency of their affairs in Europe, together with any intelligence respecting their foreign affairs which he may judge proper.

"That Mr Deane be informed, that if he has anything to communicate to Congress in the interim of immediate importance, he shall be heard tomorrow evening at six o'clock.

"Mr Deane attending, was called in, and the foregoing resolutions were read to him."

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 30th December, 1778.

Sir,

When I had the honor of waiting on Congress last, I was informed that I should be favored with an opportunity of finishing my narrative without delay. I now take the liberty of applying to Congress, and to inform them that I am ready, and wait their orders. I have received letters, which I am desirous to communicate personally; they relate to parts of my narrative. My solicitude for a final issue of my affairs will, I trust, not appear unreasonable to Congress, when it is considered that a certain Mr Thomas Paine, styling himself Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and presuming to address the public in his official character, has thrown out in a late paper many insinuations injurious to my public character, and has avowed his intentions of laying before the public a number of interesting facts, and materials, relative to my conduct, as one of the commissioners of these United States at the Court of France.

I rely on the justice of Congress, and have the honor to be, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 4th January, 1779.

Sir,

In my letter of the 30th ult. I took the liberty of mentioning to Congress a circumstance, which made me very solicitous for a final issue of my affairs, which was the illiberal and abusive attacks made on my character, as the public agent and minister of these States, by a certain Mr Thomas Paine, styling himself Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and pretending to address the public in his official capacity. This person has since, in Mr Dunlap's paper of the 2d inst., ventured to assure the public, that the supplies, which I contracted for with Mons. Beaumarchais, were promised and engaged, and that as a present, before I arrived in France, and that he has in his possession full proof of this.

I cannot suppose that Mr Paine is possessed of any letters, or papers on this subject, which are not before Congress, or to which the honorable members are strangers. I will not trouble Congress with any observations on the many groundless and extravagant assertions of this writer, but justice to my own character obliges me to entreat, that, if what he has asserted on this subject is a fact, I may be made acquainted with it. Mons. Beaumarchais, in his letter to Congress of the 23d of March last, asserts directly the contrary to what this man has ventured to publish; and as my engagements with Mons. Beaumarchais were made on a very different ground, it is of the last importance to me to know if I have been deceived in the whole of this transaction, and how, that I may be able to regulate my conduct accordingly.

I have the honor to be, with the utmost respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 21st January, 1779.

Sir,

When I had the honor of waiting on Congress, you were pleased to inform me, that if Congress had any further commands for me I should be notified thereof. Not having received any notice from you on the subject, I take the liberty to inform you, that my affairs are become so pressing and so peculiarly circumstanced, that it is impossible for me to attend longer without doing greater prejudice to myself and interest, than I am able to sustain. I must therefore request of you to remind Congress of my situation, and that you will inform me of their determination respecting me.

I have the honor to be, with sincere respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 22d February, 1779.

Sir,

In obedience to the orders of Congress of the 8th of December, 1777, which I received the 4th of March, 1778, I embraced the first opportunity of returning to America, and on my arrival repaired with all possible despatch to Congress on the 13th of July last, since which time I have attended their orders in this city. I beg leave to remind Congress, that early in January, 1776, I had the honor of being engaged by their committee to go as their agent to France, to transact important business for them, in the commercial as well as political departments, and that I have ever since been in their service, in which I flatter myself I have been of some utility to them and to my country; but that an absence of almost four years from my family and private affairs, more than seven months of which I have waited to know their pleasure respecting me here, has so exceedingly embarrassed and distressed me, that I hope I shall not be deemed guilty of an unbecoming impatience in pressing to know, if Congress have any further commands for me, and in what manner my past transactions, as their agent and commissioner, are to be adjusted and closed. I have heretofore written repeatedly and particularly to Congress on this subject, and will not enlarge upon it at present, but have the honor to be, with the utmost respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 15th March, 1779.

Sir,

I did myself the honor of writing to you on the 22d of February past, to which letter I beg leave to refer your Excellency. Having received no answer to the requests I then made, I have now only to add, that my situation, which for eight months past has been peculiarly distressing, is now become such as to oblige me to leave this city without further delay, and therefore I again most respectfully entreat of Congress to inform me, if they expect further information from me respecting their foreign or other affairs, and as I shall without loss of time, return to Europe, that I may be informed if they have any further commands for my service, and in what manner my past transactions, as their agent and commissioner, are to be adjusted and closed.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 29th March, 1779.

