Chapter M: Holker's Answer (1)

Philadelphia, 26th April, 1779.

Sir,

I have this moment received your favor of this date. In my memorial to Congress, I said that each complete suit ought not to cost more than 33 or 34 livres (not 32 or 34) delivered in the sea ports. I spoke totally from memory, and believe I have made a mistake, by taking the price in Paris, or Montpellier, for the price at which they would stand at the sea ports. Admitting my error, they would cost no more than 36 or 37 livres the suit, according to the best calculation I can make from memory.

I have the honor to remain, most sincerely, &c.

HOLKER.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 30th April, 1779.

Sir,

In my letter of Monday last, I mentioned my intention to leave town in the course of the week. I am now waiting for no other purpose, but to know if Congress will take notice of the requests I have so often troubled them with. The circumstances under which I left France, in obedience to their orders, and with a view of promoting their service in the greatest and most essential manner (it is well known) rendered it impossible to have the accounts of the commissioners and my own, connected immediately with theirs, settled and closed, so that the vouchers could be procured and brought out with me. But a few days past between the knowledge of my recall, and of my actual setting out on my return.

One condition of sending out the Toulon fleet, and of my embarking in it was, that the most profound secrecy should be observed, and the greatest despatch made. The king's ministers did not think fit to communicate this secret to my colleague, Mr Lee, nor did they leave me at liberty to do it; I had as little grounds for confidence in that gentleman, as the ministers had, and it is evident from their letters and declarations that they never had any. Yet such is my peculiar situation, that I find myself blamed and censured by many in Congress as well as out, for not having performed an impossibility, and am represented as a defaulter, and as having misapplied or embezzled the public monies, at once to prevent my future usefulness to my country, and to the ruin of my private fortune and character. Thus situated, I can but appeal once more to the justice of Congress, and remind them that I brought with me and delivered them, it is now more than seven months since, an account from under the banker's hands, of all the monies received and paid out by him, and to whom paid; that in my letter of the 12th of October, I explained to Congress for what purposes those payments were made, and in my answers to Mr Lee's objections to these contracts, that I proved him to have been acquainted with them, and that he signed himself the orders for the money, for the greater part of them. I am informed, by several honorable gentlemen in Congress, that many of the members, from their absence at the time, or from their taking their seats since the delivering in of that account and my letter of the 12th of October, are to this moment uninformed of either. This obliges me to refer to them at this time, and though I have not the vouchers to support every article, yet I will cheerfully put my reputation as a merchant, as an honest man, and as a frugal servant of the public, on the examination of those accounts, the circumstances under which they were taken, at the same time to be considered.

That account commences in February, 1777, and ends the 27th day of March, 1778, three days before my leaving Paris. It will show, that the whole amount of the monies received by the commissioners, was 3,753,250 livres, and their expenditures 4,046,988 livres, 7 sols, and by the general state of the account delivered the 12th of October, it appears for what those expenditures were made. After deducting the sums paid, for large contracts for supplies, &c. which are particularised, there will be left 219,250 livres, 1 sol, 11 deniers, equal to £9644. 8. 7-1/2 sterling, for the commissioners' expenses, for almost fifteen months, and for small purchases, and for a variety of services not possible to be particularised, without the accounts at large. I might with safety rest this whole sum on the score of the commissioners' expenses for this space of time, and support it on Mr Lee's letter to Congress, in which he says, that Mr Adams and himself were fully convinced, that they could not live at Paris under £3000 sterling, (or about 70,000 livres) each annually. Had the commissioners expended at that rate, from February, 1777, to March, 1778, the whole of the sum would be no more than a sufficiency to supply their expenses; but this was not the case. The commissioners, in the whole, received out of it the sum of 115,480 livres, 5 sols, 6 deniers, for their expenses and private disbursements, as will appear by the account enclosed; of this, Dr Franklin received 27,841 livres, Mr Lee 52,039 livres, 5 sols, 9 deniers, and myself 35,600 livres. It is true, at the same time, that Mr Lee had in his hands the whole of the money received from Spain, which he disposed of without the interference of the other commissioners.

I appeal to the honorable gentlemen in Congress, then present, and perfectly well acquainted with our mode and style of living, to inform Congress on which of the commissioners the greatest expense of providing for and entertaining the Americans, who visited them at Paris, or who escaped from prison in England, and applied for relief, fell. I lay this general state before Congress, to convince them how very far I was from being prodigal of the public monies, and that the accounts delivered, general as they are, are sufficient to exculpate me from every charge of peculation or extravagance. My future reputation and fortune depend much on my mercantile character in these transactions, and I rely on the justice of Congress to prevent its being any longer undeservedly sported with, vilified and abused.

Under the load of calumny and abuse I have for some months sustained, I have had this consolation, that the services I had rendered my country had been long since sensibly felt by her, and that they would one day be acknowledged, but when returning to the character of a private citizen in the mercantile line, I cannot sit down easy under imputations injurious to my private character.

I have long since requested to have these accounts examined into, on the spot, where only a full and minute investigation can be made, and that they should be settled as justice required. I now repeat my request, and that previous thereto, the accounts laid before Congress be examined, from which alone it will appear, if there be any ground even for suspicion, and that I may be permitted to obviate, if in my power here, any objections that may be made. The mode in which the monies were received for the commissioners' use at Paris, the source from whence they came, with other circumstances relative, are such that I have not thought it consistent with the interest, the policy, or even the delicacy of Congress, or others, to lay the case at large before my countrymen, though I found myself injured in their opinion, by the abuse constantly thrown out against me in the papers, and from my silence on the subject. I have ever been, and still remain confident, that a general examination of the accounts, even in the state they are, must prove satisfactory to Congress, and that a minute investigation will show me to have merited their approbation, and not their censure. My first duty is, to satisfy Congress, in whose determinations the public will undoubtedly acquiesce, and to them therefore I have constantly made my application on this subject.

I will make no apology for troubling them so long at this time, my situation is, I trust, a sufficient one. I have only to add, that having delayed to leave the town beyond the time I proposed in my last, I hope for an early answer, and have the honor to be, with the utmost respect and attachment, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

_Account of monies paid by Mr Grand, to Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, for their particular use, and charged by him, as paid immediately to them._

To Benjamin Franklin--

Livres.
14th July, 1777, 4800 0 0
25th September, 4001 0 0
15th November, 8000 0 0
29th December, 2400 0 0
2d March, 3600 0 0
25th " 4800 0 0
------------
27,601 0 0
10th March, 240 0 0
------------
27,841 0 0

To Silas Deane--

Livres.
1st July, 1777, 2400 0 0
29th August, 4800 0 0
16th September, 4800 0 0
7th October, 2400 0 0
20th November, 2700 0 0
11th December, 2400 0 0
21st December, 2400 0 0
13th January, 4000 0 0
12th February, 2500 0 0
17th March, 4800 0 0
24th " 2400 0 0
------------
35,600 0 0

To Arthur Lee--

Livres.
August, 2400 0 0
8th October, 4800 0 0
12th November, 2400 0 0
December, 2400 0 0
23d November, 22,519 5 6
23d December, 2400 0 0
January, 720 0 0
11th " 4800 0 0
" 2400 0 0
16th February, 2400 0 0
6th March, 4800 0 0
------------
52,039 5 6
35,600 0 0
27,841 0 0
------------
115,480 5 6

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 12th May, 1779.

Sir,

I returned last evening, and now send you the New York papers of the 3d and 5th instant. You will much oblige me, by informing me what resolutions Congress have come to on my letters of the 26th, 27th, and 30th ult. as well as on the petitions I have repeatedly made to them for the settlement of the business, on which I was ordered to return to America. If nothing has been done, I pray to be informed when I may depend on a decisive answer from Congress.

I have the honor to be, with the most sincere respect,

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 22d May, 1779.

Sir,

As this will probably be the last time I shall trouble Congress with my addresses to them, I hope to be indulged in briefly laying before them the following observations on my case and situation.

From the moment, that the contest between these States and Great Britain became serious, I have taken and pursued a decided and active part in favor of the liberties of my country, have cheerfully sacrificed my fortune, and exposed my life, for an object much dearer to me than either, the peace, liberty, and safety of these States. The part I took in the first, and succeeding Congress, is well known to many of the honorable members now present, as well as to my countrymen and fellow citizens in general, who must do me the justice to say, that I let slip no opportunity either in Congress or out, which offered, for serving America, and distressing its enemies.

In January, 1776, when I was about returning to my family and private concerns, which had suffered much by my absence, I was applied to, by the committee of Congress, to go to France, to negotiate the political as well as commercial affairs of America in that kingdom. The advantages proposed to me in the latter were considerable, and without any probability of difficulty, embarrassment, or risk, further than the dangers of the voyage, which were indeed great at that time. In the former it was very different, but the difficulties which presented, great as they were, had no consideration with me, in the situation in which our affairs then were. My subsequent conduct, from my arrival in France, until I left that kingdom, fully demonstrates that private interest and personal safety never had any weight with me, when the service of my country called upon me. In my narrative I have been so particular on the situation I found myself in, on my arrival in Europe, the embarrassments and difficulties I constantly labored under, and had to encounter, and in the many letters I have written to Congress since my return, requesting my conduct might be examined, in the strictest and most public manner, I have so often represented to them what my situation and line of conduct had ever been, that I am under no necessity of saying anything on the subject at present.