Sir,

I did myself the honor of writing to your Excellency the 22d of February last, in which I mentioned the distressed situation into which my affairs were brought, by my being detained in this city, and in which I earnestly requested to know of Congress whether they had any further commands for me, and in what manner my past transactions, as their agent and commissioner, were to be adjusted and closed. You were pleased to inform me verbally, that my letter was referred to the committee, who were ordered to report immediately. I have since been informed that they have reported, but that the report has not been considered by Congress, nor any resolutions passed thereon. This forces me again to apply to Congress, and to lay before that honorable body in part my situation. I have been near four years absent from my family and private affairs, which have suffered exceedingly thereby; more than three years of the time, I have been in the actual service of Congress.

The settlement of the commissioners' accounts and my own, will show to demonstration, that I have received nothing therefor, except money for my necessary expenses. When the orders of Congress, and the service of these States required my immediate return, I took with me one hundred and eighty louis d'ors or guineas only, to defray my expenses and those of four Americans and a servant to America. Two of the Americans were captains in the navy of the United States, and had escaped from prison in England; of the other two, one had been taken in a private ship of war, which he commanded, and had also escaped from prison; the other was a captain in the merchant service. Our journey to Toulon, which is near six hundred miles, was expensive, and was defrayed by me; our passage from Toulon to America was at the expense of His Most Christian Majesty. I took those American captains with me by the advice and at the desire of the ministers of France, and of Dr Franklin, these captains being well acquainted with the American coast. I have been for more than eight months past in this city, and at an expense to which my private fortune is by no means adequate, though I have regulated my expenses by the strictest economy my situation could admit of. I will not trouble Congress with mentioning what has past since my return. The loss of my private property is of no consideration with me, if my country is in any way essentially served thereby; but whilst Congress defer coming to any resolution respecting my private services as their agent and commissioner, what is dearer to me than life or fortune, my character, is attacked and liable to suffer, from the groundless and base insinuations of some, and from the open calumnies of others. I cannot but think it an act of justice due not only to me as an individual, but to Congress and the public in general, that my conduct be either approved of or censured; I have most surely merited one or the other, from the important part I have acted, and the manner in which I have transacted it. I had the honor of bringing with me testimonials, not only from my late venerable colleague, but from his Most Christian Majesty and his ministers, in favor of my conduct whilst in France; they have been long since laid before Congress, and I cannot but conceive, that if I have merited the calumnies which have for some months past been publicly thrown out against me, and industriously spread through these States, justice to those great personages, who condescended to interest themselves so warmly in my favor, requires that my demerits should be publicly known and made to appear, that they may no longer be deceived, or in a state of uncertainty, respecting my real character and merits.

A writer, who has been busily employed for three months past in inventing and publishing the most scandalous falsehoods, in order to injure me in the opinion of my countrymen, has produced in Dunlap's paper of the 27th inst. two charges against me, the one for "_negotiating an intended present into a loan_," or, in other words, of defrauding my honorable constituents of a large sum of money; the other of intercepting and destroying the public despatches in order to cover the fraud. This writer has not long since been in the employ of Congress as a secretary or clerk, of which circumstance he avails himself to give force to his calumnies, and has had the confidence to appeal to Congress for the truth of his assertions, though he knew at the time that Congress had unanimously contradicted the first, and that the latter was but the creature of his own forming. From the moment that I was ordered by Congress to lay before them in writing, a narration of my public transactions, I have considered myself as being before that tribunal and no other, and under their immediate protection, and consequently not at liberty to take that notice of the publications of this writer, or of his prompters, which, as an individual, otherways circumstanced, I should have took long since. This consideration, and the full reliance I have ever placed on the justice of Congress, have prevented my making any reply to the many base and false insinuations thrown out by this writer, and others, against me, and I have been encouraged to wait with patience for the decision of Congress, by repeated promises, that a speedy issue should be made of those affairs.

I now submit it to that honorable body, whether, if my patience is exhausted, I ought to be deemed culpable; and have further to entreat, that if Congress, or any of its members, entertain any apprehensions, that I am guilty of the two charges brought against me, (to which I have referred) or on any other account whatever, that I may be heard before Congress, and I submit it to their wisdom to determine how public the inquiry shall be, assuring them, that the more public the scrutiny shall be into every part of my conduct, the more agreeable it will be to me. I have only to entreat further, that a decisive answer may be given to me on the above requests, and that you will be assured of my unalterable respect and attachment.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 2d April, 1779.

Sir,

I am without an answer to the letter I did myself the honor of writing to you the 30th ult. As I shall be obliged to leave Philadelphia in a few days at farthest, I have again to solicit a decisive reply to my last. Justice to my fortune as well as character requires it, and I can by no means bring myself to suppose, that Congress will ever refuse the doing of justice either to the character or fortune of any free citizen of these States, much less that they will any longer delay it to one in their service, and under their immediate protection, and who has for many months past been soliciting for justice, as well to his fortune as character.