On the fourth of March, 1778, after having succeeded in procuring supplies for these States, which fell almost solely on me, and having, jointly with my colleagues, concluded the treaty of the sixth of February, which secured and guarantied the independence of these States, when I found myself, for the first time after my leaving America, free from those distressing embarrassments and difficulties I had been constantly under, and at liberty to pursue openly the great objects in view, and which I had for some time contemplated for the service of these States, I received the resolution of Congress of the 8th of December, ordering me to return immediately to America, to inform Congress of the _state of foreign affairs in Europe_. I did not hesitate a moment as to the part I should take, but immediately set myself on improving this circumstance and others, which then fortunately coincided, to the greatest possible advantage of these States,--the publication of the treaty, until that time ordered to be kept a profound secret, and the sending out the Toulon fleet, in which I embarked early in April.

I submit to the consideration of Congress, whether from the 4th of March to the 30th, the day I left Paris, I could possibly have been better employed, and whether I could have justified myself, or been even excused by others, had I neglected these objects, and delayed to pay the most immediate attention to the order of Congress, for the mere purpose of collecting in and adjusting accounts from the different ports of France; accounts which could not be collected and closed under several months, and in the settlement of which my colleagues were equally interested with myself.

I say I submit this to the consideration of Congress, nor do I fear publicly to submit it to the world, or even to those enemies whom I am so unfortunate as to have in it. The voice of my friend and colleague, Doctor Franklin, with that of my other noble friends and patrons in France to me was,--"Lose not a moment on any object either public or private; the fleet at Toulon will be ready by the time you arrive there; by no means let it wait a moment for you; you may sail early in April, and be in America in the course of the month of May; you may finish the information you have to give Congress immediately, and return to France by the time the accounts you have been concerned in can be got ready for settlement." It cannot be supposed, that I wanted to be urged to take the part I did; on the contrary, I exerted myself to the utmost in my power to get away as early and as secretly as possible, being convinced that the plan was well laid, happy to find the ministry had come so readily into it, and sensible how much depended on despatch. Never was there a more glorious prospect before us than at that time, nor ever were my hopes and expectations raised higher on any occasion.

Having been honored with the particular confidence, and I may say friendship, of the minister, and knowing that the relief of my country and the defeat of its enemies depended solely on our seasonable arrival, I suffered no private considerations to detain me a single moment. I was not insensible that I had enemies in America; I knew well that I had them in France, in Mr Williams and Mr Arthur Lee, and I was well acquainted with their connexions in America; but conscious of the part I had acted, and of the services I had rendered, and was then doing, for my country, which services were not in words, but in acts, the most honorable testimonials of which, given by the highest and first characters in Europe or America, I had in my hands, I had nothing to apprehend. Though permit me to assure you, that had I at the time foreseen all that has happened, and that even my life, as well as reputation, were to be sacrificed on my return, to the interested views of my enemies, I should not have hesitated a moment on taking the part I actually did take at the time. On my arrival early in July, I repaired immediately to Congress, and informed them I waited their orders.

It was late in August before I had the honor of an audience. Many circumstances, as well as direct information, convinced me, of what I had before suspected, that ill offices had been done me, and my conduct misrepresented. When I was first heard before Congress, I therefore requested, that if anything had been alleged against any part of my conduct, or character, as the public agent and commissioner of Congress, I might be made acquainted therewith, and have an opportunity for an explanation. I received no answer, and consequently had a right to conclude no charge had been made against me. I was told by many of the honorable members, that they knew of none, nor had they heard of any. Conversing with an honorable friend of mine, I mentioned to him my expectation of returning to France early in the fall, on which he told me I must not expect it, for that my enemies had determined to throw such obstacles and difficulties in my way, as most probably would detain me here much longer than I thought for. I asked him how it was possible, when the business I was ordered home upon was so very simple and so easily finished, and when the unclosed state in which I had been obliged to leave many public transactions in Europe, made my returning as early as possible of consequence to the public, as well as to myself, and especially when nothing had, nor, I presumed, could be, alleged against me. He answered, that it was the design of those, who wished to sacrifice me to the family interests and emoluments of my enemies, to wear me out by delays, and, without any direct charges, to ruin me in the opinion of my countrymen by insinuations, hints, and innuendoes, that though I might with confidence rely on the justice of Congress, yet measures would be taken to delay it on one pretence or other, in a way that would prove prejudicial if not ruinous to me. Though I could by no means bring myself to think my friend's suspicions well founded at the time, yet they made me more attentive to what was passing, and my observations served to confirm them.

The many fruitless applications I made for near five months to obtain an audience of Congress, and to have the business I came out upon closed, are well known to Congress, and the inferences I drew from the silent neglects, which my requests met with, may be easily conceived. In this situation I determined to lay my case before my countrymen and fellow citizens, to whom I considered myself ultimately accountable, though immediately so to their representatives in Congress. In consequence of this determination, I published my address in the beginning of December. On the 5th, Congress resolved to hear me; on the 7th I attended, and was ordered to _report in writing my agency of their affairs in Europe, as soon as may be, &c._ In obedience to their commands, I delivered them a brief and faithful narrative of my transactions, from the time of my leaving America, and flattered myself, that, from the time which had elapsed from my recall, which was more than twelve months, and more than five from the time of my return and attendance, the fullest examination must have been made into every part of my conduct, and that I could not fail of obtaining an early decision. Confident in the justice of Congress, I forbore to address the public further, whilst my cause was before Congress, and whilst I daily expected their determination. From these considerations, I silently submitted to the torrent of abuse, misrepresentation, and calumny, which almost daily poured forth against me in the public papers.

I considered myself as the servant of Congress, and entitled to their protection; to them I constantly appealed, not for favors, I asked none, but for justice. It is now five months since I laid my narrative before Congress, and on my being informed that a committee was appointed to examine and report on Foreign Affairs, and that my narrative was referred to them, I applied repeatedly to several of the honorable members, and requested that, if in the course of their examination they met with anything, in the letters and documents before them, respecting my conduct, which required explanation, they would call upon me and acquaint me therewith. I was not notified to attend them on the subject, and though I am informed their report has been for several weeks before Congress, I am unacquainted with its contents, as well as with the letters and documents on which it has been made.

Since I had the honor of laying my narrative before Congress, I have repeatedly solicited for the decision of Congress, but am to this hour without the honor of any reply to the many letters I have written; it would be tedious and perhaps unnecessary to repeat the substance of them; it would take some time to refer to the dates only; they are before Congress, and to them I appeal whether they speak the language of a man conscious of having defrauded and injured the public, or that of an innocent but greatly injured free citizen. I have had the honor of acting in the character of political as well as commercial agent for these States; I have repeatedly observed that every thing relating to the former is already ascertained or ascertainable at this time, and I freely rest my merits in that department on facts, and on the testimony of those great personages, who best know what my conduct was, and who have generously, and without solicitation from me, publicly declared their approbation of it. With respect to my commercial, I have appealed and again appeal to that mode of trial, which will prove to a mathematical certainty whether I have embezzled or misapplied the public monies, or whether, for more than three years' faithful services, I have received anything more than my private expenses. I have for more than ten months past been constantly soliciting to have the accounts of the commissioners settled, on the issue of which I freely put my reputation, and every thing dear in life. My solicitations have been unsuccessful, whilst my enemies, taking the base and disingenuous advantage of the circumstances before mentioned of my leaving France, raise a cry against me and say--where are his accounts? why did he not bring them out? if they were not settled, why did he not stay and settle them? I must confess, that when I reflect that these very men owe their present political, as well as personal, safety, to the measure I then took, I am at a loss which prevails most in my mind, indignation or contempt.

I trust Congress will indulge me, and the rather as I hope not to be obliged to trouble them again soon, whilst I ask every unprejudiced and disinterested member of that honorable body, coolly to review the scenes I have passed through, and to place himself in the different situations I have been in at different periods, since my engaging in this great and important contest, and consider me, after having at the earliest period adopted and invariably pursued the most decisive and determined part, after having for more than four years devoted my whole time and abilities to the service of my country, more than three of which have been in the immediate service of Congress; after having, under every disadvantage and embarrassment, successfully solicited and procured most essential aid and supplies for these States; after having been the principal actor in concluding an alliance every way honorable and advantageous to these States, and then returning to my native country with honorable testimonials of my character and conduct from His Most Christian Majesty and his ministers, as well as from my friend and colleague, and the French nation in general; and with an armament, which promised, on its sailing, complete and decisive victory over the enemies of these States, and which, notwithstanding its misfortunes, relieved them (this capital in particular) from the deepest distress and the most imminent danger; after this, to be obliged to waste ten months in fruitless attendance and solicitation for justice to my fortune and character, and at last worn out with the most mortifying delays and contemptuous neglect, driven unrewarded and unthanked to collect the little which remains of the scattered wrecks of my fortune, and to retire loaded with the most outrageous and unmerited reproaches into obscurity, poverty, and exile;--I ask every member of that honorable body, even those the most unfavorably disposed towards me, to put themselves for a few moments in my case, which I have by no means colored beyond the real life, and then pass sentence.