I have the honor to be,

With the utmost respect and attachment, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 17th April, 1779.

Sir,

I ask liberty to refer to the two last letters, which I did myself the honor of writing to you on the 30th ult. and 2d instant, and which remain unanswered. In them I mentioned the situation to which I was brought by my being detained in this city, the difficulties and distresses of which have been ever since daily increasing.

I will not take up the time of Congress by entering into a detail of circumstances; many of the honorable members are not unacquainted with them, but inform Congress that I am under the necessity of going out of town early in next week, and considering myself at the orders of Congress, pray to be informed if they have any commands for me, which render it necessary that I defer any longer to leave Philadelphia. My own family and private affairs, as well as those of one intrusted to my care, have long suffered by my absence; they must suffer to the last degree, if longer neglected.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 26th April, 1779.

Sir,

As I have received no reply to my letters of the 30th ult. and 2d instant, I take the liberty of applying again to Congress, to remind them of my situation. It is now more than twelve months since, in obedience to their orders, I left France, to return to my native country. Having employed the short interval, between the receiving advice of my recall and my embarking, in soliciting essential aid and succor for these States, I entered on my voyage with the pleasing reflection, that after a two years' faithful service, in a most difficult and embarrassed negotiation, the issue had been fortunate, equal to my utmost wishes; that the supplies I had procured, and sent out, had enabled my brave countrymen and fellow citizens to resist and humble the enemy; that the treaty which I had the honor, with my colleagues, to conclude, had engaged one of the most powerful and generous princes in the world to guaranty the liberties and independence of these States.

The great and seasonable aid sent out by him, with which (after having received the most honorable testimonials of his approbation, and even of his esteem, as well as that of his ministers, and of my late worthy colleague and friend, Dr Franklin) I had the honor to embark, gave me in prospect the completion of my most sanguine hopes--the total reduction of the British force in North America. Unfortunately the length of our passage defeated the most essential objects of this great and well concerted enterprise. Extensive and important services were however thereby rendered, on which I need not be particular. Immediately on my landing in America, _I repaired with all possible despatch to Congress, to inform them of the state of affairs in Europe_, which I had been advised, by their resolution, was the business I was ordered to return upon. Between my arrival in this city, on the 13th of July, and my audience before Congress on the 21st of August, I was informed that the minds of some of my countrymen were prejudiced against me, and that insinuations were industriously circulated to effect others; I therefore took the earliest opportunity given me, and after having laid before Congress a general state of foreign affairs and of my proceedings, to request that if any thing had been laid to my charge, or suggested to my disadvantage, I might be made acquainted therewith, for that it was probable that in the difficult, complicated, and embarrassed scenes I had gone through, many things might require explanation. I received no reply, and continuing to solicit to have the business I returned upon concluded, I was informed that an honorable member produced in Congress an extract from a letter from a private gentleman, respecting a conversation which passed between him and Mr Carmichael, which implied a censure on my conduct. On the 26th of September, Mr Secretary Thompson acquainted me with the resolution of Congress of that day, to postpone further consideration of my requests, _until the examination of William Carmichael_.

What the result of that examination was I never knew, but having waited some days, the urgent necessity for my speedy return pressing on me, I applied again, and repeatedly, that I might finish the business upon which I had been sent for. Days were repeatedly appointed for that purpose, and I must suppose business of more importance prevented. In those letters I laid before Congress the unsettled state in which I had, by my sudden departure, been obliged to leave the accounts and other mercantile transactions of the commissioners, and pointed out the injuries, which the public must suffer by a delay of their settlement, as well as the personal inconveniences I must be subjected to whilst they remained unsettled. To these letters I beg leave to refer. In October, extracts from letters from Mr Arthur Lee and Mr Izard, were, by order of Congress, delivered me, to which I replied at large, on the 12th and 22d of the same month; my letters are still before Congress, and to them I refer, particularly to that of the 12th, which closes in these words;

"As in commercial transactions there are but two sides to an account, and every thing goes to the debit or credit, the folio for profit or loss, so I must solicit that Dr Franklin and Mr Adams may be directed to see the settlement of all those accounts immediately on my return to Paris, and as there has been a charge made by Mr Lee, of profusion, of extravagant contracts, and the like, that those gentlemen be authorised to submit those accounts, with every allegation of the kind, to the adjustment and determination of gentlemen of ability and character on the spot, and that orders may be given, that whatever may be found due from the commissioners, or either of them, may be instantly paid into the hands of the banker for Congress, and that in like manner said banker may be ordered to pay whatever may be the balance, to the person in whose favor the same shall be found. By this means truth will be demonstrated, and justice done, which is all I have ever wished for."