The loss of interest has little weight with me, nor loss of time, infinitely more precious, if by either, the honor, safety, and prosperity of these States is promoted. In the present case I am deprived even of this consolation, having seen, to my inexpressible grief, the essential interests of these States sacrificed by the very measures, which have occasioned the delay of justice to me. I still glory in the character of a free American citizen, and when I fear to speak in the style of one, I shall deservedly forfeit the most honorable of all titles. It was just and proper that my first applications should be made to the representatives of my fellow citizens; I have made them in the most decent and urgent manner, and repeatedly. They have been treated with the most mortifying silent neglect, even whilst every thing dear in life to me, and more than life itself, my reputation, was suffering. I thank God I have sufficient fortitude to part with every thing in life, and life itself, in the service of my country, without repining; but no consideration whatever shall induce me silently to suffer my reputation and character to be abused and vilified, whilst I have the power either to act or speak. For ten months past I have presented myself and my case before Congress, such as could by no means be considered in a neutral point of light, but decidedly meriting their approbation or censure. I have not been able to obtain either. Justice, therefore, to my countrymen and fellow citizens, to myself, and those great and generous personages who protected and patronized me, and the cause I was charged with abroad, requires of me that I justify myself before the world, by laying before them a faithful and exact account of all my public transactions from the first, and of the treatment I have met with.

In doing this, (if laid under the necessity,) I shall on no occasion transgress against the strictest rules of truth and decency, nor be wanting in that respect, which I have ever paid, and shall ever pay to Congress, as the representative body of my fellow citizens. At the same time, I shall with proper firmness, and the dignity becoming a free but injured citizen, expose to public view those, whether in Congress or out, who, to promote partial, interested, and family views, have from the first systematically labored to prevent Congress from deciding on my conduct as the servant of the public, though the interest of these States called for their decision. I flatter myself I shall not be laid under the necessity of further application, but that Congress will relieve me from the unmerited distress I labor under by closing this long protracted affair, or at least by immediately taking such measures as will, without delay, do justice to my services.

I have the honor to be, with the most respectful esteem and attachment, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 18th August, 1779.

Sir,

I do myself the honor of enclosing a memorial,[22] which I beg of you to lay before Congress as early as may be, and I flatter myself it will be taken under their consideration as soon as is consistent with the other important affairs before them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[22] All the letters written by Mr Deane, from the 10th of July to the 18th of December, 1779, were on file in the Secretary's office of Congress, and taken thence for the purpose of having them recorded, with his other letters of a prior and subsequent date, which were filed in the office of Foreign Affairs, except the memorial mentioned to be enclosed in his letter of the 18th of August, 1779, which was then and is still missing.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 4th September, 1779.

Sir,

I take the liberty of addressing you on the subject of a memorial I presented to Congress, and to pray you would inform me what the determination of Congress has been thereon.

I have the honor to be, with the most sincere respect and attachment, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, 23d November, 1779.

Sir,

As I have received no answer to my memorial of the 16th of August last, I conclude none will be given, and, consequently, that I am laid under the necessity of returning to Europe in the best manner I can, and at my own expense.

I must confess, that when I reflect on the part I have acted, and the returns made me for my services, I have nothing but the consciousness of having done my duty to my country with zeal and integrity, and of having been successful in the important affairs I engaged in, to support me. Previous to my embarking, permit me to assure Congress, that my respect for them as the representative body of these States, is not lessened, nor my zeal for the service, prosperity, and happiness of my country abated, by the treatment I have met with. The expense of time and money, which I have suffered by my detention in this city, with the further expense I am now unavoidably forced to make, fall heavy on the small remains of a very moderate fortune; but as I go to vindicate what is dearer to me than either life or fortune, my honor and character, as the faithful servant of these States, and confident that in doing this, I shall render essential services to my country, I cheerfully submit.

On the 26th of August last, I received an order on the continental treasurer, signed by Joseph Nourse, for ten thousand five hundred dollars, said to be _in full consideration of my time and expenses during my attendance on Congress, from the 4th of June, 1778 until the 6th day of August last_.

I mean not the least disrespect to that honorable body, nor do I feel the slightest emotions of resentment towards those of them, who opposed the grant even of that sum to me, but the same feelings, which prompt me to further sacrifices, forbid my acceptance of a sum so inadequate to my actual expenses, and confident that the day is not far distant in which I shall demonstrate, not only that the public monies and supplies from abroad have been at first obtained, principally by my agency, but that the disposition of them, so far as depended on me, was made with the utmost possible economy and perfect integrity. I refer to that time the discussion of what recompense is due me for fourteen months' attendance in Philadelphia, in obedience to the orders of Congress, and for the other services I have been so fortunate as to render the United States. I have so often troubled Congress with my letters, and been so particular in them respecting my situation and affairs, that I need only refer to them at this time, particularly to my letter of the 22d of May last, and to submit the whole to their wise and mature consideration.

I have the honor to be, with the utmost respect to your private as well as public character, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Williamsburgh, 18th December, 1779.

Sir,

When I did myself the honor of writing you on the 16th of November last, the order of Congress in my favor on the continental treasurer for ten thousand five hundred dollars being mislaid, was not enclosed. I now take the liberty to enclose it, and have the honor to be, with the most sincere respect and attachment, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, 15th May, 1781.

Sir,

On my arriving in France, I applied to Mr Johnson to appoint a time for examining my accounts and vouchers, which I told him would soon be ready. He informed me, that he had determined not to accept the appointment, and that he had informed Congress of his resolution sometime before. Though this was a severe disappointment to me, yet I flattered myself that Congress would not delay the naming some other to the office, and in this hope I came to Paris in August last, and entered on the adjustment of my accounts, which have been for many months ready for settlement, yet, to my extreme mortification, I cannot get them closed for want of an auditor, or person empowered by Congress to examine them.

I pray Congress would candidly review the circumstances I have been under, from my leaving France in April, 1778, to this time. After having to that time faithfully and successfully served them, I was, in obedience to their orders, obliged to make a voyage to America, and to wait their pleasure in Philadelphia for more than a year, unable to obtain their decision on my conduct, though it was almost daily solicited by me; the only objection made was, that my accounts remained unsettled; as soon as Congress appointed an auditor to examine them, I set out on my voyage to Europe, regardless of danger or expense, fondly hoping that at last I should be able to close my accounts, and to receive the balance due to me, but what was infinitely more important, to vindicate my injured character. The expenses of my voyage were great, and during ten months' attendance here, they have been still greater, and though there is evidently a large balance in my favor, I have been refused money for my support. I have never asked of Congress anything but common justice, in the payment of my just demands, out of which, I have now been kept for three years. My necessities would long since have justified my seizing on the public property here to the amount of the money due to me, but I have been withheld from doing it on account of my regard for the credit of my country, and have rather chosen to be obliged to strangers for money for my support. And to what purpose is it for me to leave France, and return with my accounts and vouchers unaudited? It is equally useless to transmit them in that state. My enemies represented me as a defaulter, grown rich out of the public monies in my hands, and prejudiced the minds of Congress so strongly against me, that all my efforts in America to obtain even a hearing were vain and ineffectual. My present situation, as well as the state of my accounts, give the lie to every assertion or insinuation of the kind, yet I am still left to suffer under the calumny in America, and to be obliged to strangers for money for my support in Europe. I will not trust myself further on the subject, lest something escape me which may offend, without my intending it.

I hope Congress will impartially review my case in every stage of it, and that they will not force me to appeal to the laws of a foreign nation, or to the tribunal of the public in Europe, for the recovery of my right, and for justice to my character, which the great and first law of nature will oblige me to do, unless immediately relieved by those who owe me, and more who owe to their own character, and to that of their country, the justice which I demand.

I have the honor to be,

With great esteem and respect, &c.

SILAS DEANE.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Ghent, 17th March, 1782.

Sir,

I have written repeatedly to Congress, and to Mr Morris, and enclosed my accounts; as I have not been honored with any answer, I fear either that my letters may have been intercepted, or that the multiplicity of business has prevented.

Mr Barclay has been here some days; he has looked into my accounts with the public, and I have given him a copy of them, which he has promised me to send by the most safe conveyance, and does me the favor of enclosing this to you, which is simply to request that you would take, or procure to be taken, such measures as will bring on a final and decisive settlement of my accounts.

Mr Barclay tells me, that he has no orders on the subject, and that it lies in your department. I have, therefore, taken the liberty to address myself to you.

Mr Barclay, after viewing my accounts, proposed that auditors, or arbitrators, should be named at Paris, to audit and settle the accounts. I have not the least objection to this, nor shall I have any against any person, or persons, named by Congress, provided they are such as have a competent knowledge of accounts, and are impartial. I am willing, either to nominate one part of them, or to leave the whole nomination to Dr Franklin, as Congress shall prefer, or to submit my accounts to the examination of Mr Barclay alone, provided that he be empowered to take the opinion of disinterested persons on the spot, as to any dubious or uncertain articles, and to make a final close of the affair.

You will, by exerting your interest to bring this affair to a settlement, do, as I conceive, material service to the public, and certainly lay the utmost obligations on one, who has the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, &c.[23]

SILAS DEANE.

FOOTNOTES:

[23] In addition to articles in the newspapers, Mr Deane wrote a pamphlet, vindicating himself from the charges that were brought against him, chiefly by Mr Arthur Lee, in two publications, and in his letters to Congress. This pamphlet was dated London, August 10th, 1783, and entitled, "_An Address to the United States of North America; to which is added, a Letter to the Honorable Robert Morris, with notes and observations._" This address was printed in England and the United States.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF THE

COMMISSIONERS

FROM THE UNITED STATES TO THE COURT OF FRANCE.

Commissioners were appointed by Congress, for transacting the business of the United States at the Court of France, on the 26th of September, 1776. The persons chosen were Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Thomas Jefferson. On the 22d of October, Arthur Lee was elected in the place of Mr Jefferson, who declined accepting the appointment. These three commissioners met in Paris about the middle of December, where they continued to reside, chiefly employed in procuring military supplies and money for the United States, till they signed the treaty of alliance, February 6th, 1778. They were presented to the king, as representatives of an independent State, on the 20th of March. Silas Deane being recalled, John Adams was elected to supply his place, November 28th, 1777. Dr Franklin was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of France, September 14th, 1778, at which time the Commission was dissolved.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF THE

COMMISSIONERS

AT THE COURT OF FRANCE.

* * * * *

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE, AND ARTHUR LEE, COMMISSIONERS AT PARIS.[24]

Baltimore, 21st December, 1776.

Gentlemen,

After expressing our hopes, that this will find you all three safely fixed at Paris, we proceed with pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of Mr Deane's letter of the 1st of October. When we reflect on the character and views of the Court of London, it ceases to be a wonder, that the British ambassador, and all other British agents, should employ every means that tended to prevent European powers, and France more especially, from giving America aid in this war. Prospects of accommodation, it is well known, would effectually prevent foreign interference, and, therefore, without one serious design of accommodating on any principles, but the absolute submission of America, the delusive idea of conciliation has been industriously suggested on both sides of the water, that, under cover of this dividing and aid-withholding prospect, the vast British force sent to America, might have the fairest chance of succeeding, and this policy has in fact done considerable injury to the United States, as we shall presently show by a just detail of this campaign, for it is not yet ended.

You know, gentlemen, that, at the moment a potent land and marine force was preparing to be sent hither, an act was passed for appointing commissioners, who, too many expected, were to give peace to America. As, therefore, the war might be soon concluded, so were our military arrangements accommodated, and the troops taken into service the last spring, consisting of regular corps and bodies of militia, were all engaged for short periods. With these the campaign began in various parts of North America. Dr Franklin is so well acquainted with the progress of the war in Canada, previous to his departure, that we need only observe, the campaign has ended as favorably for us in that quarter, as we could reasonably expect. The enemy, having been able to pierce no further than Crown Point, after a short stay, and reconnoitering General Gates' army, at Ticonderoga, thought proper to recross the lake, and leave us in quiet possession of those passes. General Gates, having left a proper force at Ticonderoga, and on the communication, retired with the rest of his troops. New York and its neighborhood not being defensible by an army singly against a strong land and sea force, acting in conjunction, was, of necessity, yielded to the enemy, after some contest, General Washington retiring, until the situation of the country above Kingsbridge no longer enabled the enemy to receive aid from their ships.

General Howe having stopped here, and General Carleton at Crown Point, effectually disappointed the great object of joining the two armies. The latter, as we have said, returning to Canada, and the former retreating from the White Plains towards New York, gave us a favorable prospect of seeing a happy end put to this dangerous campaign, however many causes have concurred in producing an unlucky reverse of fortune, such as the nature of the country, the uncommon fineness of the weather, even to this day, and, above all, the short enlistments, which gave the soldiery an opportunity of going home, tired as they were with the operations of an active summer.

When General Howe retreated from the White Plains, he halted his whole army on the North River, between Dobbs' Ferry and Kingsbridge, where he remained for some time. Having effected so little of the great business that brought him here, and the season allowing him time for it, most men were of opinion, that the next attempt would be, to get possession of Philadelphia by a forced march through the Jerseys, whilst a fleet should be sent up the Delaware to facilitate the enterprise. To guard against such a manoeuvre, General Washington crossed the North River with all the battalions, that had been raised to the westward of it, leaving General Lee, with the eastern troops, to guard the pass of the Highlands on Hudson River. In this situation of things, General Howe made a sudden attack upon Fort Washington, with the greatest part of his army, and carried it with considerable loss, making nearly three thousand of our men prisoners. By this event, it became unnecessary longer to hold Fort Lee, or Fort Constitution, as it was formerly called, which is on the west side of the North River, nearly opposite Fort Washington. It had therefore been determined to abandon Fort Lee, but before the stores could be all removed, the enemy came suddenly upon it, and the garrison retreated, leaving some of their baggage and stores behind.

About this time General Howe became possessed of a letter, (by the agency of some wicked person, who contrived to get it from the express) written by General Washington to the Board of War, in which he had given an exact account when the time of service of all our battalions would expire, and his apprehensions, that the men would not re-enlist without first going home to see their families and friends. Possessed of this intelligence, the opportunity was carefully watched, and a vigorous impression actually made at the very crisis, when our army in the Jerseys was reduced to 3000 men by the retiring of numbers, and the sickness of others; and before militia could, in this extensive country, be brought up to supply their places, the enemy marched rapidly on through the Jerseys, whilst our feeble army was obliged to retreat from post to post until it crossed the Delaware at Trenton, where about 2500 militia from the city of Philadelphia joined the General.

Since General Howe's arrival on the borders of the Delaware, various manoeuvres and stratagems have been practised to effect a passage over the river, but they have hitherto failed. General Washington's small army is placed along the West side of the Delaware to within fourteen miles of Philadelphia, from above Coryel's Ferry, which, with the gondolas, one frigate of thirtytwo guns, and other armed vessels in the river above the Cheveaux de Frize, cover the passage of it. General Lee (who had crossed the North River with as many of the eastern troops as could be spared from the defence of the Highlands, either to join General Washington, or to act on the enemy's rear, as occasions might point out) was the other day surprised and made prisoner by a party of seventy light horse, who found him in a house a few miles in the rear of his army, with his domestics only. This loss, though great, will in some degree be repaired for the present by General Gates, who, we understand, has joined the army commanded by General Lee, and who, we have reason to think, has by this time effected a junction of his force with that of General Washington.

As the militia are marching from various quarters to reinforce the General, if the enemy do not quickly accomplish their wishes of possessing Philadelphia, we hope not only to save that city, but to see General Howe retreat as fast as he advanced through the Jerseys. General Clinton, with a fleet, in which it is said he carried 8000 men, has gone from New York through the Sound, some suppose for Rhode Island, but neither his destination, or its consequences are yet certainly known to us.

Thus, gentlemen, we have given you a true detail of the progress and present state of our affairs, which, although not in so good a posture as they were two months ago, are by no means in so bad a way, as the emissaries of the British court will undoubtedly represent them. If the great land and sea force, with which we have been attacked, be compared with the feeble state, in which the commencement of this war found us with respect to military stores of all kinds, soldiers' clothing, navy and regular force; and if the infinite art be considered, with which Great Britain has endeavored to prevent our getting these necessaries from foreign parts, which has in part prevailed, the wonder will rather be, that our enemies have made so little progress, than that they have made so much.

All views of accommodation with Great Britain, except on principles of peace as independent States, and in a manner perfectly consistent with the treaties our commissioners may make with foreign States, being totally at an end, since the declaration of independence and the embassy to the court of France, Congress have directed the raising of ninetyfour battalions of infantry, with some cavalry; thirteen frigates from twentyfour to thirtysix guns are already launched and fitting, and two ships of the line, with five more frigates, are ordered to be put on the stocks. We hear the levies are going on well in the different States. Until the new army is collected, the militia must curb the enemy's progress. The very considerable force that Great Britain has already in North America, the possibility of recruiting it here within their own quarters by force and fraud together, added to the reinforcements that may be sent from Europe, and the difficulty of finding funds in the present depressed state of American commerce, all conspire to prove incontestibly, that if France desires to preclude the possibility of North America being ever reunited with Great Britain, now is the favorable moment for establishing the glory, strength, and commercial greatness of the former kingdom, by the ruin of her ancient rival. A decided part now taken by the Court of Versailles, and a vigorous engagement in the war in union with North America, would with ease sacrifice the fleet and army of Great Britain, at this time chiefly collected about New York. The inevitable consequence would be, the quick reduction of the British Islands in the West Indies, already barred of defence by the removal of their troops to this continent.

For reasons here assigned, gentlemen, you will readily discern how all important it is to the security of American independence, that France should enter the war as soon as may be; and how necessary it is, if it be possible, to procure from her the line of battle ships, you were desired, in your instructions, to obtain for us, the speedy arrival of which here, in the present state of things, might decide the contest at one stroke.

We shall pay proper attention to what Mr Deane writes concerning Dr Williamson and Mr Hopkins, and we think, that the ill treatment this country and Mr Deane have received from these men, strongly suggests the necessity of reserve with persons coming to France as Americans, and friends to America, about whom the most irrefragable proofs have not removed all doubt.[25]

The British recall of their Mediterranean passes is an object of great consequence, and may require much intercession with the Court of France to prevent the mischiefs, that may be derived to American commerce therefrom, but this subject has been already touched upon in your instructions on the sixth article of the treaty, proposed to be made with France. As all affairs relative to the conduct of commerce and remittance pass through another department, we beg leave to refer you to the Secret Committee and Mr Thomas Morris, their agent in France, for every information on those subjects. The neighborhood of Philadelphia having, by the enemy's movements, become the seat of war, it was judged proper that Congress should adjourn to this town, where the public business may be attended to with the undisturbed deliberation that its importance demands. The Congress was accordingly opened here on the 20th inst.

As it is more than probable, that the conference with Lord Howe, on Staten Island, may be misrepresented to the injury of these States, we do ourselves the pleasure to enclose you an authenticated account of the whole business, which the possibility of Dr Franklin's not arriving renders proper. This step was taken to unmask his lordship and evince to the world, that he did not possess powers, which, for the purpose of delusion and division, had been suggested.